imAf'f '>>"■■ •-■:r.'^->-'
THE T. R G.
HARRISON
COLLECTION DF
lilNETEENTH
IrITISH SOCIALHIpfQR^'
"• ••<.•;'.'> -^
DA . '"' -'"^S^
vo
1.1
«^ ■.«
^
f
7 ^^
V ^
I
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH;
OR,
POLITICS f5r the poor. iV.1
VOLUME I-
fbUim jrvxt-r, 1830, TO Jlrxarxsy idsi, x«rox>irszvs.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY THE AUTHOR, AND SOLD AT No. xi, BOLT-COURT, FLEET.
STREET J AND MAY BE HAD OF ALL BOOKSELLERS.
1831.
c^.
V
aaoo
CONTENTS.
ho,
1. Introduction. To tKe Weaver
Boys of Lancashire. Privy
Councillors and Consuls.
Equal Laws. King's Death.
Emigration.
2. To the Working Classes
throughout the Kingdom.
State of Things in France.
History of England.
3. To the Working People of
England and Scotland. His-
tory of England.
4. To the Industrious Classes at
Botley, in Hampshire. Pe-
tion to the King.
5. Fires in Kent and Sussex.
To the Working People of
England.
6. To the Farmers of the County
of Kent, on the Measures
which they ought at this
Time to- adopt and pursue,
in order to preserve their
Property, and restore their
Country to a state of Peace
and Harmony.
7. To the Labourers of Eng-
lanfl,on the Measures which
ought to be adopted with
regard to the Tithes, and
with regard to other Pro-
perty, commonly called
Church-property.
8. A Letter to the King's Minis*
ters on the Way to put a
stop to the Fires. To the La-
bourers, on their Duties and
their Rights. To the Folks
of Botley on the Fire at Fle-
ming's House at Stoneham
Park.
9. To the Labourers of Eng-
land, particularly those of
Kent, Sussex, HantSjWilts,
Dorset, Berks, and Suffolk ;
on the Scheme now on foot
for getting part of them
away out of their Native
Country. Preston Cock.
10. To the Labourers of Eng-
land, on the subject of Par*
liamentary Reform. In-
structions to Labourers for
raising Cobbett's Corn.
About Truck-System, and
about Preston Cock.
11. To the Working People of
the whole Kingdom, on the
Effects which a Parliamen-
tary Reform will have with
regard to them. " Libe-
ral''Whig Prosecution. To
the Conductors of the Paris
Journals.
12. SoRPLUs Population ; a Co-
medy, in Three Acts.
No. I.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of Juhj, 1830.
INTRODUCTION.
Bristol, 25th June, 1830.
1. The object of this publication is, to explain to the
people of this kingdom what it is that, in spite of all the
industry and frugality that they can practise, keeps them
poor. The causes of the poverty of the sluggard, the glut-
ton, the drunkard, and the squanderer, need no explanation;
poverty is the natural effect of ^ese vic4si^rife is Ihe punish-
ment which God himself has said shall be the reward of
these offences against his laws. But this nation is now in
such a state^ that no industry, no care, no ingenuity, no
prudence, no foresight, no frugality, can give a man security
against poverty. This was the happiest country in the world ;
it was the country of roast beef; it was distinguished above
all other nations for the good food, good raiment, and good
morals, of its people; and it is now as much distinguished
for the contrary of all of them.
' 2. It is, therefore, to explain to the suffering people at
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street ;
and sold by ail Booksellers.
B
2 Two-penny Trash;
large, the causes of this lamentable change, that this little
cheap work is intended ; and the reasons why it has the
title of Two-pe7iny Trash, and why it is to be published
only monthly, are as follows: from 1801 to 1817, I pub-
lished the Weekly Political Register, at the price, first of
ten- pence, then of a shilling ; but just before the com-
mencemeiit of the last-mentioned year, I, in order to give
my writings a wide spread, laid aside the stainp, and sold
the Register for two-pence ; and instead of selling about
two or three thousand a week, the sale rose to sixty or
seventy thousand. The effect was prodigious ; the people
•were every-where upon the stir in the cause of parliament-'
ary reform; petitions came to the Parliament early in 1817,
from a million and a half of men.
3. The answers to these petitions were, laws to enable
the ministers to take, at theif pleasure, any man that they
might suspect of treasonable intentions ; to put him into
any jail and any dungeon that they might choose ; to keep
him there for any time that they might choose; to deprive
him of the use of pen, ink, and paper ; to keep him from the
sight of parents, wife, children, and friends ; and all this on
their own mere will, and at their sole pleasure, without regu-
lar commitment, without confronting him with his accuser,
without letting him know who was his accuser, and without
stating even to himself, what was his offence!
4. The principal ministers at this time were. Liver pooi,
(Jenkinson), First Lord of the Treasury; Eldon (John
X Scott), Lord Chancellor; Sidmouth (Addington), Secre-
tary of State for the Home Department; Castlereagh
(Stewart), for the Foreign Department; Ellenborgugii
(Law), Chief Justice of the Kings Bench. Sidmouth,
when he brought in this horrible bill, rested the necessity of
it on the fact, that the cheap publications were exciting the
people to sedition;, that they were read, not only in every
1
1st July, 1830. d
town and house, but in every hamlet, every cottage, ancj
^yery hovel ; and that therefore this power-of-imprison^
ment law was necessary to the safety of the state. Wheu
^.ORD Holland observed, that if the authors of the cheap
'publications put forth any- thing of a treasojiable or sedi^
^iOM5 nature, or any-thing hostile to good morals, there were
cklready laivs to punish them, that it was the business of the
law-officers to enforce these laws, and tha}: there was no-
i^eed for this new and violent outrage on the constitution of
our fathers for putting into the hands of the ministers this
absolute and terrible power oyer the bodies of all the people :
when Lord Holland made these observations, Sidmouth
answered, that all the cheap publications hsid been laid be^
fore the law -officer Sy but that, so crafty were the writers
become, that the law-officers had been able to find nothing
to prosecute with any chance of success !
5. Upon this ground this tremendous law w^as passed, the
great defenders of it in the House of Commons being, Cas-
tlereagh. Canning, William Lamb, William Elliott, and
some others, whose names I do not now recollect. The
Whigs, as they were called, made a feeble, and, indeed, a
mere sham opposition to it, while Burdett, who had by ^
circular letter, signed with his own 7iame, urged the people,
all over the country, to come resolutely forward in the cause
of reform, sat in the House, and said not one single word
in their defence !
6 I, whose cheap publications had produced the terrific
effect, must have been blind indeed, not to see that a dun-
g eon or silence, w^as my doom. I chose neither; and,
therefore, I took my body, and the bodies of my family^
across the Atlantic ; and thence, to the cruel disappoint-
ment and mortification of Addi^^gton, Scot-t^ Law, and
C^.j I sept to London a Two-penny Register, to be
p^biished once ^ week^ and it was published once ^ week, as
B 2
4 Two-penny Trash;
punctually as if I had been in London. The fate of numerous
other of the poor petitioning reformers proved the wisdom
of my precaution, in taking myself and family out of Sid-
mouth's reach. Some lost their health, others their senses,
one destroyed himself in his dungeon ; and those who came
out alive and in health and sane, were totally ruined, and
the married men found their families starving, or dead ;
and when they^; humbly petitioned for redress for those
wrongs, and for a knowledge of their crime and their
accusers, they were referred to an act that had just been
passed, bearing harmless all those who had had a hand in
imprisoning and punishing them, eve'A beyond the limits of
the]horrible law itself !
7. It is useless to burst out into execrations. .We must
lceep]ourselves cool, and endeavour so to act ourselves, as to
prevent the like of this from happening in future. This
liorrible law having ceased in 1819, I came back to Eng»
land, late in the month of November of that year; and I
found the Parliament preparing an act to meet me. The
cheap publication w^as still going on : it had out-lived Sid-
mouth's law : it w^as now found to be useless to pass power-
of-imprisonment laws to put it down ; for the only effect
would be another trip for me across the Atlantic. Now,
then, a new invention was resorted to : an act w^as passed to
punish with great severity any one who should publish,
without a stamp, any-thing, periodically, that should not
contain Twore than two sheets of paper, each sheet being, at
least, twenty^one inches long and seventeen inches wide^
containing no advertisements , and no blank pages ; and
iesides this, the publication was not to be sold for less than
sixpence I
8. This act, generally called Cobbett's Act, so loaded me
and my readers with expense, that it reduced the circulation
to a tenth part, perhaps, oi what it was before. Still it kept
1st July, 1831. 5
on well ; but, at last, in 1829, I determined to give it the
wings aflPorded by the post ; and there it is now, sold by me
for SIXPENCE to the news-men, out of which the Parliament
takes only a farthing for tax on the paper, and four
pence for tax on the stamp ; leaving me a penny three
farthings, to pay for paper, print,and publishing, to compen-
sate me for my labour as author, and to fill my breast with
grateful feelings towards '' the envy of surrounding nations,
and admiration of the world," and particularly towards that
branch of it which Sm James Graham, some time ago,
denominated, the noblest assembly of free men upon the
face of the earth ; not knowing, I presume, that there
might be a still nobler assembly beneath the surface of that
same earth !
9. Well, then, but how can I now publish this work ^of
one sheet, and sell it for two-pence ? Why, the " noblest
assembly '' made an exception with regard to monthly pub-
lications. That was very good of the '' noblest assembly."
To let people read cheap publications oftener than once a
month was dangerous. Well, then, they can have them
only once a month : only at every change of the moon.
Dear, good, kind, and careful, " noblest assembly ! "
Therefore it is that I shall publish this little work once a
month, and on the first day pf every month, at my shop.
No. 11, Bolt Court, Fleet Street.
10. The name of Two-penny Trash is chosen in the
way of triumph over my cowardly and malignant foes.
When my two-penny publication was producing such great
eflfect, in the year 1817, Gifford, Walter, Stuart,
and the other hack-supporters of the system, called it
" Two-penny Trash.*' Nick-names have been fre-
quently given to things which have finally become famed
under those very nick^names. When the Americans began
their noble stand against taxation without representation^
6 Two-penny Trash ;
our stupid and insolent commanders gave them the nick-
Bame of Yankees, and, in derision, used to cause their
bands of music to play an air which they called ^* Yankee-
doodle/' The Americans adopted the name, applied it
to themselves, and made the air the national tune ; and
while their drums beat and their fifes were playing that
tune ; aye, to the beating and the playing of that very tune^
the noble and haughty Counwallis and his insulting army
laid down their arms, and the noble general gave up his
sword, and acknowledged themselves in captivity to these
same *' Yankees ! " When the people of France resolved to
shake off that slavery, for enduring which we had satirized
them and despised them for so many ages, those who were
for the change were insultingly called sans-culottes ;
ihat is to say, men without breeches, or people without the
means of covering their nakedness. They adopted the
uame ; and, in a short time, every one was ambitious to be
thought a ''good sans-culotte,'* The Order of the
Garter arose from contempt and ridicule bestowed on that
insignificant article of dress, in consequence of a trifling
occurrence at a ball at which Edward III. was present;
Arid do we not know that the Cross itself, which has been
for one thousand eight hundred and thirty years held in
veneration throughout the Christian world, was once syno-
Dymous with the gibbet ; that it was the sign and badge of
ignominy and infamy ; and that now it hangs as an orna-
ment even on the bosom of beauty !
*' On her white breast a sparkling cross she wore.
Which Jews niight kiss, and infidels adore.'*
11. Upon the same principle I adopted the name of
" Two-penny Trash." Under that name I took my
leave of it when the two-sheet-and-more law was passed ia
1819, in the following words : *' And now, ' Two-penny-
• 1st July, 1830. ;7
Tra&b/ dear little two-penny trash, go thy ways. Thou
itast acted thy part in this grand drama. Ten thousand
wagon-loads of the volumes that fill the libraries and
booksellers' shops have never caused a thousandth part of ^.^
the thinking, nor a millionth part of the stir, that thou hast
caused. Thou hast frightened more and greater villains
than ever were frightened by the jail and the gibbet ; and
thou hast created more pleasure and more hope in the
breasts of honest men, than ever were before created by
tongue or pen since England was England. When thy
stupid, corrupt, malignant, and cow^ardly enemies shall be
rotten and forgotten, thou wilt live, be beloved, admired,
and renowned.'*
12. Two-penny Trash is now again come to life.
What will be the object of its contents I have before
idescribed, These contents must, however^ be pithy ; they
rinust consist of opinions shortly stated, of striking and use-
iul facts, and of narrations at once brief, clear, and interest-
ipg. The Register must be devoted to essays of considerable
length: to subjects for discussion, I shall, following the
^manner that I have adopted in my other books, number
THE PARAGRAPHS, to make them of easy reference. The
twelve Numbers w^ill make a volume of two hundred and
eighty -eight pages, costing two shillings and sixpence^
and another sixpence, for binding, makes a neat little
book of it, to be kept and read, I hope, for a century to
come. The last number of the twelve will contain an
Index for the volume,
13. Booksellers, or hawkers, in the country, will please,
.to apply to their agents, or correspondents, in London, as I
do not supply any country booksellers from my shop. Beino^
published punctually on the last day of every month, the
Trash will very conveniently travel in company with the
monthly family of Reviews, Magazines, tracts, and the like.
8 Two-penny Trash;
which observe, however, I by no means insinuate to be
Trash ; God forbid that I^ or any one else, should call
them by that name.
TO THE
" WEAVER-BOYS OF LANCASHIRE."
Bristol^ 26th June, 1830.
My Friends,
14. Now look at the state of the country, and call to
your recollection the scorn with which this name was given
you, in 1817, by those whom Mr. Fitton, of Royton,
most aptly denominated, '' the Order of the Pigtail,"
Look at the order of the pig -tail now ! They have found,
at last, that, in spite of the lies of " the Liar of the North,"
Baines of Leeds, trade does not revive ! They have found
that that which you prayed for in 1817, would, if it had
been granted, have saved them ; they have found, at last,
that if the array had been disbanded, the interest of the
debt justly reduced, the pensions, sinecures, and uselesi?
salaries, lopped off, and the Dead Weight reduced to a just
amount; they have now found, that if these things had
been done, they would not at this moment be compelled to
resort to a miserable and degrading system of Truck, in
order to get the profits of the shop-keeper, the house-owner,
the butcher, the baker, and, as in some parts of Stafford and
Warwick-shires, even the profits of the barber! W^hen the
*^ Order of the Pig-tail" were calling for laws to prevent
you from overturning *' our happy constitution in Church
and State," they little dreamed that the day was so near at
hand when they would be compelled, by this happy thing,
to have their workmen shaved by the dozen, upon tick, for
w^ant of money to pay to the m.en to get themselves shaved !
They get the shaving done at tenpence, or, perhaps, six-
pence a dozen", and, if the men want the money, and be
left to shave themselves, they cannot get the money, be-
cause that would deduct from the profits of the employer :
he would have a penny to pay to each in ready money ;
and they pay the shaver in truckl
• IstJuly, 1830. 9
15. Little did they dream of the approach of a state of
things like this, when they were calling upon the govern*
ment to suppress your petitions, and were representing you
as bent (under pretence of seeking for parliamentary reform)
upon the overthrow of all law and the destruction of all
property. Those whom they then called upon for laws to
shut you up in dungeons, have now given them laws to their
hearts' content ; and as to property, they have left them
nothing but the name ; not a man of them having one single
shilling, on the permanent possession of which he can rely,
as a resource for his family.
16. Since I left London^ on the 8th of March last, I have
been from London to the mouth of the Thames ; from the
mouth of the Thames I have been to the mouth of the Hum^
her ', from the mouth of the Humber I am come to the
mouth of the Severn ; I have ridden more than a thousand
miles ; I have walked about three hundred and fifty
miles ; I have made fifty-four speeches ; I have been in
commercial towns, manufacturing towns, agricultural towns;
I have conversed with merchants, manufacturers, trades-
men, operatives,, artisans, and labourers ; and, every ^where
in every county, town, and village, I find the same tale of
deep distress amongst all those who do not live on the
taxes. Those of the sufferers who besought the government
to put you and me into dungeons, have, however, Dne great
consolation ; namely, that it is not Jacobins and Radicals
that have brought these calamities upon them ; that, if they
be made beggars, as the greater part of them will be, they
have, at any rate, the happiness to know, for a certainty,
that the beggary has not been occasioned by those *^ evil-«
disposed,*' "designing" men, whom the Prince Regent
expressed his noble determination to put down.
17. Yes, my friends, when these base villains, these greedy
and cowardly and barbarous and stupid slaves, were exult-
ing over our sufferings ; when they were joining Canning,
the insolent and empty Canning, in laughing at the ex-
cruciating tortures of poor Ogden ; when they were making
sport of the bowels being forced out of his aged body ; when
they were making a jest of the groans of so many innocent
victims of their malice ; when they were applauding the
works of Sidmouth; Castlereagh, Canning, Parson Hay,
b5
10 Two*PENNY Trash;
Oliver, Castles, and Edwards ; when they were shouting at
the fall of every head that came tumbling from the block;
^^hen they were praising Burdett for his abandonment of us
^nd our cause; when they were singing triumph at my
flight across the seas : then, my friends, they little thought
of beholding times like these, times which we foresaw, times
for which our minds were duly prepared, and times in act-
ing our part with regard to the consequences of which we
shall, I trust, not be found wanting.
18. I will, now, first endeavour to describe to you the state
of the country, and then speak of the causes of that state.
^\\Q final consequetices will then appear to you clear enough ;
and you will be duly prepared for those consequences. The
state* of the country is this: That all the industrious and
useful classes, from the attorney and the surgeon and
physician, down to the mechanic and the labourer, are
"suffering loss, privation, embarrassment, and distress; while
the idlers, and all who live on the taxes, are living in
luxury ; that merchants, manufacturers, and tradesmen, all
lind the profits of their callings diminish daily, and, gene-
' rally speaking, themselves on the eve of insolvency; that
shopkeepers do not sell half the quantity of goods that they
-used to sell, and that even those they sell to little profit;
"that the farmers are, if possible, still worse oif, as their pro-
' duce sells for, on an average, not more than the half of what
'it ought to sell for to enable them to pay their rents, and to
pay wa,ges sufficient for the due sustenance of their work-
people ; that the working classes, those whose labours
• create all useful things, are, therefore, in a state of half-
* starvation, and are covered with miserable rags, instead of
•that good and decent clothing with which their forefathers
"were covered.
19. Such is a general description of the state of the coun-
•ti*y, the parliament of which, Sir James Graham tells ug,
'is '^ the noblest assembly^' on the face of the earth. And
now for an instance or two of the wretchedness of this state.
\ have lately passed through the cloth-making part of
Gloucestershire, and a part of Wiltshire, where the same
business has, until lately, been carried on. Of all the coun-
tries that God, in his goodness, ever made for the enjoyment
of man, even in this the most favoured land, this seems to
1st July, 1830,, II
be the most delightful, and, for its extent, the most valu-
able. Rich land, beautiful woods, water bubbling from the
hills in iall directions, coal in abundance at a short distance,
stone and slate the substratum of the soil, and a fine corn and
dairy country ^ in every direction, as you look from the hills
that bound these winding and ever- varying valleys, where the
climate is so mild, and the gardens so early and so blessed
with products. Yet this spot, under the management of
the famous 65^, has become the abode of gaunt hunger and
raving despair, saying to the beholder, *' These are the effects
** of that system of sway, the upholders of which call it, the
*^ * envy of surrounding nations, and the admiration of the
" world!'"
20. The innumerable cloth-mills in these valleys seem to
be generally deserted ; the drying -grounds on these pretty
slopes, which, a few years ago, I saw so many closely^
shaven and beautiful lawns ^ have now the long grass standing
to be cut for hay; and the railings, ot frames, for hanging
the cloth on, have no marks of footsteps near them, and seem
to be gradually rotting down ; while the farmers in the neigh-
bourhood are, from the want of employment for the manu-
facturers, so loaded with poor-rates, that many of the farms
are let /or no rent at all, the only condition being that the
farmer pay the rates', and even this he is unable to do
•without loss. At Malmsbury, in Wiltshire, where there
were two cloth-mills, one is turned into a grist-mill, and the
other appears to be nearly at a stand. At Calne, in that
county where there were two mills, both (and very fine
mills) are shut up, and the grass growing in the walks and
paths, before kept bare by busy footsteps. This, for many
miles round, is a country alike famous for corn and for
cheese; it is literally ** a land flowing with milk and honeys "
and here human anxiety and misery reign supreme ! Here,
where God has been so bountiful, the 658 step in, and say
th^t enjoyment and innocence shall be supplanted by want
and by crime !
21. The farmers sell that cheese for 405. a ton (2,240lbs),
which they used to sell for 80s. Their wheat, notwithstand-
ing two successive half-crops, is at less than half the price
that it used to be some years back. They have no stock on
hand ; their stocks of all kinds are becoming smaller and
12 Two-penny Trash;
smaller; their laud is daily becoming worse cultivated;
their teams of horses worth less and less ; their harness and
implements of all sorts more and more shabby, and of lesa
and less value ; their clothing, and that of their families,
more and more mean ; and as to the labourers, their bodies
are clad in disgraceful rags^ and their bellies, when filled at
all, with miserable potatoes, and this amidst all this corn,
and meat, and milk, and butter, and cheese ! Amidst
this misery, crime stalks abroad in open day; the jails
have been augmented four-fold in the space of a few
years ! At the Assizes the criminals are so numerous that
barristers are appointed to assist judges ; no moveable pro-
perty is safe out of the security of locks and bars ; and the
immoveable is incessantly in danger from the hand of vin-
dictive hunger; which, in many cases, has produced the
destruction of horses, oxen, and other animals, hy poison!
22. Such, such taxation and paper-money and game-
laws, are your desolating works ! Such are the effects of a
Parliament that *' works so well,'' and that stands in need
" of no reform ! Such are the hitherto results of that system,
for having prayed for a change in which we were driven
across the Atlantic, crammed into dungeons, and otherwise
punished and ruined. Such, my friends, are the natural
and unavoidable consequences of a system that gives the
people at large no share in the making of the laws which
impose taxes upon them, and which dispose of those taxes.
23. But, now, as the chief object of this work is to ex-
t'plain to the people at large How it is that they are
MADE POOR, I must bsgiTi to show the manner in which
the system works to produce the above-described effects;
in other words, to show what are the immediate causes of
a state of things so unnatural, so contrary to what reason
and nature seem to prescribe with voice irresistible. This
immediate cause is, ENORMOUS TAXATION co-ope-
rating with laws making CHANGES IN THE VALUE
OF MONEY. Let me first speak of the taxation itself; and
afterwards show how the effects of that have been aggravated
*"by the changes in the value of money. If, with regard to
these matters, I succeed in laying down the principles well
and clearly, it will then be easy for me to show you why the
taxation is imposed, who it is that profits from it, and how
1st July, 1830. 13
we ought to go to work to cause it to be reduced so as to
put an end to the present evils, and effectually to guard
against the like in future ; for, unless these objects be
effected, is there a man in his sober senses who does not
fear that the end must be here similar to that which took
place in France? An end which it is the duty of us all,
low as well as high, to endeavour to prevent.
24. But, to lay down those principles in the manner that
I could wish, and in a way to make all reference to them
easy and of great and constant avail, would require more
room than is afforded me in this present Number. I shall,
therefore, leave the subject to be concluded in my next,
when I shall again address myself to you^ your public spirit
and honest perseverance meriting that mark of respect at
the hands of your faithful friend and most obedient servant,
WM. COBBETT.
PRIVY-COUNCILLORS AND CONSULS.
25. These are called " right honourable ;^^ Lord Coke
describes them as ** a noble and reverend assembly ;'* and
the new treason-law makes it high- treason to compass,
that is to say, to imagine, their death ; and under this law
Mr. Thistlewood, Ings, Brunt, and Tidd, were exe-
cuted as traitors, in the year 1820, soon after George IV.
became king. To this reverend assembly belong Hus-
kisso:n^, Herries, Goulbourn, -Calcraft, Sid-
mouth, and others, to the amount of one hundred and
thirteen in number, leaving out the members of the Royal
Family. Now, on the 14th of May last. Sir James Gra-
ham made, in the House of Commons, which he called
** the noblest assembly in the world," a motion *' For an
" humble Address to his Majesty, for an account of all
'^ salaries, profits, pay, fees, and emoluments, whether civil
*' or military, from the 5th of January 1829 to the 5th of
*' January 1830, held and enjoyed by each of his Majesty's
" most hon. Privy Council, specifying, with each name,
14 Two-penny Trash;
^^ the total amount received by each individual, and dis-
^' tinguishing the various sources from which the same is
filf derived."
26. In support of this motion Sir James made a speech,
and, in the course of that speech, the following statement,
founded on documents already in his possession; and no
part of which statement was contradicted.
27. He had divided the Privy-Councillors into classes. It wasf
here the place to say, that in all his calculations upon these sub-
jects, he had always omitted the royal family, because they having
a certain income under the assignment of Acts of Parliament, there
was nothing" mysterious about them, and in many cases these
assignments had been made under the sanction of Bills, which had
themselves undergone long and anxious discussion in the House.
He therefore excluded them altogether from his calculations upo»
this occasion. The total number of Privy-Councillors was 1 69 ; of
whom 113 received public money. The whale sum distributed an-
nually amongst these 113 was 650, 164/., and the average proportion
of that sum paid to each yearly was 5,7521. — (hear.) Of this total
of 650,164/,, 86,103/. were for sinecures — (loud cries of hear) ;
442,411/. for active services, and 121,650/. for pensions, making"
together the total which he had stated. Of the 113 Privy Coun-
cillors, who were thus receivers of the public money, 30 werejo/w-
ralistSy or persons holding more offices than one, whether, as sine-
curists, or civil and military officers. The amount received by the
pluralists was 221,133/. annually amongst them all, or 7,321/. upon
an average to each annually. The number of Privy Councillors
who enjoyed full or half-pay, or were pensioned as diplomatists,
was 29, and the gross amount of their income from the public purse
was 126,175/., or upon an average a yearly income to each indivi-
dual of 4,347/. a year. The whole number of Privy Councillors
who were members oi both Houses of Parliament was 69, and of
those 17 were Peers, whose gross income from the public purse wa^
378,846/. — (hear, hear) , or, upon an average to each, 8,065/. a year.
(loud cries of ** hear.") The remaining 22 were of the House of
Commons, and the gross amount of their receipts was 90,849/., or
upon an average to each individual, 4,130/. a year — (hear.) It ap-
peared then that there were 113 Privy Councillors receiving the
public money, of whom 69 were members of either house of Par-
liament. He had already stated that 29 were in the receipt of pub-
lic money by way of salary ; the total number of Privy Councillors
in the House of Commons was 31, and of these 22 were charged
upon the public purse. ^ ,
28. The whole of the revenue, including expense oi collect-
ing, amounts to about 60 millions a year; the collection to
about 5 millions; so that these 113 men take out of the
public money an eighty-eighth part of the amount of the
whole of the net revenue 1 Well, was the motion agreed to
1st July, 1830. 15
^by the " noblest assembly?" Oh, no ! It was rejected by a
^large majority. And, as you see, Sir James stated, that
69 members' of the two houses received amongst them
378,846Z. out of the public money, 69 of them being mem-
bers of the House of Commons, and 17 of them peers !
29. I shall, in the next Number, have to show you, that 37
^'years ago, the taxes amounted to J 5 millions a year instead
of 60 millions; but, let me now proceed to another motion
of Sir James Graham, relative to the expenditure of our
money on Consuls in South America. He made a motion,
on the 11th June, to reduce the sums paid to these people;
and, in the course of his speech, made the following state-
ment, every word of which I beseech you to re.ad with great
attention.
30. He would bepa with the case of Mr. Ricketts, the Consul to
Peru. He went to his post in 1825, and passed that year in prepa-
rations, and in his voyage out, and he received for outfit and salary
'that year the sum of 3,855/. In 1826, bein^ at his post, he re-
ceived for salary 2,500L ; for house rent, 510/. ; for a clerk, 250/,;
•for extras, 503/. Making in the year 1826, the sum of 3,7631. In
'1827 he was on his voyao^e home, having: left his post early in
/April,' and that year he received 2,812/. His Honourable Friend
was very testy about any charges being adverted to, previously to
the year 1828 ; but his Honourable Friend should recollect that
.most of the Members now on the Treasury Benches are all his
"'Majesty's Ministers. Though they might disclaim the expenses of
1 that period, all formed a part of Mr. Canning's administration.
<But passing from the year previous to 1828, he came to that year
and 1829, and these two years Mr. Ricketts was in England, and
^received 1,600/. a year. This gentleman, therefore, had been, un-
'ider Lord Aberdeen's government, allowed to spend two years in
f England doing nothing, at this large salary ; he had passed one year
in his voyage out and home, he had been the rest of his time at
his post, and for that period, not quite two years, he had received
the sum of 13,600/. (hear, hear!) What he charged as the most
'flagrant part of the case was, the two years he had been in England
•at 1,600/. a year, and for these two years the present Foreign
V Minister was wholly responsible. He then came to the case of Mr.
^'Nugent, who was or\e of those whose services were not accurately
^ stated in the return, as he might possibly make a mistake. This
t^entleman went in 1825 to Chili, and received the first year 3,050/.
-In 1826 he was at his post, and received 2,500/. In 1827, as early
^as June, or he believed he must now say, as the return was not
correct, in June 1828, he returned to England, and received his
-2,500/. His Honourable Friend described the two years, 1828 and
^1829, as years of economy. These two years constituted the golden
^iFCign of the Earl of Aberdeen — they were the economical age not
16 Two-penny Trash ;
deserving of those sarcasms which his Honourable Friend charged
him with usin^, and entreated liim to abandon in bringing forward
his motion. His Honourable Friend had stated, that henceforth
the Consuls, when away from their posts, were to have only half
their salaries, but had that not yet been the case, as he had already
stated with regard to the Consul of Peru, who had received his
salary of 1,600/. during the two years he had been in England;
and it had not been the case with the Consul of Chili, who had re-
ceived his salary under similar circumstances, one of whom had
received in four years, the sum of 13,600/., and the other had
received 13,050/. The next case he would mention was that of Mr.
Mackenzie, who in 1826 was appointed Consul to Hayti. He
received 500/. for his outfit, 1,500/. for his salary, and 215/. for his
voyage out, in all 2,215/. In 1826 he was at his pose, and received
2,710/. ; but he begged to call the particular attention of the House
to the year 1827. He received in that year, his salary, 1,5001. ; for
a journey into the interior of the island he charged 1,290/.; his
house rent and extras amounted to 1,070/. The Honourable Ba-
ronet mentioned another sum of 147/. and for his voyage to Eng-
land, 192/., making a total of 4,179/. In 1828 he was in England,
and in 1828, when England was under the economic administration
of Lord Aberdeen, he received his salary of 1,125/. He was little
more than one year at his post, and for that he received a sum of
upwards of 8,000/. He then came to the case of Mr. Shenley, who
"was one of those whose services were mis-stated in the Return.
He begged to call the attention of the House to Mr. Shenley ia
particular. This gentleman had been sent as Vice-Consul to Gua-
temala. In 1825 he received for his outfit 300/., and for his salary
700/.; but he did not go, if he understood the return correctly,
that year. He went out in 1826. He was at Guatemala that year
and in 1827, and received his salary of 700/., but before the end of
3827 he left Guatemala : and in 1823 he came to England on his
full salary. In 1829, under Lord Aberdeen's Foreign administra-
tion, when the public expense had been so much reduced, this
gentleman was appointed Consul at Hayti, and received 500/. fop
his outfit. Unless the returns were erroneous, this was in January ;
and between January 1829 and January 1830, he received 1,200/.
as his salary. The House would be surprised to learn, that he was
in England yet ; that he had not attempted to go out to Hayti.
He remained in England up to that time, and the reason for which
he remained, the members of that House would be well able to ap-
preciate. The reason on which he remained in England was urgent
private business (a laugh). This was a species of reason which
would be very intelligible to the Members of that House. In 1829,
then, this gentleman received 1,700/. and never left England ; ia
all, this gentleman had received 4,859/. The pressure of business -
at Hayti, the House would imagine, could not be very great ; but he
found in the year 1829, that there was a charge for two Vice Con-
suls at Hayti. As the Consul was not present, the House would
naturally suppose that the Vice Consuls were there attending to
his duty. But he found by the return, that Mr. Fisher, the Vice
1st July, 1830. 17
Consul, was detained in England on urgent private business. He
was in England the whole of 1628, receiving a salary of 550/. ; and
was in England the greater part of 1829. The Consul was then in
England ; the Vice Coi»sul also, Mr. Fisher, was in England ; and
the second Vice Consul, the one who was on the spot, and did all
the business, Mr. Thompson, received 500/. a year (hear, hear!).
He was at a loss to know what to say, to carry conviction to the
minds of Members, if this failed.
31. In order to enforce his arguments in favour of eco-
nomy, he cited the example of the government of the United
States ; and made the following true and most interesting
statement, the Hke of which I have made, and in print too,
over and over again !
32. He knew that any allusion to the United States of America
was not generally very palatable to the House, and he for one did
not like to institute comparisons between that country and this;
but he held in his hand (showing a small slip of paper), on that
simple piece of paper, the account of all the expenses of the Civil
Government of the United States, including its diplomatic expenses,
obtained from an authentic source, and with the permission of the
House he would read it: The whole charge then for the Civil
Government of the United States was —
For the President, a salary of 25,000 dollars per year.
A Vice President ' 5,000
Secretary of State 6,000
Secretary of the Treasury .... 6,000
Secretary of War 6,000
Secretary to the Navy 6,000
Post Master 3,500
A Chief Justice 6,000
Six Judges , 5,000 each.
Making, in the whole, 92,500 dollars, for the entire charge of the
Civil Government of the United States, or, in English money,
20,812/. There were, besides, three Commissioners of the Navy
with 3000 dollars, with a sum, which we did not catch, for the
Major-General, making the whole charge for the Civil and Military
Government of the United States^ 24,299/.
33. There ! And this, too, the government of a nation
now become our rival on the seas ; whose maritime power
now braves ours ; who has, in 40 years, under this cheap
government, risen from a population of 3 millions to a popu-
lation of 12 millions ; a nation whose government does not
cost more than two-thirds as much in a year as has recently-
been expended on the carvework on one gateway of one
of our King's palaces ! Well, surely, after all this, the
18 Two-penny Trash;
*' noblest assembly " agreed to this motion ! No ; but set
it aside by one of its usual majoritiesl No commentary
is necessary. As Sir James said, *' If this do not carry
conviction, nothing will."
'' EQUAL LAWS."
34. The French, in their Revolution, havingtaken the word
EQUALITY as a sort of watch- word, our rulers and guides
inveighed against it, as meaning that all men ought to be
equal in point oi property, and that the idler and drunkard
should share in the property of the industrious and the
sober. " Equality in laws" they said, was good. The
other day, Lord John Russell was reported to have said,
that the late Mr. Fox, in opposing universal suffrage ^
used to say, that he did not like equality of rights, ap-
plied to unequal things', that is to say, that a man, who
had no house or land, should not have as much right to
vote as a man who had house or land. Now, then, let us
see how Fox*s rule has been observed in the laying of taxes
Tipon us. The tradesman or farmer pays upon the windows
in his house more than 25. a window, if he have only 8 ;
but any one, w^ho has more than 180 windows, pays for
that more only Ls. 6g?. a window. A receipt in full o^ all
demands, has a stamp of 10s. if the sum received be only
forty-one shillings ; and, if it be a hundred thousand
pounds, the stamp is the same. The turnpike toll for the
poor man's ass is the same as for the hunter or the racer ^
or carriage horse of the lord. If a tradesman, merchant,
or manufacturer, sell his goods by auction, though the pro-
duce of his own hands, he has to pay an auction duty;
but, if the lord sell his timber, his underwood, or the stock
ou his tenant for rent, he pays no auction duty. The
postage of letters amounts to about two millions a year;
the lord and members in t* other place pay none of this ;
even the soldiers are excused ; but all the rest, from the
merchant down to the half-starved labouring man, pay an
1st July, 1830. 19
enormous postage on letters. Commission- queers* widows
have pensi07is allowed them ; those of non-commissioned
and privates have not. There have, of late years, beeu
academies established for the purpose of rearing and edu"
eating young gentlemen for the army, navy, and ordnance,
a part of which establishment consists of '^ NURSES."
These academies are maintained out of the taxes : and
thus the working people, in the tax on their beer, tea, soap,
candles, sugar, and other things, are compelled to help pay
for rearing and educating the sons of the rich. By the
militia laws, the man who has no property at all, is com-
pelled to come forth, to quit his home and family, to submit
to military discipline, and, if necessary, to risk his life in
defence of the country or the laws ; and the man of a hun-
dred thousand a year is compelled, at the most, to do no
more ! These are difew, and only a few, of the things
which Lord John Russell might be called upon to reconcile
to the pretty phrase of the famous senator Fox ; and he
might be asked to explain, too, upon what principle the
Whigs settled pensions for life on the wife and daughters
of that same Fox : and how they came to settle pensions
cn foreigners, in the teeth direct of the Act of Settlement.
We wait a little for his answer ; but in the mean while,
we may ask, whether these things could ever have been, if
the Commons' House had been chosen by the common
people.
"KING'S DEATH."
35. Iisr this ancient and opulent and respectable city of
'Bristol, of the most beautiful and interesting environs that
my eyes ever beheld, and inhabited by a people of whom,
though I shall perhaps never see them again, it is but bare
justice to say, are surpassed in good manners and good
sense by none whom in all my travels I have ever seen ;
in this fine old English city with 22 parishes, and with all
the marks of having been, centuries ago, even more opulent
20 Two-PEXNY Trash;
and populous than it is now ; in this city, to a most respect-
able audience in which I concluded my third and last Lec-
ture last night, the bells are, to-day (27th June), tolling
for the death of the king, while Jlags are flying from the
Exchange and the Council house, aye, from the churches
too, or at least, I see one flying on the Cathedral church,
or as it ought to be called, the church of the Abbey,
part of the cloisters of which are still remaining. This
tolling and flag-flying at one and the same time, and from
one and the same tower, is, I suppose in accordance with
those coaflicting feelings of loyalty so neatly expressed by
Pope : —
'* And when our SovVeig-n died, could scarce be vext,
•* Knowiug that such a gracious Prince was next.'*
36. A future day will come for giving a history of the reiga
of George the Fourth, including that of his Regency^
not by any means forgetting the events and the acts of 1817,
1818, 1819, and 1820. The statute-book records the ma-
terials for a true history of his reign and regency ; the pub-
lic accounts record particulars that none but a sham histo-
rian will overlook ; and as to the state of the people, we
"who yet remain alive, and are not quite blinded by our
tears, have only to open our eyes. As J am going to Bath
this evening, and there, with apprehensions of their effect, I
shall, I suppose, meet the London newspapers, all in dismal
black, and all the unaffected Editors pouring out their ten-
der and loyal souls in filial wailings in verse as well as in
prose, this time, at any rate, Til not be behindhand with
them; and here is my loyal and lachrymose contribution: —
Old England weep, and let thy g^rief be true ;
For Sov'reigjn dearer nation never knew.
EMIGRATION.
37. From this port alone one thousand and forty-two
have gone to New York, this spring and summer! The far
greater part English people; and not a few with good sums
1st July, 1831. 21
of money * I have not room to say much upon this subject
here ; but I cannot help putting my readers upon their guard
tigainst those who are endeavouring to inveigle them to
English colonies, where their ruin is certain, and their
death, in a very short time, probable. Let them look at the
iorrible accounts from Botany Bay and other parts of that
country; let them see what they are going to ; let them look
at the thousands of poor creatures who have been beggared
by going to the rocks and sands and swamps and snows
of Prince Edward's Island, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick,
and Canada; and let them look at my ^' Emigrant's
Guide;" and, after this, if they choose destruction, let
them have it. To another new edition of this little work
(price 2s. 6d.) I shall add a second postscript, containing
a list of things that a man ought to provide himself with
before his departure. When this is added, the book will
be perfect. Thousands of men of property, and especially
young fai^mers, are wisely preparing to start : letters come
tumbling home from those already there, pressing the rela-
tions and friends to follow them. So that the Borough-
mongers and the halt and the lame and the blind and the
insane, together with the pickpockets and the tax-eaters, will,
in time, be left to form a jovial society, basking under the sun
of the " envy of surrounding nations and admiration of the
world.'' Of one thing let every soul be satisfied ; and that
is, that the misery must here c#ntinue to be greater and
greater, until, by some means or other, there shall be effected
a Radical Reform of the Commons', or people's. House of
Parliament.
22 Mr. Cobhett's List of Books,
'ii,h. All the Books under mentionedy are puhlishcd at No,\\y BolU
court. Fleet-street y London ; and are to he had of all tJie Booh*
sellei^s in the Kingdom,
THE COBBETT-XiZBItARY.
When I am asked what books a young man or young woman
ought to read, 1 always answer. Let him or her read all the books
that I have written. This does, it will doubtless be said, smeU of
the shop. No matter. It is what I recommended ; and experience
has taught me that it is my duty to give the recommendation. 1 am
speaking here of books other than THE REGISTER; and even
these, that I call my LIBRARY, consist of twenty -six distinct
books ; two of them being translations -y six of them being writ-
ten BY MY sons ; one (Tull's Husbandry) revised and edited, anti
one published by me, and written by the Rev. Mr. O'Callaghan,
a most virtuous Catholic Priest. I divide these books into classes,
as follows : 1. Books for Teaching Language; 2. On Domestic
Management and Duties; 3. On Rural Affairs; 4. Ou the
Management of National Affairs; 5. History ; 6. Travels ;
7. Laws; 8. AIiscellaneous Politics. Here is a great variety of
subjects; and all of them very f/?'^; nevertheless the manner of
treating them is, in general, such as to induce the reader to go
through the booky when he has once begun it. I will now speak of
each book separately under the several heads above-mentioned, —
N. B. All the books are hound in boards, which will be borne in
mind when the price is looked at.
1. BOOKS FOR TEACHING LANGUAGE.
COBBETT'S ENGLISH GRAMMAR. {Price S^.)— This is a
book oi principles y clearly laid down ', and when once these are got
into the mind they never quit it.
COBBETT'S FRENCH GRAMMAR {Price bs,) ; or. Plain
Instructions for the Lrarning of French. — More youn^ men have, I*
dare say, learned French from it, than from all the other books
that have been published in English for the last fifty years.
MR. J AMES COBBETT'S ITALIAN GRAMMAR (Price 6**.) ;
or a Plain and Compendious Introduction to the Study of Italian. —
1 would pledge myself to take this book and to learn Italian from
it in three months.
2. DOMESTIC MANAGEMENT AND DUTIES.
COBBETT'S COTTAGE ECONOMY {Price 2s. 6d.) ; con-
taining information relative to the brewing of Beer, making of
Bread, keeping of Cows, Pigs, Bees, Ewes, Goats, Poultry, and
Rabbits, and relative to other matters.
COBBETT'S ADVICE TO YOUNG MEN, and (incidentally)
to Young' Women, in the middle and higher Ranks of Life {Price bs.)
It was published in 14 numbers, and is now in one vol. complete.
Mr, Cobbetfs List of Books. 23
COBBETT'S SERMONS (Price 35.6^.)— More of these Sermons
have been sold than of the Sermons of all the Church-parsons put
together since mine were published.
COBBETT'S EDITION OF TULL'S HUSBANDRY (Price
15s0 : THE HORSE-HOEING HUSBANDRY; or, A Treatise
on the Principles of Tillage and Vegetation, wherein is taught a
Method of introducing a sort of Vineyard Culture into the Corn-
Fields, in order to increase their Product and diminish the com-
mon Expense.
3. BOOKS ON RURAL AFFAIRS.
COBBETT'S YEAR'S RESIDENCE IN AMERICA, WITH A
MAP (Price 5s.) A book very necessary to all men of property
who emigrate to the Uuited States.
COBBETT'S ENGLISH GARDENER (Price 6s.) A complete
book of the kind.
COBBETT'S WOODLANDS (Price 14s.) ; or, A Treatise on
Forest Trees and Underwoods^ and the Manner of Collecting, Pre«v
serving, and Sowing of the Seed.
COBBETT'S CORN-BOOK (Piice 2s. 6d.) ; or, A Treatise
on Cobbett's Corn : containing Instructions for Propagating and
Cultivating the Plant, and for Harvesting and Preserving the Crop;
and also an Account of the several Uses to which the Produce is
applied, with Minute Directions relative to each mode of Appli-
cation.— This edition I sell at 2a\ 6d., that it may get into jiumei^ous
hands.
4. MANAGEMENT OF NATIONAL AFFAIRS.
COBBETT'S PAPER AGAINST GOLD (Price bs.) ; or, the
History and Mystery of the Bank of England, of the Debt, of the
Stocks, of the Sinking Fund, and of all the other tricks and con-
trivances carried on by the means of Paper Money.
COBBETT'S RURAL RIDES. (Price 5s.) If the members of
the Government had read these Rides, only just read them, last
year, when they were collected and printed in a volume, they
could not have helped foreseeing all the violences that have nov/
taken place, and especially in these very counties ; and foreseeing*
them, they must have been devils in reality if they had not done
something to prevent them,
COBBETT'S POOR MAN'S FRIEND (Price M.)-, or, a De-
fence of the Rights of those who do the Work and fight the Battles.
— ^This is vay favourite work. 1 bestowed more labour upon it than
upon any large volume that I ever wrote.
COBBETT'S EMIGRANT'S GUIDE (2^. Sd.) ; in Ten Letters,
addressed to the Taxpayers of England.
USURY LAWS (Price 2s. 6d.) j or, Lending at Interest;
also, the Exaction and Payment of certain Church-fees, such as
Pew-rents, Burial-fees, and the like, together with forestalling
Traffic; all proved to be repugnant to the Divine and Ecclesiasti-
cal Law, and destructive to Civil Society.
24 Mr. Cohbetfs List of Books.
5, HISTORY.
COBBETT'S HISTORY OF THE PROTESTANT REFOR-
MATION in England and Ireland (Price 4s. 6d.) ; showing how
that Event has impoverished and degraded the main Body of the
People in those Countries : PART II. [Price Zs. 6d.) ; contain-
ing a List of the Abbeys, Priories, Nunneries, Hospitals, and other
Religious Foundations, in England and Wales, and in Ireland,
confiscated, seized on, or alienated, by the Protestant '* Reforma-
tion" Sovereigns and Parliaments.
COBBETT'S ROxMAN HISTORY, English and French,
{Price C)S.) ; Vol. I. from the Foundation of Rome to the Battle of
Actium. Vol.11. An Abridged History of the Emperors, in
French and English : being a continuation of the History of
THE Roman Republic. — This work is intended as an Exercise-book
to be used with my French Grammar ; and it is sold at a very low
price f to place it within the reach of young men in general.
COBBETT'S HISTORY OF THE REGENCY AND REIGN
OF GEORGE IV. — This work is published in Nos. at 6d. each, and
shall do justice to the late *' 7nild and merciful" King.
LAFAYETTE'S LIFE {Price Is.) A brief Account of the Life
of that brave and honest man, translated from the French, by Mr.
James Cobbett.
6. TRAVELS.
MR. JOHN COBBETT'S LETTERS FROxM FRANCE (Price
As. 6^0
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S RIDE OF EIGHT HUNDRED
MILES IN FRANCE (the Third Edition, Price 2s. 6d.)
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S TOUR IN ITALY, and also in Part
of FRANCE and SWITZERLAND (Price 4s. 6d.)
7. LAW.
COBBETT'S TRANSLATION OF MARTENS'S LAW OF
NATIONS (Price \7s.) ; being the Science of National Law,
Covenafits, Power, &;c. Founded upon the Treaties and Customs
of Modern Nations in Europe.
MR. WM. COBBETT'S LAW OF TURNPIKES (Price 35. 6rf.)
8. MISCELLANEOUS POLITICS.
THE REGISTER, published 'Weekly , Price Is. 2d, Sixty-four
pages.
TWO-PENNY TRASH, published monthly, Price 2d., \2s, M.
for a hundred, and Us. a hundred if 300 or upwards.
This is the Library that I have created. It really makes a tole-
rable shelf of hooks ; a man who understands the contents of which
may be deemed a man of great information. In about every one
of these works I have pleaded the cause of the working people^ and
I shall now see that cause triumph, in spite of all that can be done
to prevent it.
N. B. A whole set of these books at the above prices, amounts to
71, Os. 2d. ; but, if a whole set be taken together, the price is 61.
And here is a stock of knowledge sufficient for any young man in
the world. ^ ^
[Printed by Wm. Cobbett, Johnson's-court, Fleet-street.]
No. 11.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of August, 1830.
TO THE
WORKING CLASSES THROUGHOUT THE
KINGDOM.
* Barn-Elm Farm, 27th July, 1830.
My Friends,
38. I have to talk to you on several subjects, all, however,
CQnnected with the things which are the causes of your
being miserably poor, which millions of you are, and
which ought to be the state of nobody that is industrious,
sober, frugal^ and honest. Such, however, is now the state
of England ; such the burdens that the people have to bear ;
so large the portion of every man's wages that is taken away
by the Government ; that no industry, no sobriety, no fru-
gality, and no honesty, can prevent the working class from
being miserably poor, from being wretched to a degree in-
consistent with the support of life and health. How such
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street,
and sold by all Booksellers.
C
26 Two-PEKNY Trash;
enormous burdens came to be laid on the people I shall
hereafter explain ; but, first of all, it is necessary that I
make you clearly understand that it is the taxes that
make you poor; and that your poverty is great you all but
too well know. The state of England is more degrading to
the people, exhibits more human suffering, than ever ws
even heard of before in any country on earth, Ireland only
excepted ; and there nakedness and famine are so common
as to excite neither surprise nor compassion.
, 39. That it is the taxes v^'hich. produce all this misery is,
first, my business to show ; and, next, to show you what is
the cause of the taxes. As to the first, there are some so
impudent as to assert, and others so ignorant as to believe,
that working people pay no taxes, because the tax-gatherer
does not come and take money out of their hands. But
let us see how this matter stands. The whole of the taxes
amount to sixty millions a year, and, now, let us see whether
you pay none of these taxes ; or whether you pay the
greater part of them all. The whole of the money collected
in taxes in one year is now 60,000,000 of pounds sterling.
Of these 4,000,000/. are got from Ireland, 2| from Scotland,
and the other 53^ from England. These taxes consist
of duties collected at the Custom-houses by the Excise,
by Stamp-Commissioners, by Assess Taxes, by the Post-
Office, and of some other little things which, in reality,
amount to Tiardly any thing. The Customs yield 13,000,000/.
the Excise 31 ,000,000/. the Stamps 6,000,000/. the Assess
taxes 6,000,000/. the Post-Office 2,500,000/. So that we
1st August, 1830. 27
have here 57,500,000Z. out of the 60,000,000/. ' The Cus-
toms and Excise, alone, amount to 44,000,000/. out of the
60,000,000/. and of the greater jSart of the articles, the
people of the middle and working classes pay five times as
much as the higher classes in proportion to their means;
because many of the articles are become necessaries, and
the poor man, unless lie be too poor to have any enjoyment
at all, wants as much as the richest man in the kingdom*
Beer, malt, cotton goods, soap, candles, tea, tobacco and
snuff, sugar, pepper ; and, in short, of all the articles coming
under these heads, the people in the middle and working
classes pay infinitely more than their share. Of the stamps,
too, they pay three times their share. All the stamped
things which are in most common use are stamped higher
tiian those that are in less common use. For instance, if
a tradesman give a receipt in full of all demands, in an af-
fair of only forty shillings, he must pay ten shillings for the
fitaipp. If the lord, or the squire, or the bishop, or the rich
mei^chant, give a receipt in full for fifty thousand pounds, or
any greater sum, still he has to pay only the ten shillings I
All the stamps relating to the land are very trifling, but all
those relating to trade, and to be paid by men in business,
are heavy. Advertisements, almost the whole of which are
paid for by servants and tradesmen, amount to a very large
sum. The stage-coaches, which carry the people in the
middle and lower ranks of life, pay nearly 300,000/. a year,
while all the post-horses pay less than 200,000/. Fire-
insurances, ninety-nine hundredths of which fall upon
the farmers, pay about 600,000/. a year. Newspapers
c 2
28 ^Two-penny Trash ; ' - r
pay about 400,000Z. a year. The tradesman, or farmer^
pays, therefore, as much on his newspaper as the lord pays
on his. Receipts pay about 150,000/. a year, almost the
whole of which comes from the middle and working classes.
Legacies pay about 1,000,000Z, a year, almost the whole
of which comes from the trading, and farming, and middle
class. The stamps on probates amount to about 700,000/.
'^a year, and from this tax land and houses are totally ex-
empt. So much for the stamps. Then comes the assess
taxes. On all the land of the kingdom the whole tax is
only 1,000,000/. or thereabouts ; but the house tax, which
falls almost wholly upon the middle class, amounts to about
1,250,000/.; and the window-tax to little less thaa
2,500,000/. . So that of the assess taxes, the middle class
pay infinitely beyond their proportion ; for, if a man keep a
horse, he is taxed for a servant, whether he keep him or not,
and his gig, worth ten pounds, is taxed as high as the lord's
curricle, which is worth a hundred pounds; his horse,
worth ten pounds, is taxed at the same rate with regard to
the lords ; so with his dog, which is necessary to the protec-
tion of his house. With regard to the postage of letters, the
.middle and lower class pay the whole of the money ; for the
aristocracy, each of whom can send ten letters a day, and
leceive fifteen, and send and receive, if they please, several
letters under one cover, are exempted from all payments on
this account,
40. Thus, then, you see how false those men are, who
pretend that the taxes fallupon the rich, and uot upon the
I
1st August, 1830. 29
poor. The beer tax is indeed to be taken off; but to be
taken off in a manner to do very little good to the consumers
of the beer, while the malt tax is kept on, and the hop tax
also : and these taxes it is which will still make the beer
dear ; because there wdll be the monopoly in the making of
the malt, and also in the selling of the beer ; because no man
is to sell without a license, and that license is not to be
granted to a poor man, who does not already pay direct
taxes. If the tax were taken off the malt and the hops, very
good ale might be made for a penny ci quart, Winchester
measure ; because the malt would not be above three shil-
lings a bushel, and perhaps less, and the hops not, on an
average, more than sixpence a pound, at the most : twelve
gallons to the bushel is ale a great deal better than that
which is n^w bought at the public-houses ; at a penny a pot,
there would be forty -eight quarts of beer come from a bushel
of malt and a pound of hops ; so that, because the malt and
the hops are taxed, you now pay sixpence for that which you
ought to have for a penny. Let me stop here to give you a
piece of information, more useful than all the information that
Mr. Brougham and his set ever did, and ever will, com-
municate to the people of this country; that* is to say, the
certain fact that people may have good beer, if they will,
without the use of any malt at all, or of any article, except
the hops, on which the aristocracy have yet laid their grasp.
41. When I was in Suffolk, at the town of Eye, on the
17th and 18th of March last, a very worthy gentleman of
that town, Mr. Clouting, introduced me to a gentleman
N
30 Two-PENNY Trash;
who had made some beer from the mangel-wurzel root This
gentleman, who lives at Eye, and who is a banker, or the
agent of a bank, I forget which, in that very nice town, gave
me, along with Mr. Clouting, some of the beer to taste 1
and I declare now, as I did then, that it was most excellent
table beer, and that I defy any human being to tell whether
such beer be made from malt or not. I myself could not
distinguish any difference at all between that beer^ and beer
of similar strength made of malt ; and I can have no question
that strong beer, a beer of all degrees of strength, can be
made from mangel-wurzel, as well as from malt. The exact
proportions I do not recollect ; but, after being informed of
the quantity of mangel-wurzel used, and of the process, I
remember that my calculation was, that very good table beer
can be made for a penny a pot.
42. I will write, or, rather, I now hereby write to Mr.
Clouting, requesting him to have the goodness to furnish
me with the particulars with regard to this brewing. I know
myself how much mangel-wurzel can be grown upon any
given quantity of land ; I know, also, and well know, how to
cultivate the plant ; how to gather in the crop, and how to
preserve the plants, either in-doors or out-of-doors, so that
they shall be in a state of perfect preservation from the month
of November even until the month of July, if not until Sep-
tember. Late in September, early-planted mangel-wurzel
brings a fresh crop. X)f all these matters I Will speak when
I get the particulars from Mr. Clouting, from whom I wish
to know these particulars: 1. The quantity of mangel-
1st August, 1830. « 31
wurzel made use of in making the beer which I tasted ;
2. The quantity of hops made use of (I remembering that
the quantity was twice as great as it ought to have been) ;
3. The quantity of beer made, meaning that beer which I
tasted ; 4. The mode of preparing the roots for the process,
whether by slicing, chopping, or otherwise ; the process of
boiling, mashing, and so forth ; the length of the time of
boiling, and so forth ; 5. The state of heat in which the
yeast was put in the wort ; 6. Whether there was yeast
which rose upon the head of the wort, as in the case of
malt; 7. Whether the yeast (if any) which rose upon the
head of the wort, were, in its appearance and qualities, like
that which proceeds from malt ; 8. What length of time the
beer kept good ; 9. Whether it turned sour or flat more
speedily than beer made of malt. When I have all these
particulars, which, I am sure, my worthy friend, Mr,
Clouting, will give me in the most accurate manner, I will
publish them, my friends, for your information, being per-»
fectly conviQced that this is a discovery of ten thousand
times the value of the steam-engine and the power-loom.
43. I am quite satisfied, as I told the gentlemen of Eye,
that if those who ffll the seats would let us use our barley
without making us pay nearly twice the original cost of
.barley before we turn it into beer, nothing, all things taken
into view, would be so cheap as the barley in the making
of beer ; but, I am also quite satisfied, that, loaded with
tax and monopoly as the barley now is, a gallon of beer^
7»-
32 Two-penny Trash ;
made from mangel-wurzel, will not cost half so much as a
g^on of beer, of the strength, made from the barley.
44. This, therefore, is a very important matter. Mangel-
wurzel will grow in every part of the kingdom, and in all
sorts of land. With good cultivation it will yield Jifty tons
to the acre ; and it must be a bad crop to be less than
twenty tons ^ it is a root easily cultivated, whether on the
spot where it is sowed, or by transplantation (I am raising
some in both ways this year) ; a single rpod of ground might
be made to produce half a ton weight of the roots; the seed
is very cheap proportioned to the extent of land which it
will sow or plant ; it is a root easily taken from the ground,
easily preserved, and that too without the cover of a
house ; I having preserved hundreds of tons out in the fields
all the winter. I think I saw more than a hundred tons,
in one immense heap, in Norfolk, on the 15th of March'
last, merely covered over with straw thrown upon it, the
far greater part of it as sound as w^hen it came from the
field, and a score of oxen fatting upon it. In Norfolk and
Suffolk, those famous counties for tillage, where this plant
is now grown in such prodigious quantities, and where the
farmers are so clever, so intelligent, so enterprising, so neat
and so judicious in the management of all their affairs, I
have no doubt, that a few years would, were this system of
taxing to continue, see the malt- tax, in effect, very quietly
repealed, as far, at any rate, as the country people are con-
cerned. Such a thing cannot be confined to a corner ; and
1st August, 1830. • 33
{torn Suffolk, that pattern county, the discovery would
spread all over the kingdom.
45. It is pretty generally known that it was from this
root that the French made, and some of them still make,
sugar, I have tasted the sugar many times, and could not
have distinguished it by any means from the moist sugar
ivhich we get from the West Indies. It is well known,
also, that beer can be made from Wast India sugar, and
that the offal of the sugar which we call treacle, and the
Yankees call molasses; and that it is so made; and that
the great brewers really put this offal sometimes into their
porter, which is, perhaps one cause _of the blackness of that
horrible stuffy but, to make beer from West India sugar,
even supposing there to be no tax at all upon that sugar,
would not be economy so good as to make it from barley, if
the barley were untaxed. The increased demand for the
sugar would cause its price to rise ; but, by no possibility
could it bo brought into England under sixteen or seven-
teen shillings the hundred weight for moist sugar. Now,
a bushel of good malt will make twelve gallons of better
beer than thirty pounds of sugar will. The thirty pounds
of sugar at seventeen shillings the hundred weight would
cost about five shillings ; and the bushel of malt will not,
on an average of years, in the present money, cost more
than two and sixpence, if untaxed ; because the increase
upon the malting pays for the process ; and because J, who
have some beautiful fields of barley this year; shall think
c 5
34 Two-penny Trash ;
myself a lucky fellow, if able to sell the whole of it for half*
a-crowD a bushel,
46. It may be asked, why, if mangel-wurzel will yield
sugar, we do not make sugar from it in England ? That is
a very different matter. The expense of this process must
be great in proportion to the value of the result ; otherwise,
there would long ago have been an end to importing sugar
from the hot climates. The extracting of the saccharine
matter from so bulky a substance, must necessarily be very
expensive ; but, if beer can be made from the root itself,
and if the average crop of the root would weigh SE-
VENTY TIMES as much as the average crop of barley on
an acre of land, the difference in the weight is so great
as to render it utterly impossible that the mangel-wurzel
should not be the cheapest article while there is any tax
upon the barley : and I should not be afraid to lay a wager,
that, by this time twelvemonth, a quarter part of the malt
tax, that most cruel of all taxes, will have been repealed
in this quiet manner in the counties of Norfolk and Suf-
folk; and my readers may be well assured, that nothing in
my power shall be left undone to aid the people of those
counties in this excellent undertaking.
47. Returning, now, to my proposition, that it is the
weight of the taxes that makes the people poor ; that is
sinHing tradesmen and farmers into hopeless insolvency, and
that has brought the working classes do<vn to the verge of
•1st August, 1830. 35
starvalion', let me ask the impudent tax- eaters, who deny
that the taxes are the cause of the ruin and misery, whether
the labouring man would not be better off than he now is,
if he could make his ale for a penny a pot ; if he could have
his soap, and candles, and tobacco^ and sugar, and tea, for
one half of their present price, and if the four-pound,
loaf cost him fourpence instead of tenpence ; and if his em-
ployer (which would be the case) were able to pay him
wages as high as those he now receives ; because the em-
ployer. relieved from the burden of the rateSy relieved from
the stamp and assessed taxes ; relieved, also, from the cus-
toms and excise, and the monstrous tax upon letters ; re-
lieved from four-fifths of all these, would be able to pay the
same wages, and have twice the clear profits that he now
has.
48 ♦ And why is not this the case P This is the question
for you to answer. The reason is, that the money is taken
from us without our assent. It is taken from us by Acts^
of the Parliament 5 and that Parliament have now before
them a petition which was presented by Earl Grey
(then Mr. Grey) in the year 1793, in which that very
lord himself asserted, that he was ready to prove at the bar,
that a decided majority of the vjhole house was returned
by a hundred and fifty-four persons, some of them peers and
some of them great commoners, including about a dozen
members returned by the Treasury itself. It is very clear
that those who return a decided majority of an assembly
whose decisions are taken by vote, do, in fact, return the
36 V Two-penny Trash;
whole assembly, and cause every-thing to be decided
according to their own pleasure. Sir James Graham
has lately showed us, that 113 of the aristocracy, who*
are privy councillors, receive, exclusive of their families,
650fi00L a year, that is to say, about a ninetieth part of
the whole of the taxes ; a sum equal in amount to four
days' taxes for the whole country ; a sum equal to the
amount of a year's wages of thirty thousand married!
labouring men in Wiltshire; and, reckoning five persons
to every labouring man's family, including the husband
and wife, these hundred and thirteen men receive, every
year, as much as goes to the maintenance of one] hundred
and fifty thousand of the working class of the people of
England. Now, it is useless to express one's indignation
at this ; to cry, to repine, to whine, are totally useless. But
to know the fact, is not totally useless.
49. Ten such sheets of paper as this would not contain a
bare list of the sums which the aristocracy, their relations-
and dependents, receive out of the taxes. Indeed, a very
little would be necessary to carry on the afifairs of this
country, if it were not for the sums which they have re-
ceived, and which they do now receive. We have a debt,
which takes, annually, about half of the whole of the taxes.
Almost the whole of the debt has been contracted within the.
last sixty years ; and if I had the power to call for the docu-
ments that I could name, and had a couple of expert clerks
to assist me to make out the account, I should not be at all
afraid to pledge myself to prove that a sum, equal in amount
1st August, 1830. 37
to the whole of the debt, has, in the course of that sixty
years, been paid, out of the taxes, to the aristocracy, their
relations and dependents. The total amount of the debt
is 800,000,000/. ; that is to say, 14,000,000/. a year for tl^
60 years ; and my opinion is, that taking one year with the
other, this amount has been received by this body of per-
sons ; for, only look at the amount of the cost of the army
and the navy in this time of perfect peace, look at the in-
numerable places and pensions and sinecures ; think of the
immense sums expended during the war, in one year nearly
100,000,000/. exclusive of the interest of the debt; look at
the numerous instances in which men notoriously not worth
a i^hilling, have suddenly risen up into fortunes equal to
principalities. It is impossible that, in such a state of
things, the-people should be otherwise than miserable^
50. Mr. HusKissoN, in a speech which he has recently
made and published, tells us that " the present generation
must be contented to submit to this state of things!'^
which is, I think, the most impudent thing ever uttered,
even by an English tax-eater. There is, indeed, the DEBT,
commonly called national; and to deprive the fund-holders
of their interest would certainly be a very unjust thing ;
but if a hundred and fifty-four mei^ have always been re-
turning a majority of the members to the Commons' house,
it is, in fact, that hundred and fifty -four men who have
iorrowed the money. Would there, therefore, be any very
great ground for astonishment, if, at last, they were^called
^pon to pay the money } At any rate^ if this were to be tho
38 Two-penny TitASH:
case, they would find, that the returning of majorities was
BO such profitable afifair, after all ! Let us take, for instance,
the case of one of Lord Grey's hundred and fifty- four men.
The number of seats is 658 ; the amount of the debt, or
sum to be paid, 800,000,000/. Now, suppose one of Lord
Grey's men to have always put in two; then it would be a
mere rule-of -three question; thus, if 658 give 800,000,000?.
what will two give ? The answer would be, 2, 400, 000 Z, or
thereabouts : so that, if this Lord Grey's man had an estate
worth eighty thousand a year, that estate, at thirty-Jive
years purchase, would pay off his share of the debt, and
still leave him 400^000Z. clear of all incumbrances ! Now,
I am not recommending a mode of settling like this ; but,
a t\iQ parties thought well of it, no modest or reasonable
person would surely attempt to interfere, to prevent an ar-
rangement so easily made, and so manifestly clear of all
grounds for cavil and dispute.
5L I do not say, nor pretend to believe, that if I were a
borrowing party, or the heir of a borrowing party, that I
should like such a mode of settlement ; but, under certain
circumstances, and, indeed, under many circumstances,
during a man's life, men submit to that which they by no
means like; and are not unfrequently very sorry for not
having submitted sooner. How gladly, in the year 1794,
would the French aristocracy have submitted to that, or
rather to an arrangement like that, which I have here men-
tioned ; but the thing is not to be viewed in this light
neither ; for, eight hundred millions of the present money
• Ut August, 1830. 39
are not due to the fundholders : the value of the money has
been changed : it has been doubled in the amount of one
half; and, therefore, if the debt were paid off, the creditors
would be entitled, in fact, to no more than four hundred
millions of money. However, if the parties choose to take
the matter to themselves, it would be very impertinent on
the part of us, the people, to attempt to interfere in order to
prevent the settlement ; and, I really do believe, that a re*
formed parliament would never attempt to interfere in the
matter unless called upon by one or the other of the parties
to do it, A reformed parliament will be an entirely new
body, having nothing at all to do with old scores, unless
called upon by one of the fiarties, or by both, to form regu-
lations for the adjustment, and for compelling the parties to
submit to the decision of competent judges, of the matter.
The worst of it is, that in cases of this sort, the settlement
is generally put off so long, that, at last, the parties are
unable to come to any settlement at all. This was the
case in France. Those who had pocketed the amount of
the loans, which formed the debts of the state, reduced
the country to a condition in which it was unable to
pay those debts. Endless schemes of funding were resorted
to ; but never any scheme for refunding. The people were
too poor to pay; the nobility and loan-mongers and
farmers of taxes, who were able to pay, would not pay;
at last, the people, no longer able to endure the load of
taxation, rose against the imposers of that load; the
nobles lost their estates and their titles, the clergy lost their
tithes and their lunds ; the fundholders, their stock and its
40 Two-penny Trash;
interest ; and the royal family, the throne ; all of which
arose, not for want, at last, of a disposition to make a just
settlement ; but for want of having made that settlement
i7i time. The states-general were called together ; and if
they had been called together teji years earlier, France
might have remained a monarchy for ages yet to come. In
many instances, " Better late than never" is a true saying;
but, with regard to the concessions of riders to their people,
the true maxim is, ^* Better never than late,^* That this
maxim may not have its truth verified in -the conduct and
history of our rulers, is the anxious prayer of your faithful
f:iend,
^ Wm. COBBETT.
STATE OF THINGS IN FRANCE.
52. Nothing can, at this time, be so useful to you as a
clear understanding with regard to that which is now passing
in. France, and that which has recently passed. Mr.
Brougham, in his ** books of useful knowledge,^* will
tell you not one single word about this matter. You re-
member that, in the year 1814, the family of Bourbon,
which had been, for more than twenty years, expelled from
France, returned thither, by the force of English armies
and fleets, and armies subsidized by England. Such of you
as are now young, should be told, that the Bourbons took
back with them, chiefly from this country, the old nobility
of Fiance who had been driven out^ and had their titles
1st August, 1830. 41
taken from them ; that they restored th^se nobility to their
former rank and titles ; that the foreign armies, which had
replaced the Bourbons, stripped Paris of the ornaments and
trophies won during the war by the French ; that they
stripped France of her frontier towns, and imposed a heavy
tribute on her people ; that the Bourbons, in returning to
the throne, agreed to a constitution, or charter, according
to which there was to be a house of peers, and a house of
deputies elected by the people, or, rather, a select portion
of the people in every district, who were to vote by ballot.
53. Such was the settlement, or compact, made between
the Bourbons and the people of France. You should be
further informed, that, about six or seven months ago, the
Prench King made a change in his ministry, and put at the
head of it a Prince Polignac, who had long been in
this country y who was very much disliked by the French
people, and whose promotion they, whether falsely or truly,
ascribed to the influence of the English government ; and
particularly of the Duke of Waterloo, whom they appear
to hate ; that his colleagues of the cabinet were men some-
what of the same description ; that these men appear to have
been hated throughout the whole of France ; that, about six
months ago, the King called together the two houses of the
parliament, and delivered to them a speech; that, in an-
swer to this speech, the house, or Chamber of Deputies, elected
by the people, as good as told him, that they would vote him
no money as long as he listened to the councils of these
niinisterSfthditilieKin^ytheTeu^onf dissolved the parlia7nentf
42 Two-penny Thash ;
and ordered a new election, thinking thereby to get a chamber
of depirties more subservient to his will ; that the King and
his Ministers appear to have done every-thing possible in order
to secure a majority in the new Chamber of Deputies ; that,
though France contains about thirty-two millions ofpeO"
pie, and, of course, about eight millions of m^n oifull age,
only, eighty thousand, out of the eight millions, have been
permitted to vote ; the right of voting being confined to per-
sons of considerable property in house and land ; that, not-
withstanding these circumstances, the elections, which? -are
just now over, have returned a Chamber of Deputies, having
in it a greater majority against the Ministers than the
last Chamber had ; that the King, aware of this fact, has
broken his compact with the people; has broken the con-
stitution, or charter ; has drawn the sword, and, according
to the old saying, ^* thrown away the scabbard.^*
54. He has now issued, by his own authority, these
edicts, or ordinances, by the first of which he has ordered
all liberty of the press to be totally suspended, so that no
man can write or publish any-thing which has not first been
read and approved of by some officer appointed by him ; by
the second, he h^&dissolved the new Chamber ofDepvrtieSy
even before they be called together ; by the third, he has
so altered the law of election, as to make the choosing of
Deputies to be solely the work of himself or his Ministers ;
and thus he stands, surrounded by these Ministers, and by
their and his dependents, and having the almost unani^
mous voice of his people against him and his measures.
1st August, 1830. 43
What has happened since this was done, I shall hardly be
able to learn before this paper go to the press ; but, without
knowing any- thing about that, every one must see that this
is downright despotism. Here is a House of Representa«»
tives dissolved Jven before they meet. To talk of law^ and
jto talk of r^t^fntative government^ in France, is, there-
fore, a mon^r^iw mockery and insult, even to imbecility.
»
55. One eajQ|ft€^^ tell exactly when, or how, this matter
will end ; but of same cpnsequences we may be sure ; and,
Amongst these are, 1. That the Bourbons will now be de-
tested and abhorred by every Frenchman not in their pay :
2. That, if the King remain in France, he must remain by
sheer military force ; that if that force fail him, he must
flee for his life ; that, at least, all will be agitation and
confusion throughout that immense kingdom ; that the
I
French Funds will become of as little value as Spanish or
Colombian Bonds ; and, at the very least, taxes, if col**
iected at all, must be collected stvord in hand.
56. People blame the King for his rashness ; but such
people do not consider what his real situation was. It
would be, at the first brush, rash to do many things, which
lose the character of rashness when we take all the cir*
€umstances into view. If some one were to tell me, that
a friend of nune had jumped from his chamber-window into
the street, " Oh, how rash ! He must be mad ! " I should
exclaim ; but if, in addition, I were told that my friend's
house was on Jire, and that the flames were just rushing
44 Two-penny Trash ;
into his chamber, so far from calling his jump rash, I should
think it wise. This was much about the case with the King
of France. He was sure of being burnt if he did not take
the jump, and therefore he took it. *' Yield ; " people
say, particularly stupid fund-people, that he should have
yielded ; that is to say, remain to be burnt. For the truth
is this ; the French people detest the Bourbons, whom they
regard as the cause of their degradation in 1814 and 1815;
whom they regard as the allies of their enemies ; whom they
regard as the cause of the tribute and of the national debt ;
whom they regard as the cause of all the heavy taxes which
they have to pay, and of which they w^ould have hardly any
to pay, were it not for the Bourbons^ and for those who are
paid to uphold the Royal Government. The French people
want, and openly say they want, to get rid of the Royal
Government, and to have a Republic. This is now so
clear, that no one can dispute it. They have proved this so
plainly, that, for the king to have attempted to save himself
by concessions would have been madness indeed ! He had
simply this choice: 1. To become ** Citizen Charles
Capet,*' and work for his bread ; 2. To get off out of ^he
kingdom ; or, 3. To try to save himself by open war with
the people. He has chosen the latter, which, even if he
fail, may afford him the chance of getting off, after all.
He may, to be sure, not be able to get off; but, the very
worst that can befall him is hardly so bad as either
** Citizen Charles/' or another trip to England !
57. Besides, it is not so certain that England (or any other
1st August, 1830. 45
• country) would dare receive him, unless prepared for war
with France! Will Spain, Portugal, the Dutchman, or
England, relish a war with the people of France ? Will
America be neutral this time, if we attack the French
people ? The French know our situation as well as we do ;
the Americans know it : all the world, except the Bourbons,
know it. Oh, no ! A Government contracts a debt of
800,000,000/. but once. -Paul Methuen will not a^am
brag that *' England has the honour to be the restorer of
legitimacy ihioughovit Europe;" Bankes will not again
call for taking the pictures and statues from '^ the twicc^
conquered France;" the base Courier will not again
say, " The play is over, ive may go to supper ; " the baser
Old Times will not again say, " Let us depart in peace, for
' our eyes have seen the salvation," Oh, no ! the THING,
let what may happen, the THING must be quiet, or blow
up the Funding System ; for who is there that is beast
Ci^ough^ under circumstances pointing to war, that will fail
to see, that NOTHING WILL BE SAFE BUT GOLD !
5S. No ; our THING cannot stir, and the French people
know that well. They know that it was the THING, and
that alone, that made them submit to the Bourbons ; and
they now know that they cannot make even an attempt to do
this again. It may, and perhaps will, by an alien act, or
by some other means, endeavour to do some little matter ;
but, if th^ king be defeated (and he will be m the end)y
our THING will be civil; it will not again drive the
French Ambassador out of England I In short, Charles must
46 Two-penny Trash;
be king by the French sword alone ; or, he must be '* Citizen
Capet/' There will not again be a Duke of Brunswick
and his army to enter France. In short, our THING can
give 720 subsidies, and Charles must do all for himself.
59. But what ought our Government to do, tobepre-
pared for a Republic in France ? Why, without losing
an hour make a Radical Reform of the House of Com^
mons. We are come back exactly to the old point. The
people here, when the French Revolution broke out, would
have been content with reform; so they would now: the
wise course, then, is, to give them the reform, and leave the
French to settle their oiun affairs in their own manner.
The struggle in France may be long and bloody: it must
end in a Republic, or in a savage despotism : the latter,
for any length of duration, is impossible : and, therefore,
again and again, I say reform, reform, as the sure, and,
perhaps, the only, means of preserving the institutions and
the tranquillity, and restoring the happiness of England.
HISTORY OF ExNGLAND. ^*
On the 1st of September I shall publish No. I. of The
History of the Life and Reign of George IV. When
that is done, I shall go back to the earliest times, and pub-
lish, in similar Numbers, on the 1st of every month, a
Complete History of England. A true one^ not a
1st August, 1830.
47
romance. The History of George IV. will be the end^
of course, unless I should outlive another King. I begin
with this last reign, because we want it, and particularly
the history of our poor, unfortunate and excellent friend,
Queen Caroline, who, by her known hatred of corrup-
tion, gave the borough villains a better blow than they had
had for many, many years. They have, in fact, never been
'' their own men '' since. These incomparable villains (for
what is equal to their villany) shall have their due, their
full due, in my history, which shall show how they got their
possessions ; and enable the nation to judge of the right that
they have to keep them. Our histories are romances, writ-
ten by pensioned and bribed slaves. It is high time that
the people knew the truth ; high time that they saw the
degradation into which they have fallen, and the causes of
it. This task was reserved for me ; and, God giving me
life and health, I will perform it. The Numbers will come
out monthly y price Gg?., as low as I can sell it, with any
thing like compensation to myself ; and I do this, because I
wish people in even low circumstances to read iU
48
List of Mr. Cobbett's Books.
JEnglisK Grammar, Price 3s.
French Grammar, Price 5s.
Cottage Economy. Price 2s. 6<f .
Mr. Cobbetfs Rural Rides. One thick vol. 12mo.
Price 5s.
The Woodlands. Price 14s.
The English Gardener. Price 6s.
Year*s Residence in America. Price 5s»
Mr, Cobhetfs Sermons. Price 3s. 6d.
The Poor Mans Friend. Price 8c?.
Paper Against Gold. . Price 5s.
History of the Protestant Reformation, Two vols.
Royal 8vo. fine paper. Price 10s.
Roman History, in French and English, Price 13s.
American Slave Trade. Price 2s.
Tulles Husbandry. One vol. 8vo. Price 15s.
Emigrant's Guide. One vol. 12mo. Price 2s. 6d.
A Treatise on CobbetVs Corn, One vol. 12mo. Price
5s. Old.
Advice to Young Men, One vol. 12mo. Price 5s.
An Italian Grammar. By James P. Cobbett. 12mo.
Price 6s.
A Sketch of the Life of General Lafayette, Price Is.
Usury Laws, or Lending on Interest, Price 2s. 6cZ.
History of the Regency and Reign of George IV., in
"Numbers, at 6d. eavh, l^mo. Three Numbers published.
Mr, John Cobbetfs Letters from France, Price 4s. 6c?.
Mr. James Cobbett' s Ride of Eight Hundred Miles in
France. Third Edition. Price 4s. 6d, '
Cobbetfs Translation of Martens s Law of Nations,
Fourth Edition. " Price 17s.
Mr. Wm, Cobbetfs Law of Turnpikes. Price 3s. Qd,,
Wills, Jowett, and Mills, Bolt Court, Fleet SUeet.
No. III.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of September, 1830.
TO THE
WORKING PEOPLE OF ENGLAND AND
SCOTLAND.
Kensington^ j^ugust 26, 1830.
My Friends,
60. Never since the world existed was there, to man in
civil life, a time more important and critical than this ; and
never was it so manifest, that the condition of mankind de-
pends wholly on their own conduct, and especially on that of
the working people. It is, therefore, of the greatest im-
portance that you be perfectly well informed of the causes
which have produced the recent glorious event at Paris.
The great deed was there performed by the working people ;
and by the working people here, must finally be produced
those salutary effects which every good man wishes to see
produced. There are some men who happen to be so fortu-
nate as to be able to keep their bones from labour, who
consider the working people merely as being made to toil for
others. Others, again, w^ho have their motives, doubtless,
choose to assert that the working people of England are
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street ;
and sold by all Booksellers,
50 Two-penny Trash;
poor things compared with those in France. My friends^
your conduct, when you have had a fair opportunity, has
always given the lie to this assertion ; and, I am sure, it will
always give it the lie,
61.1 undertook this little work, solely for the purpose of
giving you useful knowledge. This was my duty. You are
employed in creating food and raiment and lodging for me,
as well as for all others who do not labour with their bodies ;
and it is my duty to supply you with that knowledge which
I have been able to acquire, in consequence of my being
supplied with the necessaries of life by your labour. At this
moment, I can communicate no knowledge to you so useful
as that which relates to the recent events in France ; be-
cause, as I shall clearly show you, those events are closely
connected, and almost identified, with our own public affairs^
and with the interests of every man of us.
62. Pray observe, that all possible efforts are making ta
induce us to believe, that we are not at all in the situation
in which the French would have been, if their abominable
tyrants had succeeded. You may guess at the motive of
these efforts : and you will judge of the falseness of the
opinions which they are intended to inculcate, before I
have concluded the observations that I am about to make.
I am not going to give you a history or narrative of the re-
cent transactions in France. You will find that done in a
little work, published in weekly numbers in London, at
Strange's Publication Warehouse, in Paternoster-
row, These numbers are published weekly, price two-pence,
and are very well worthy of your attention. It is not a his-
tory of this great event that I am about to give you ; but I
am going to prove to you, that the Bourbon family have lost
their crown by attempting to force upon France a govern-
ment like that which exists in England now. What I am
1st September, 1830. 51
about to prove, I will state to you first shortly the substance,
in five distinct propositions, as follows :
1. That it was the English Borough mongers who insti-
gated the ex- King of France to attempt to take away
the right of the people to choose their representatives.
2. That our Boroughmongers intended to make the two
legislative Chambers in France totally independent of
the voice of the people.
3. That the people of France well understood what the
government of England was, and saw clearly, that the
English Boroughmongers were about to do this for their
own sake.
4. That to preVent their doing this, the people of Paris
shed their blood.
5. And that, therefore, the family of Bourbon owe the loss
of their crown to the resolution of the people of France
to die rather than to submit to a government like that
of England.
63. Before I enter upon these propositions, I have some
remarks to make upon the conduct of the Whigs, and half
Whigs, who are full as much mortified at this event as the
Bourbons themselves. Upon all occasions, they have endea-
voured, whenever they have opened their lips upon the sub*
ject, to cause the people to believe, that we have nothing at
all to do in this affair, except merely to express our admira-
tion of the people of Paris^ who have now got for themselves
just such a government as ours ; and that we ought to
admire them, and praise them, because they have "paid us
the compliment of fighting, even unto death, in order to
obtain the high prize of a?i English government. This
has been the language of the whole crew, wherever they
have met. But it w^as particularly the language of the
D 2
52 Two-penny Trash;
Scotch Whig place-hunters, who met at Edinburgh not many
days ago. The great talkers were one Jeffrey, an Edin-
burgh reviewer, one Cockburne, a lawyer, a Doctor
Mackintosh, who is, I suppose, a parson, one Simpson,
who appears to be a lawyer, too, and several others, amongst
whom was our Middlesex and Greek-bond gentlemen.
Another time, I mean to expose the folly, as well as the
insincerity of this crew, who manifestly got up this meeting,
at which they resolved not to subscribe for the widows and
orphans of Paris : they manifestly got up this meeting to
prevent a meeting of the sincere, middle and working classes,
who are found in Edinburgh, as w^ell as every-where else.
This grand meeting w^as to be a damper^ to keep the honest
and sincere cool and quiet ; and even if it should finally fail,
1 should not fail to take the will for the deed.
.' 64. The crafty and hypocritical crew, being thus assem-
bled, praised the valour of the Parisians to the skies;
commended them for their promptitude and valour ; but
above all things, for their having spared their bloody-
minded enemies, who, be it observed, never spared them;
v/ho were coolly playing at cards while the sanguinary Swiss,
who had so long been clothed and fed by the industrious
people of Paris, were butchering those very people. But,
what delighted these Scotch tax-eaters most, was, the dis-
covering that this revolution in France had given the French
a Government so very much like ours ; had given them a
state of freedom and of happiness almost equal to our own;
and that, of course, we could want no changes here^ being
already in possession of what the brave Parisians had been
fighting for ! Filthy hypocrites ! Base, but baffled deceivers.
Some of the good fellows of Edinburgh, Paisley, and Glas-
gow, wdll read this paper ; but, even without reading it, they
would have detected this scandalous cheat.
1st September, 1830. 53
65. Now, turning off these hypocrites with the back of
our hand, let us come to my five propositions, as stated above :
let us take them one at a time and go patiently through them ;
and, when we have done that, we may defy the devil to de-
ceive us. The first proposition is, —
1. That it was the English boroughmongers that insti-
' gated the ex-King of France to take away the right of
the people to choose their representatives.
66. Some one will say, ^* Why should our borough-
mongers do this V^ The reasons, my friends, are abundant.
The distress into which the nation has been plunged by the
enormous taxation, has made the people, every- where, wish
for and petition for a reform in the House of Commons. This
feeling has been gaining ground very fast, for more thau
three years : and the divers exposures which have takea
place, together with our own acute sufferings, have made
even the farmers cry aloud for parliamentary reform. Thafc
measure necessarily implies the destruction of boroughmon-
gering and all its profits. One of our great arguments in
favour of reform was, the prosperous and easy situation of
the people of France. '* Look," we said, ** there are the
'^ people of France ; they experience no distress; they want
" no corn bills; they do not live on cold potatoes ; they have
" no tithes ; they have no hordes of pension and sinecure
** people ; they have no bishops rolling in wealth ; no rectors
** with two or three livings each ; no poor curates starving
*^ upon a miserable pittance ; and why is it thus so well ia
" France? Because, and only because, there are no rotten
" boroughs and no boroughmongers in France ; only because
** the people choose their representatives theynselveSy and
" choose them by ballot,*^
67. The argument was so powerful, the facts so noto-
rious, the premises so true, and the conclusion so natural
54 Two-penny Trash;
and so close, that it terrified our boroughmongers. They saw
clearly that they must give way, oi put down this example
of happiness arising out of free elections. They saw that
if that thing- continued there, their traffic could not continue;
indeed the object of the twenty-two years* war was lost.
It is notorious that the object of that war was to prevent par-
liamentary reform ; and that the object would be totally de-
feated if they could not now conjure up something to prevent
France from being an example to England. If they could
so contrive it that the people of France should be deprived of
the right of election, and that the crown and the peers
should, in fact, return all, or a majority of, the members to
the lower house, then they had an answer ready for the re-
formers. " There,'' they would have said, " you wild and
" visionary men, you see that the French have tried free
" election and ballot; they have found that it will not do ;
*' they have given it up, you see, and therefore, let us hear
*^ no more of your foolish noise about reform."
68. Thus then, the VVHY is clear : the boroughmongers
bad reasons more than sufficiently powerful for instigating
the Bourbons to do what they did ; and, now, let us look at
tTie facts in support of the charge that they did thus instigate
them. In the first place, Polignac, who was to be the
instrument in the work, was an old emigrant who had long
resided in England, had married an English woman, had
been a good while the French ambassador in London, when,
in August, 1829 (pay attention to dates), he went from
England to France, to be invested with the office of Prime
Minister. Now, take these facts ; that he had lived and
bad been in some sort bred up amongst our boroughmongers ;
that, the moment he was appointed Prime Minister, all our
boroughmonger publications, daily, weekly, monthly, and
quarterly, began to praise the appointment; and that, as
soon as the discontent of the French began to appear,
these publications fell foul of the people of France and upon
the honest part of the press, and began to insist that some
great change was necessary in France ; and that, for the
peace of Europe (that is to say the upholding of borough-
njongering), the Governmentof France ought to be rendered
more monarchical. Things were going on thus in England,
1st September, 1830. 55
when the legislative Chambers met in France, in March or
April last : the Chamber of Deputies, that is to say, the
Commons House, voted an address to the king, which as good
as told him that he should have no money to be laid out by
this ministry whose tyrannical intentions were well known.
69. But, before I say more of this, I must go back
«ome months. The Polignac ministiy was, as we have seen
before, installed in the month of August 1829, and very
early in that month, the French press, faithful to its duty,
warned the people of the danger, told them that Polignac
intended to make them submit to a Government like that of
England, and called upon them to resist. The press was
prosecuted with all the rigours of the law, which, however,
by no means checked that press, which persevered in a
manner that will reflect everlasting honour on it. The na-
tion became fully sensible of the danger, and the people
themselves began to prepare for resistance so early as the
month of February in the present year. What they dreaded
was, that they should be deprived of the right of freely
choosing, and by ballot, their own representatives] they
saw that, if they had taxes imposed upon them by men
chosen by the king or the peers, or both together, they should
be slaves. They began to form associations for legal resist-
ance, in the first place. A part of Francecalled Brittany
had the great honour to set the example 5 and, after some
consultation on the subject, the leaders there met, and agreed
to form an association on the following grounds, and for the
following purposes, as expressed in their declaration and pro-
positions, every word of which I do beseech you to read
with attention !
*' We, the undersio^ned inhabitants of the five departments of the
ancient province of Brittany, under the cogiiizance and protection
of the Royal Court of Rennes, bound hy our own oaths, aud by those
of the chiefs of our families, to the duty of fidelity to the king, and
of attachment to the Charter; considering that a hamilful of politi-
cal intriguers have threatened to attempt the audacious project of
overturning the constitutional guarantees established by the Char-
ter; considering that it is due to their character and their honour
to imitate the generous resistance of their ancestors against the en-
croachments, the caprices, and the abuse of Ministerial power ;
considering that resistance by physical force would be a dreadful
calamity, and that it would be without motive while the means of
56 Two-penny Trash ;
legal resistance remain open to us; that in recurring to the judicial
power, the best prospect of success is to assure the oppressors of a
fraternal and substantial union ; under the ties of honour and of
right we therefore resolve —
** 1st. To subscribe individually the sura of 10 francs, besides a
tenth part subsidiarily of the contributions subscribed by the under-
signed in the electorial lists of 1830, and we oblige ourselves lo pay
to the order of the General Collectors, should it become necessary
to name them, in conformity with ihe third of these resolutions.
** 2d. This subscription is to form a common fund for Brittany,
destined to indemnify the subscribers for the expenses they may
incur in consequence of the refusal to pay any public contributions
ilte^ully imposed, either without the free, regular, and consti-
tutional concurrence of the King and the two Chambers, as con-
stituted by the Charter, or with the concurrence of Chambers,
formed by an electoral systemy which should exclude our right of voting iri
the choice of representatives,
<* 3d. In case of the official proposition, either of an unconstitu-
tional change in the electoral system, or of the legal establishment
of taxes, two mandatories from each arondissement are to meet at
Poutivy, and as soon as they are met to the number of twenty, they
are to name, from among the subscribers, three General Collectors,
and one Sub-Collector, in each of the five departments.
** 4th. The duties of the Sub-Collectors are — 1st, To receive
subscriptions ; 2d, To satisfy indemnities, conformably to article
2d ; 3d, On the requisition of a subscriber, disturbed by an illegal
contribution, to conduct in his name, under the care of the Sub-
Collector of his department, or of a delegate named in his arron-
dissement, the defence and its consequences, by all legal means.
4th, To bring a civil action against the authors, supporters, and
accomplices, in the assessment and exaction of such illegal
impositions.
*' 5th. The subscriber's name, M. , and M. , as
mandatories for this arrondissement, to meet the mandatories.from
the other arrondissements, in conformity with article 3d, and to
transmit their present subscriptions to the General Collectors when
named."
70. This, which very nearly resembles the American de^
clarations, at the time when this government of ours was
preparing to compel that brave people to submit to be taxed
without being represented, alarmed the tyrants exceedingly ;
and well it might; for it brought the question, at once, to
issue, without rushing into civil war, and without provoking,
or aflfording any excuse for, military execution. Indirect
taxes could not be resisted in this way ; but, direct taxes
1st September, 1830. 57
could ; I mean all such taxes as are collected by the tax-
gatherer coming to your house and demanding the money ^
You refuse to pay, you are prosecuted ; you go into court,
and plead that you owe no taxes, because you are not re-
presented ; the cause is given against you, and your goods
are seized', but who will buy your goods, who will dare to
buy they ? You are put into jail, suppose ; but then this
fund provides an indemnity for you. However, the thing
could never go thus far : the government must resolve on
open war ; or it must give way. Nothing was ever more
admirable than this, nothing more safe, nothing more effeC"
tual. And thus stood the people, resolved to face Polignac
and his masters, when the Chambers gave their answer to
the King, as mentioned a little way back.
71. Having received this answer, the King dissolved the
Chambers, hoping to get more pliant men by anew election.
He was deceived ; for he got all the same stout men again,
and many others in addition. But, when he had dissolved,
the Chambers, our boroughmonger press broke forth wdth
fresh fury against the press and the people of France, and
urged Polignac to put them down by force, saying that
the French were 7iot fit for liberty, such as we enjoyed,
which was, indeed, very true ; and, at any rate, they were
resolved not to have it. But, that part of our press, most
notoriously belonging to the Boroughmongers, I mean the
QuARTER^LY Review, threw off the mask completely, and
told Polignac that he must put down the press, and take
aiuay the right of representation ! This review was pub^
lished in the month of May ; and the following passage
from it will leave no doubt in your minds, that the writer
(a mere hireling) knew, in May, precisely what Polfgn AG
would do in July, I pray you to read it with atten-
tion ; and you will clearly see, that the people of France
were to be enslaved, lest the continuance of their freedom
should give countenance to our demand for Parliamentary
Reform.
*^ We, therefore, hope and trust, that the King of France and his
" present ministers may succeed, if such be their object, in estab-
*' lishing- a censorship on the press, and likewise in acquiring' sa
*' decided a preponderance in the Chamber of Deputies, that its
*' existence as an independent body capable of bearding the monarchy y
d5
-58 Two»PENNY Trash ;
*^.as it has recently done, shall be no longer recognised. This, we
** owD, will be a virtual abolition of the charter, but the question is
*^ obviously reduced to this : Shall the monarchy, which is suitable
to the country, he overthrown, or shall the charter, which, in
every possible view, is unsuitable to it, be afyrogated? It will be
*^ asked, Why. 7ieed we care what France does ? Why not let her do
*' what she pleases? What have we to do with her institutions, as
** a nation, more than we have with the domestic arrangements of
*' our next-door neighbour in the street? The answer to this, un-
*' fortunately, is but too ready. If our neighbour merely beats his
*' wife and children, and regulates his personal concerns in the
•* worst way possible, we have no right to complain; but if he gets
*^ intoxicated, and flings about firebrands, so as not only to set his
** own house on fire, but to threaten the destruction of the whole
^^ parish, we are compelled, in spite of our love of quiet, to take
** a lively interest in the proceedings. If the French could be ciV"
'' cuinscribed by a great Chinese wall, within which they might cut
*' one another's throats, an experiment to their hearts' content on
*' irieligioo and democracy, it would signify less to the neighbour-
*' ing countries. But when the amplest experience proves, that no
** commotion of any extent in France ever fails to embroil the rest
** of the world, and when we know that there are innumerable ob-
** jects of ambition, of aggrandisement, and of national revenge, all
** at this hour conspiring to stimulate a large portion of the French
*' population to fresh wars, we cannot possibly view their present
** unsettled state without the deepest ajixiety. We trust vve have
" said enough to show that there is only one course of measures by
** which good ordei' can be preservttd ; and however repugnant it
*^ may be to our English tastes, the necessity of the case requires
** that we should not shrink from the trial, but be prepared to wit-
*' ness, as the less grievous of the two evils, the temporary re*
** establishment of a tolerably absolute authority on the part of the
** crown of France, if this be impossible, or if the attempt be
*« BUNGLED IN THE JSXECUTION, we may bid adieu to re-
** pose, and buckle on our armour for another quarter of a century of
*' wars. VN'e think it is hardly possible to doubt that, unless the
** existing Government adopts, and succeeds in carrying into
^^ eS^ct, some very decisive measure IN THE COURSE OF THE
'* PRESENT YEAR, there will ensue another burst of convulsion :
*' and Napoleon has left no saying of more iudiiputable truth
*^ behind him, than that a revolution in France is a revolution in
** Europe.**
72. I need add no comment. The proof is complete;
thousands of men have been hanged upon evidence less clear
than this. I have clearly shown the powerful motive that
the Boroughmongers had for instigating Polignac; here
is the act of instigation ; and that this writer is hired by the
Boroughmonyers, is as notorious as that my name is Wil-
liam COBBETT.
1st September, 1830. 59
2. That the Boroughmongers intended to make the two
legislative Chambers of France like the two Houses of
Parliament in England.
3. That the people of France well understood what the
government of England was, and clearly saw that the
Boroughmongers were about to do this for their own
sake.
73. The first of these propositions is proved by the above
extract from the Quarterly Review, and from Polignac's
ordinances. The Review, in another part of it says, that
the power of choosing a majority of the Deputies ought
to he in the Crown, and in an hereditary aristocracy, as
it is in England; and Polignac's ordinances of the 25th
July provide for the securing of this. The third propo-
sition is established by a fact that all the world is now ac-
quainted with ; namely, that in the month of November
last, there was circulated throughout all France, the fol-
lowing description of the English government. It first ap-
peared in a paper called the Constitutionnel, which is
published at Paris ; and I beg you to read every word of it
with attention. You will find in it nothing that I have not
said a hundred times over ; but, you are here to look at it
as something that the people of France saw, probably, for
the first time. Do, pray, read it with attention. This, and
other such publications, produced the glorious event at Paris.
Read this description, and then you will cease to wonder at
what has taken place. After speaking of systems of oppres-
sion, which cannot in these days be put in force, the writer
proceeds thus :
'* There is a third system, which it would be much more practi-
cable to put into execution than any orthese. It is what England
is offering us the model of, and M. de Polignac has just been trying
to set in operation, namely, the system of making slaves and tools
of all the working classes in a body, by the higher orders, under
ctmstitutional forms and names. In this system, which the English
Government understands prodigiously well, the power of making the
laws belong exclusively to the members of the aristocracy ; public
situations, which are the road to honours and to fortune, fall to the
share of nobody but those who are vested with the power of making
the laws, their children, or relations ; and the people, who do the
work, are the property in fee of those who have the management of
public affairs. The English aristocracy displays great intelligence
60 Two-penny Trash ;
iu the way in which it accomplishes its ends with the working
classes. It leaves them all the means for the production of wealth;
and everyone of the individuals under its influence may choose the
business by which he thinks he can get the most. All attempts on
the security of individual property, which would only cause capital
to disappear and hinder production, are completely put down. The
•people that work are neither hampered nor disturbed in their la-
bours, but are as free in their industry and their commerce as bees
in a hive. The workingclasses, however, derive no more advantage,
in the end, from this freedom in their operations, than the bees do
from the honey they take so much pains to make. The higher or-
ders, through the medium of the taxes which they alone have the
privilege of laying, soak up the greatest part of the produce, and
divide it under different names among the members of their body.
To describe the thing properly, the English Parliament performs the
office of a pump; it sucks up the wealth produced by the working
classes, and turns it over into the hands of the families of the aris-
tocracy. But as it is a machine that has a head, and can think, it
leaves the working people as much as is necessary for them to go
on working. The English aristocracy allow a certain number of
men from the ranks of the people to find their way into the two
houses of Parliament : and it is for the interest of its supremacy
that it should be so. If the body that makes the laws consisted en-
tirely of the persons for whose advantage the industrious portion
of the community is set to work, they might bring their power into
peril by demanding of the people more than it was able to pay. The
men from among the people who find their way into Parliament^
take care to let them know when they are running into danger.
THE OPPOSITION, in the machine of Government, does the duty
of the safety-valve in a steam-engine. It does not stop the fnotion ;
but it preserves the machine, by letting off m smoke the power that
otherwise might blow it up. The exercise of aristocratical power
being attached to the possession of great landed property, it is eas^
to see that younger brothers can have no share in the real estates
■which may be left by their relatives at their decease. The descend-
ants of an aristocratic family would, in fact, all sink into the ranks
of the common people, if they were to divide what is left by their
relations in equal shares. The eldest son therefore keeps to him-
self all the landed property, to which is attached the exercise of
aristocratical power; and then he makes use of this power to get
money for his younger brothers, at the expense of the working
classes. It is a mistake to imagine, that in England all the pro-
perty of a family in the higher orders goes exclusively to the eldest
son. It is true, he takes the landed property, which is exclusively
the family estate. But the younger brothers have for their share
rich livings in tlie church, sinecures or places of some kind, which
the public is obliged to pay for; and all these are considered as
part of the family property, as much as the other. For there never
can be too much pains taken to impress the fact, that the higher
orders consider themselves as having a property, not only in the
landed estates which they possess by direct title, but in the work-
1st September, 1830. 61
ing classes besides, on whom they lay taxes as they please, and
share the proceeds among thems<flves. The hisrher orders in Great
Britain (who must not be confounded with the English people, a
people who are at their mercy to take what toll they please) will
never allow the working classes in any country to be their own
masters, as long as they can do any-thing to hinder it. They know
very well that their own power over the working classes in the
countries under their control, will never be out of danger of being
disputed, till the working classes of all other countries^ too, are made
the jyroperty of a family or of a caste. And hence it is that they are
found on all occasions making common cause with barbarism
against civilization. They take the part of Austria against Italy,
Don Miguel against Don Pedro, and theTurks against the Greeks,
If they ever make a show of declaring for the defenders of freedom,
it is only to get hold of the direction of their affairs, and hand them
over to their enemies. Any-where, and every-where, in short, where
they espy the seeds of any-thing like liberty, they hurry off to
spoil or smother them. If we judge of the plans of the Polignac
ministry by the past proceedings of the individuals that compose
it, and by what is let out by the papers in the service of the English
Ministry, it is easy to tell what kind of transformation the Charter
is intended to undergo in their hands. All Frenchmen will be equal
in point of law, whatever in other respects their title or their rank;
but the great mass of the population will be stricken with political
incapacity, and all public power will belong to the aristocracy.
They will all contribute indiscriminately, in proportion to their
property, to the expenses of the state ; but the members of the
aristocracy will take back again, under the name of pensions or of
salaries, the portion that they have paid, and divide the rest among
themselves besides. They will be equally admissible by law to
both civil and military offices ; but there will be nobody really ad-
mitted, except at the good pleasure of the aristocracy, and to serve
its purposes. Personal liberty will be guaranteed to every-body :
and nobody will be seized or prosecuted, but in the ways and terms
the aristocracy has fixed upon. Every man will have equal liberty
to profess his religion, and receive the same protection for his forms
of worship ; only nobody must utter any opinion that may be con-
trary to the tenets of the church. Every-body in France will have
a right to publish and print his thoughts ; at his own risk, if he
says any-thing that is against the interests of the church and the
aristocracy. To wind up all, property of all kinds will be quite
secure ; only the aristocracy will have the power of laying it under
any contributions they think proper, and so applying it to their
own use.— THIS IS THE SORT OF CHARTER the Polignac
ministry would bestow on France, if it succeeded in getting a
majority in the Chambers, and the King's consent. It is for the
electors to consider whether they choose to put up with SUCH an
order of things. Their fate IS IN THEIR OWN HANDS.
74. There, my lads of the working classes, that is the
picture that roused the French. That is the picture that
62 Two-penny Trash ;
made the working people of Paris fly to arms. Whether
the picture be true or false, I will leave you to decide ; but,
at any rate, you must now be satisfied, that this is what our
boroughmongers intended to cause to be introduced into
France; and,
4. That, to prevent their doing this, the people of Paris
shed their blood ; and,
5. That, therefore, the Bourbons owe the loss of their
crown to the resolution of the people of France, 7iot to
submit to a government like that of England.
75. I will attempt no commentary. You now, my friends,
see the true cause of the glorious achievement in France. It
was not " seditious writings;" it was not love of change ;
it was not want of religion ; it was nothing but a conviction,
that the Polignac Ministry intended to bend their necks
to a boroughmonger system', rather than submit to which,
they resolved to shed their blood ; and, as it is clear that
Polignac and his master were instigated to the base at-
tempt by our boroughmongers, to them Charles and his
family owe the loss of their crown ! Let them now, then,
condole with one another : they are all got together here r
let them howl, while the sensible and brave people of France
dance and sing.
76. But there is one part of the above picture to which
I must call your particular attention. It is that which ex-
hibits our " OPPOSITION," which " in the machine of
*^ government, does the duty of a safety-valve in a steam-
^' engine. It does not stop the motion; but it preserves
** the machine, by letting ofiF, in smoke, the power, which,
*' otherwise might blow it upj^ How true this is ! How I
should like to take the man by the hand that wrote this !
^^ Aye," say the boroughmongers, ** and we know where he
got ity Yes, you base wretches, you do know where he got
it, and I know too ; and it glads my heart to think how I
have reached you, in spite of all your power and all your
cunning and all your hypocrisy and all your malice. This
is really like *' bread thrown upon the waters ;* it is come
back again after many days. France owes her deliverance
to the good sense and to the valour of the people ; but that
€easc and that valour would not have been exercised had
1st September, 1830. 63
not the press pointed out the danger; and the press of
France could not have pointed out the danger, notwith-
standing the great ability of the writers, if those writers had
not been in possession of the facts ; and those facts were
furnished by me, and never by any -body else. Our great
curse has been, the deceiving of the people by sham patriots,
who have passed under the name of political parties.
When I was a child, it was the court-party and the
country -party. This was a fraud upon the people; but
after this came Tories and Whigs (taking up names that
had been in use more than a century before) ; and, each
choosing a leader, the Tories were called Pittites, and the
Whigs Foxites ; and thus, for about thirty years, they were
drawn out in battle array, the two parties taking care not to
injure one another, each laying hold of the public wealth,
and pulling and tearing like two savage wolves striving for
the exclusive possession of a sheep. In the year 1806,
when the Foxites had put out the Pittites, and got into their
place, or, rather, had made a compromise and coalition
with a part of the Pittites, and had agreed to an indemnity
for all the atrocious deeds of the Pitt faction ; then it
w^as that I set myself to work to break up all parties ; lay-
ing it down as a maxim that the one was just as bad as the
other, and that the opposition was a mere sham, intended
to keep the people quiet while each party plundered them
alternately.
77. From this time, w^hich is now four-and-twenty years
ago, I have been abhorred by these factions, and have most
severely suffered in consequence of that abhorrence ; but I
have demolished the factions, and the words Tory and
Whig now excite ridicule and contempt at the bare sound
of them. The words " opposition' and *^ gentlemen oppo*
site/* are become equally contemptible. The people have
long looked upon the whole as one mass of fellows fighting
and scrambling for public money ; some fighting to keep it,
and others scrambling to get at it; some dogs in possession
of the carcase, and some growling and barking because they
cannot get at a share. Seeing the people despising both
these factions, a third has started, to whom I have always
given the name of SIIOY-HOYS ; and now I will tell you
64 TwO'PENNY Trash;
why. A shoy-hoy is a sham man or woman, made of
straw or other stuff, twisted round a stake, stuck into the
ground, and dressed in clothes of man or woman, with arms,
legs, head, and every- thing, and with a stick or gun put into
its hand. These shoy-hoys are set up for the purpose of
driving birds from injuring the corn or the seeds, and some-
times to frighten them from cherries, or other fruit. The
people w^ant a reform of the parliament, and there has
for a long time (about fifteen or sixteen years) been a little
band, who have professed a desire to get parliamentary re-
form. They have made motions and speeches and divisions,
with a view of keeping the hopes of the people alive, and
have thereby been able to keep them quiet from time to
time. They have never desired to succeed; because success
would put an end to their own hopes of emolument : but they
have amused the people. The great body of the factions,
knowing the reality of their views, have been highly diverted
by their sham efforts, which have never interrupted them in
the smallest degree in their enjoyment of the general plun-
der. Just as happens with the birds and the shoy-hoys in
the fields or gardens. At first, the birds take the shoy-hoy
for a real man or woman ; and, so long as they do this, they
abstain from their work of plunder ; but after having for some
little while watched the shoy-hoy with their quick and
piercing eyes, and perceived that it never moves hand or
foot, they totally disregard it, and are no more obstructed by
it than if it were a post. Just so is it with these political
shoy-hoys ; but their demerits are not, like the field shoy-
hoys^ confined to the doing of no good ; they do mischief ;
they really, like my friend the Frenchman's safety-valve,
assist the factions in the work of plunder ; which I remember
an instance of, indeed, in the curious case of a horticultural
shoy-hoy, which case very aptly illustrates the functions of
these political deceivers. The birds were committing great
ravages upon some turnip-seed that I had at Botley. " Stick
up a shoy-hoy,'* said I to my bailiff. *' That will do no
goodj sir;" ** It can do no harm, and therefore stick one
up." He replied, by telling me, that he had, that morning,
in the garden of his neighbour Morell, who had stuck up
a shoy-hoy to keep the sparrows from his peas, actually seen
a sparrow settled, with a pod, upon shoy-hoy s hat, and
1st September, 1830. 65
there, as upon a dining-table, actually pecking out the peas
and eating them, which he could do with greater security
there where he could look about him and see the approach of
an enemy, than he could have done upon the ground, where
he might have been taken by surprise. Just exactly such
are the functions of our political shoy-hoys. The agricultural
and horticultural shoy-hoys deceive the depredating birds
but a very short time; but they continue to deceive those
who stick them up and rely upon them, who, instead of
rousing in the morning, and sallying upon the depredators
with powder and shot, trust to the miserable shoy-hoys, and
thus lose their corn and their seeds. Just thus it is with the
people, who are the dupes of the political shoy-hoys. In
Suffolk, and the other eastern counties, they call then^
mawkeses, Mawkes seems to be the female, and shoy-hoy
the male, of this race of mock-human beings ; and I
suppose that the farmers in the east, from some cause or
other, look upon the female as the most formidable of the
two. At any rate, our political shams are of the masculine
gender, and therefore shoy-hoy is the proper name for
them.
78. Now then, who are our shoy-hoys ? There is Bur-
DETT, who seems to be the patriarch of the race, his Man,
Alderman Shawl, Russell, Nugent, Wilson, and
several others, besides Brougham and Hume. As to
Burdett and Hobhouse, after the severe pelting at West-
minster, after Shawl and Wilson's keeping away from the
meetings in honour of the French; as to Russell, wuth his
four great towns and his Bloomsbury vestry bill (and which
bill I shall give a history of, one of these days) ; as to Nu-
gent, who wrote a letter in praise of the deeds of the people
of Paris, and who (as the newspapers tell us) slipped down
afterwards to visit the ex-King at Cowes; as to these, I will
say no more now, nor as to Monck (one of Burdetl's purity-
dinner companions); for he has retired to vralk arm in ana
about Reading with the immaculate Rhadamanthus of the
consistory court: as to these I will say no more now, but,
with regard to Brougham and Hume, I must beg you to be
upon your guard. Watch them well, and you will soon dis-
cover that they anwer all the purposes of the shoy-hoy ia
66 Two-penny Trash;
Morell's garden. Brougham has been roaring away in the
north against him whom he used to call the *' greatest cap-
tain of the age/' and luhose eloquence he compared to that
of Cicero, at the time when the Master of the Rolls was
expected to die. You will find him change his tone ; and
particularly, you will find him shuftle out of parliamentary
reform. You will find Joseph Hume to do the same ; and
indeed he has already begun to do it 3 for, at Edinburgh,
the other day, he observed that there Tvas ** still further
reform wanted in this country,^ Still! What does he
mean by still ? Further reform ! What does he mean by
further ? Why, I will tell you what he means ; he means,
as he said in the pure House, that no reform is wanted , ex-
cept such as HE can produce by the totting»up of figures.
That is what he means ; and I dare say he has set all the
Presbyterian parsons in Scotland to pray that there never
may be a parliamentary reform as long as breath shall
warm his body.
79. The Parliament is said to be summoned to meet on
the 26th of October, for the dispatch of business. What
business ? Of regency, when we have got a king upon the
throne likely to live for twenty years ? About the revolutions
in Europe ? What could the Parliament do about those re*
Tolutions ? But, I will tell you what it may meet for: and
that is to legalize an order in council for restraining the bank
and making paper a legal tender ; and this I think by no
means impossible, but, on the contrary, very probable, if
what the newspapers tell us be true, relative to the quantities
of bullion continually going out of the country ; and, if this
should be the case, you will see what a figure the shoy-
hoys will make. Two babies, nice little round-faced fat
babies, taken out of any two cradles, or out of any two sets
of swaddling-clothes in any two Scotch burghs, know just
as much what to do or what to recommend in such a state of
things, as Brougham and Hume. They would stand aghast :
they would cling hold of the first folly that presented itself;
they would shift their hold every moment ; and the great
counties of York and of Middlesex, would blush to hear
them called their members. Be it a question of foreign
policy, what do these men know any-thing more about it
1st September, 1830. 67
than any real and genuine shoy-hoy, who has now the guar-
dianship of the fields ? Oh, how I should like to see them
engaged in discussing the question, whether it were right or
wrong to make a hank restriction, in order to prevent the
French from going to the Rhine. However, there will be
plenty of time hereafter for all these things, when the Par-
liament shall meet.
80. In conclusion, I beg leave to recommend to you to
meet in your several trades, to subscribe your pennies a piece
for the relief of the widows and the orphans of Paris. By
paying the money to the Editor of the Morning Chronicle,
(who has acted a sincere and most excellent part in this
business,) or by leaving it at my office, seeing it entered in
the book, and taking a receipt, in the name of Sir Thomas
Beevor, the Treasurer ; by either of these means, you may
be sure of the sending of the money to Paris, and as many of
your names along with it as you choose. Always bear in
mind that it was the working people of Paris who per-
formed this great benefit for all the industrious people in the
world. The slain have been slain for you as well as for
their wives and children ; and recollect how grateful it must
be to those widows and children to receive consolation, and
particularly from you, the brethren of their husbands and
fathers. There is scarcely any man, who is in work, who
cannot give a penny or twopence. Three pounds have just
been received at my office, from thirty working men, in the
neighbourhood of Maidstone, in Kent. You remember the
voluntary contributions of the aristocracy for carrying on
the dreadful war against the liberties of France. The liber-
ties of France have at last prevailed, and have been secured
by the devotion and the valour of the working people. The
aristocracy and the clergy do not subscribe now ; now that
the object is for the relief of sufferers, and not for the procur-
ing of destruction. The Quakers, too, where are they ?
They could subscribe for German sufferers, and Russian suf-
ferers, and Hanoverian sufferers ; aye, and though their
religion forbade them to subscribe for powder and ball, they
could subscribe to buy flannel shirtfe for the soldiers that
were engaged in firing powder and ball at the French*
68 Two-penny Trash;
Then, let me hope that they will subscribe a little now, for
here are the wounded, here are the widows, here are the
orphans, demanding their help.
I am your faithful friend
And obedient servant,
Wm. COBBETT.
COBBEirS HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Tii E first number of this work was published on the first
of September. Each number will contain thirty pages, at
least, and will be sold for Qd, The history will be from the
earliest times, and will come down to the day when I pub-
lish the last Number; but, I have begun with the Reign
OF George IV. ; because, while the facts are all fresh in
our minds is the time for putting them on lasting record.
These, too, justice demanded to the memory of his wife.
They are both dead now ; she can suffer no more, and he
can enjoy nothing more : all that ever can be known about
tlieir characters and conduct can now be collected together;
and now therefore, is the time to lay that collection before
the world. This part of our history is demanded also by
the necessity that there is of showing to the rising generation
howyh/se are the assertions, that this reign (including the
Regency) was prosperous for the people. Those who are
now from 17 to 21 years of age can have very little know-
ledge of the many striking transactions of this calamitous
reign, during which so many and such daring assaults were
made on our rights and liberties, and during which such suf-
ferings were endured by the great body of the people. Peel
says, " that we are too near to the advantages which we
have derived from the mild and beneficent reign of his Ma-
1st September^ 1830* 69
jesty to be able fully to appreciate them,*' Indeed ! What !
tQO near to the select- vestry law, the new trespass law, the
transporting-poaching law, the Irish transport! ng-with-jury
law, too near to the dungeon law, and the famous six acts ;
too near to the Italian witnesses, to Castles, Oliver, Ed-
wards; too near to Sid mouth, and Castlereagh, and Can-
ning; too near to all those and a thousand other things and
persons, ** to be able fully to appreciate the advantages
we derived from their mildness and beneficence r Better to
stop, I suppose, till we are ^ot farther off ; till names and
dates are beyond the reach of all but a few ; and till facts
become matter of dispute y instead of being capable of proof,
such as to satisfy a judge and jury ! Better stop, certainly,
till the palace-building, the Irish starvation ; till the IQth of
August, till the 500 killed and wounded persons, and till
the letter of thanks to the Yeomanry Cavalry, be all for-
gotten! Oh, no ! Mister Peel, we will, if you please,
not stop so long as this. We will, while the story is fresh in
our memory, have it down in black and white ; in order that
those who are coming up to be men, may learn how to appre-
ciate these acts of ** mildness and beneficence,'' and may
know how they ought to act their part on the stage, which
is now, according to all appearance, going to be a very
bustling one. Wm. COBBETT.
70 Mr. Cobhett's List of Books,
N. B. All the Books undermentioned, are published at No. 11, Bolt*
court f Fleet-street y London ; and are to be had of all the Book^
sellers in the Kingdom,
TZX3E: COBBETT-I-IBIlAItir.
When I am asked what books a young man or young woman
ought to read, 1 always answer, Let him or her read all the books
that I have written. This does, it will doubtless be said, smell of
the shop. No matter. It is what I recommended ; and experience
has taught me that it is my dutif to give the recommendation. I am
speaking here of books other than THE REGISTER; and even
these, that I call my LIBRARY, consist of twenty-six distinct
books ; two of them being translations ; six of them being writ-
ten BY MY SONS ; one (Tull's Husbandry) revised and edited, and
one published by me, and written by the Rev. Mr. O'Callaghan,
a most virtuous tatholic Priest. I divide these books into classes,
as follows : 1. Books for Teaching Language; 2. On Domestic
Management and Duties; 3. On Rural Affairs; 4. On the
Management of National Affairs; 5. History; 6. Travels ;
7. Laws; 8. Miscellaneous Politics. Here is a great variety of
subjects; and all of them very r/ri/ ; nevertheless the manner of
treating them is, in general, such as to induce the reader to go
through the bookf when he has once begun it. 1 will now speak of
each book separately under the several heads above-mentioned. —
N. B. All the books are bound in boards, which will be borne in
mind when the price is looked at.
1. BOOKS FOR TEACHING LANGUAGE.
COBBETT'S ENGLISH GRAMMAR. {Price 3^.)— This is a
book oi principles, clearly laid down ; and when once these are got
into the mind they never quit it.
COBBETT'S iFRENCH GRAMMAR (Price bs.) ; or, Plain
Instructions for the Learning of French. — Alore young men have, I
dare say, learned French from it, than from all the other books
that have been published in English for the last fifty years.
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S 1 1 ALIAN GRAMMAR (Price 6s.) ;
or a Plain and Compendious Introduction to the Study of Italian. —
I would pledge myself to take this book and to learn Italian from
it in three months.
2. DOMESTIC MANAGEMENT AND DUTIES.
COBBETT'S COTTAGE ECONOxMY (Price 2s. 6d.) ; con-
taining information relative to the brewiog of Beer, making of
Bread, keeping- of Cows, Pigs, Bees, Ewes, Goats, Poultry, and
Rabbits, and relative to other matters.
COBBETI 'S ADVICE TO YOUNG MEN, and (incidentally)
to Young fFomeny in the middle and higher Ranks of Life (Price 5*.)
It was published in 14 numbers, and is now in one vol. complete.
Mr. CohbetCs List of Books. 71
COBBETT'S SERMONS {Price 3s. 6d.)— More of these Sermons
have been sold than of the Sermons of all the Church* parsons put
together since mine were published.
COBBETT'S EDITION OF TULL*S HUSBANDRY (Price
lbs,): THE HORSE-HOEING HUSBANDRY; or, A Theatisb
on the Principles of Tillage and Vegetation, wherein is taught a
Method of introducing a sort of Vineyard Culture into the Corn*
Fields, in order to increase their Product and diminish the com*
mon Expense.
3. BOOKS ON RURAL AFFAIRS.
COBBETT'S YEAR'S RESIDENCE IN AMERICA, WITH A
MAP {Price 5s,) A book very necessary to all men of property
who emigrate to the United States.
COBBETT'S ENGLISH GARDENER {Price 6s,) A complete
book of the kind.
COBBETPS WOODLANDS {Price Us,) ; or, A Treatise on
Forest Trees and Underwoodsj and the Manner of Collecting, Pre-
serving, and Sowing of the Seed.
COBBETT'S CORN-BOOK {Piice 2s. 6d,) ; or, A Treatise
on Cobbett's Corn : containing Instructions for Propagating and
Cultivating the Plant, and for Harvesting and Preserving the Crop;
and also an Account of the several Uses to which the Produce is
applied, with Minute Directions relative to each mode of Appli-
cation,— This edition 1 sell at 25. 6d,, that it may get into numerous
hands,
4. MANAGEMENT OF NATIONAL AFFAIRS.
COBBETT'S PAPER AGAINST GOLD {Price bs,) ; or, the
History and Mystery of the Bank of England, of the Debt, of the
Stocks, of the Sinking Fund, and of all the other tricks and con-
trivances carried on bv the means of Paper Money.
COBBETPS RURAL RIDES. {Price bs.) If the members of
the Government had read these Rides, only just 7^ead them, last
year, when they were collected and printed in a volume, they
could not have helped foreseeing all the violences that have now
taken place, and especially in these very counties ; and foreseeing
them, they must have been devils in reality if they had not done
something to prevent them.
COBBETT'S POOR MAN'S FRIEND {Price M,)-, or, a De-
fence of the Rights of those who do the Work and fight the Battles.
— ^l^his is my favourite work. 1 bestowed more labour upon it than
upon any large volume that I ever wrote.
COBBETT'S EMIGRANT'S GUIDE (2^. 6d.) ; in Ten Letters,
addressed to the Taxpayers of England.
USURY LAWS {Price 2s. 6d.) ; or, Lending at Interest;
also, the Exaction and Payment of certain Church-fees, such as
Pew-rents, Burial-fees, and the like, together with forestalling
Traffic; all proved to be repugnant to the Divine and Ecclesiasti-
cal Law^ and destructive to Civil Society,
72 Mr, Cobbetfs List of Books.
5. HISTORY.
COBBETT*S HISTORY OF THE PROTESTANT REFOR-
MATION in England and Ireland (Price 4s. 6d.) ; showing how
that Event has impoverished and degraded the main Body of the
People in those Countries: PART II. [PHce 3s. 6d.) ; contain-
ing a List of the Abbeys, Priories, Nunneries, Hospitals, and other
Reh'gious Foundations, in England and Wales, and in Ireland,
confiscated, seized on, or alienated, by the Protestant ** Reforma-
tion,** Sovereigns, and Parliaments.
COBBETT'S ROMAN HISIORY, English and French,
(Price 6s.) ; Vol. I. from the Foundation of Rome to the Battle of
Actium. Vol.11. An Abridged History of the Emperors, in
French and English: being a continuation of the History of
THE RoiMAN Republic. — This work is intended as an Exercise-book
to be used with my French Grammar ; and it is sold at a very low
price^ to place it within tlie reach of young men in general.
COBBETT'S HISTORY OF THE REGENCY AND REIGN
OF GEORGE IV. — This work is published in Nos. at 6rf. each, and
shall do justice to the late ** 9nild and merciful** King.
LAFAYETTE'S LIFE {Price Is.) A brief Account of the Life
of that brave and honest man, translated from the French, by Mr.
James Cobbett.
6. TRAVELS.
MR. JOHN COBBETT'S LETTERS FROM FRANCE (Price
As. 6d.)
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S RIDE OF EIGHT HUNDRED
MILES IN FRANCE (the Third Edition, Price 2s. 6d.)
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S TOUR IN ITALY, and also in Part
of FRANCE and SWITZERLAND (Price 4s. 6d.)
7. LAW.
COBBETT'S TRANSLATION OF MARTENS'S LAW OF
NATIONS (Price I7s.) ; being the Science of National Law,
Covenants, Power, &c. Founded upon the Treaties and Customs
of Modern Nations in Europe.
MR. WM. COBBETT'S LAW OF TURNPIKES (Price 3s. 6d.)
8. MISCELLANEOUS POLITICS.
THE REGISTER, published Weekly, Price Is. 2d, Sixty-four
pages.
TWO-PENNY TRASH, published monthly, Price 2d., I2s. 3d.
for a hundred, and \\s. a hundred if 300 or upwards.
This is the Library that I have created. It really makes a tole-
rable shelf of hooks ; a man who understands the contents of which
may be deemed a man of great information. In about every one
of these works I have pleaded the cause of the working people, and
I shall now see that cause triumph, in spite of all that can be done
to prevent it.
N. B. A whole set of these books at the above prices, amounts to
71. Os. 2d. ; but, if a whole set be taken together, the price is 67.
And here is a stock of knowledge sufficient for any young mau in
the world.
^Printed by Wm. Cobbett, Jobnson*3-cottit, rieet-strect.^J 1
^
No. IV.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of October, 1830.
TO
THE INDUSTRIOUS CLASSES AT BOTLEY IN
HAMPSHIRE.
On the conduct of their rich neighbours, and in particU"
lar of that owe Willis (who is now' called Fleming),
and who is one of the Members of that unfortunate
County.
' Kensington, Septemhei^ 30, 1830.
My Friends,
81. What I have to say upon the above subject, though
addressed to you, is of equal interest to the working people
in every part of the country ; for, every- where there are to
be found men of the same description as that of those on
whose conduct I am about to remark, though, perhaps, in
proportion to the population of the place, there are more of
them to be found at and near Botley than in any other part
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street,
and sold hy all Booksellerst
£
74 Two-penny Trash;
of the kingdom. The great and constant object of these
men is, to get riches, to rake together wealth, by any and
every means in their power; and, one of the means that they
have constantly in use is, to pinch the working people, and
to delude them at the same time. They do not attack you
in the manner of highwaymen and housebreakers ; but by
craftiness, by cunning to surpass that of the devil himself.
These men have always found in me a great enemy. I have
been at work exposing them for thirty years; I have thwarted
many of their schemes; I have taught the working people their
rights; I have done all in my power to prevent them from
being oppressed ; and for this their oppressors hate me most
mortally. They have lost no opportunity of showing this
hatred; and, upon a recent occasion they, in the village of
Botley itself, held a sort of Jubilee, or day of rejoicing,
that I was not still upon the spot to take your parts, and to
give them trouble.
82. This Jubilee was called a dinner, which it was
pretended that the people of Botley gave to Willis (now
called Fleming), who is one of the two who are called mem-
bers for Hampshire, An account of this dinner has been
published ia a Southampton newspaper^ which has been
sent to me by friends from several parts of the county. As
to the particular men who figured upon this occasion, they
would be wholly unworthy of this public notice ; but, they
are only a sample of the whole sack of fellows of the same
' description, who are, as I said before, to be found in all parts
of the country. But, what induces me, at this time, to
bestow this notice upon them is this: that they took this
occasion to put forth their infamous principles relative to
several matters in which you are deeply interested, par-
ticularly wdth regard to the Corn Laws, and to the means
oi providing for the poor. These are two very important
subjects, and what these greedy fellows said relative to them
1st October, 1830. , 75
is worthy of your best attention. These worthless and
greedy fellows abused and belied me ; but, it is what they
fcaid upon these subjects that is particularly worthy of your
attention ; and I am about to show you how you are inte-
rested in these matters. You have suffered hunger and
cold long enough ; it is time that you cease to suffer them ;
you do the work ; you raise the food and the clothing and
the fuel ; and it is time that you had your share of them ;
or, at least, more of them than you now have ; but this
these greedy fellows mean that you shall not have, if they
can keep it from you, either by open force or by deceiv-
ing you.,^
83. They begin to be alarmed : they begin to fear that
they must let go their grasp ; they have seen what the work'
ing people in France have done ; and they fear, that the
example may be catching. Hence their incessant endea-
vours to deceive you, being well aware, that, if it come to
open force, you will beat them. One of their means is, to
make you believe, that those who defend your rights are
your enemies; and that they are disloyal and seditious
men, and that you ought to hate them instead of respecting
them. You know that, once upon a time, the Wolves,
when they wanted to devour the Sheep, could not do it, be-
cause the fold was defended by a strong and watchful
Dog. The wolves, being as cowardly as they were greedy,
and as cunning as they were cowardly, told the sheep,
that they might live in harmony together, if it were not
for that surly, ill-tempered, aifid barking dog; and that, if
the sheep would but tell the dog to go about his business,
and let them take care of themselves, they would never again
have any cause ^r fear or uneasiness. The silly sheep
(and ungrateful as well as silly) began to abuse the dog,
and told him that they did not want him ; and he, justly
offended at their baseness, walked off and left them to the
e2
76 Two-penny Tra&h;
mercy of their new friends. The moment he was safely out
of sight and out of hearing, in jumped the wolves, and tore
the sheep to pieces, killed and devoured the whole, Iambs
and all !
84. The fellows at this dinner are the wolves; you are
the sheep ; and their object is to prevail on you to act aa
ungrateful part towards me, that they may devour you,
flesh, skin, bones, blood and all, and even your hair into the
bargain. But, now let us hear what they said upon this oc-
casion. I have great reluctance to fill my paper with their
rubbish ; but it is but fair that you have to read what they
said ; and besides, it will be useful to you and to me also to
be able to look back now and then, in time to come, at this
proof of their incomparable baseness. One Jar vis was, it
appears, their chairman^ and he seems to be a captain of
some sort ; that is to say, a fellow that lives on the taxes
that are drawn out of your sweat. No wonder that he hates
dhe sheep-dog. Willis (now called Fleming) was the
' chief orator. There were others, who, though they do not
seem to have howled out loud, were equally base with the
"wolves that howled ; and, indeed, rather more base, if that
-"be possible ; for, while they kept in the drove,^ and backed
the others on, they thought that, by their silence, they
^should escape the punishment to which the howling wolves
would be exposed ; and that, thus, they w^ould be able to go
on devouring unchecked.
S5, But, now, pray read the whole of what they said.
There can be no doubt, that they sent the account of it to
the newspapers themselves ; for all such fellows, cunning
as they are in other respects, are eager to see their names
in print ; and, though they would hardly spend a penny to
pay for bringing their wives a bed, they will squeeze out
a few shillings to hire a dirty newspaper fellow to stick up
their names in his beggarly paragraphs, and to abuse those
1st October, 1830. 77
whom they look upon as the friends of the working people.
The poor wretch, who publishes this newspaper, does not
know me ; perhaps, on public grounds, he respects me and
abhors them^ but they gave him money, and I did not;
money he wanted to buy him shoes, and shirts, and victuals ;
and, therefore, he abused me and praised them. If I would
have given him a pair of shoes, a pound of bacon, or a loaf
of bread, more than they gave him, the poor lazy sooty
wretch would have praised me and abused them. However,
I must reserve further remarks, lintil you have heard what
the stupid and base creatures said at the dinner. Pray
read it all through with attention ; and look particularly at
the words that are printed in the sort of letter that these
words are printed in. The following is the account, taken
from the Southampton beggarman's newspaper.
Botley, Sept, 11.
DINNER TO MR. FLEMING.
Several of the towns of this county have expressed their attach-
ment to our worthy and long- established Member, Mr. Fleming-,
by giving him public dinners. We are led to point to the circum-
stance by what will appear to those who are acquainted with Mr.
Fleming's political principles an astonishing fact — his being last
vreek invited to dine in CobhetCs radical nest, Botley. It has been
asked, if the honourable Member is about to become a convert ?
but his speech, which will be seen below, fully answers the ques-
tion. We regret we have not room to give the whole of the speeches
of the many respectable gentlemen who delivered their sentiments.
They, however, fully show that Cobhett and radicalism are out of
fashion at Botley ; and Fleming, rational liberty, and constitutional
independence, the objects of their present attachment.
On Thursday last, the freeholders and friends of Mr. Fleming,
resident in Botley and its neighbourhood, including several from
Southampton and Bishop's Waltham, partook of a most sumptuous
dinner, at the Dolphin Inn, Botley, to celebrate the recent re-elec-
tion of that gentleman as a Member for the County, upon which
occasion Samuel Raymond Jarvis, Esq, presided. There were
about forty gentlemen present; and, after dinner, which consisted
of venison, game, fish, and every delicacy that could he procured,
the worthy chairman gave, in succession, ** The King,'* " The
Queen and Royal Family," and ** The Duke of Wellington and his
Majesty's Ministers," which were severally drunk with much ap-
plause. Captain Jarvis next rose to propose the health of Mr.
78 Two-penny Trash;
Fleming, and in doing: so, remarked that it was with a feeling of
great gratificatiou he hailed such a meeting; and that iu offering
to the world their feelings in support of the worthy Member, they
should retrieve from Botley that imputation which it hud long e»-»
duredy of disloyalty and radicalism. He then adverted to the late
election, the circumstances attending which he said must be fresh
in the recollection of all present, and remarked, that it must be
felt that the County was insulted by the ungenerous conduct there
displayed. Every man, he observed, in this country had a right to
enjoy his own political feeling, but let no one attack a man like
the worthy gentleman, Mr. Fleming, whose private character was
unblemished, and whose public conduct would bear the strictest
investigation. The gallant chairman, after many other observa-
tions, concluded a speech, which was much applauded, by proposing
the health of Mr. Fleming, which was drunk with the most rap-
turous approbation f amid deafening cheers,— Mr. Fleming returned
thanks as follows: —
*^ Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen :— The honourable and distin-
guished reception I have experienced here to-day, and the \evy
warm and gratifying manner in which you have honoured the?
toast, proposed with so much ability, and in terms so flattering, by
our excellent chairman, call for acknowledgments and gratitude
far beyond my power of expression ; I trust, however, you will not
think I am the less sensible of your kindness, or regardless of the
value of testimony such as yours, in approval of my public prin-
ciples and conduct. It is my highest honour to have been thought
worthy of your support upon the late occasion, and 1 shall ever
remember with feelings of grateful satisfaction, the unprecedented
expressions of good-will which greeted me from all parts of the
county, and which, had ray opponents dared to have risked a poll,
would speedily have exposed their weakness, and shown how
utterly they are despised by the enlightened and respectable free*'
holders of this county. Gentlemen, I will not waste your time by
noticing the unjust and unfounded aspersions of my opponents;
my public conduct is known to you as well as to them, and 1 fear-
lessly call upon you to declare, if it has been not uniformly straight*
forward, consistent, and independent ? It is unnecessary to reiTiind
you of my first appeal for your favour upon the retirement of the
late Sir Thomas Heathcote, when, without any previous comihu-
nication of my intentions, without the promise of support from any
of the principal interests in our county, I boldly canvassed the
freeholders as an independent gentleman, and asked them to place
me in that high and honourable station which was held by my
ancestor as far back as the reign of Queen Elizabeth, relying for
success solely upon the reputation of my private character, and
those constitutional principles supported by my family for centuries
in this county. Did this show a want of independent feelings 7 Or
bas my conduct since, as your representative, upon the numerous
occasions in which I have opposed the Government, shown a sub-
serviency to the will of a Minister, or a disposition to support
measures which I considered injurious to the interests of my coun-
4
1st October, 1830, 79
try? I need not instance my votes upon the great constitutional
measures enacted by the last Parliament, which I firmly opposed,
in conformity with the pledges I had here given to my constituents.
It is unnecessary to notice my determined resistance to those
measures of Free Trade and CornLawSy which, by the introduction
of the untaxed pi^oduce of foreigners ^ have injured the landed
interests^ impoverished the British farmer, depressed the wages of
the labouring poor y and spread misery, discontent, and ruin, from
one end of the kingdom to the other. Gentlenaen, I have ever
opposed those measures, and will continue to do so, by whatsoever
government they may be proposed ; and 1 lament that the present
Government, in other particulars so deserving your confidence,
should have been induced in any degree to sanction and adopt,
them. But, Gentlemen, it is not any supposed want of indepen*
dence which has excited the enmity of my opponents, but my k no wa
constitutional principles, and zealous support to our beloved insti-
tutions, in opposition to the dangerous and destructive innovations
they would introduce. The loyal and constitutional principles of
the respectable friends I see around me, are sufficiently well known,
and duly appreciated, in this neighbourhood ; but 1 confess it is
especially gratifying to me, that the more distant parts of your
county will learn from our proceedings to-day, that my public
principles are approved by the inhabitants of this town and neigh-
bourhood, where the wild doctrines of my opponents have been so
widely disseminated, and were formerly recommended with a degree
of talent and ability well worthy a better cause. The residence of
these characters amongst you, has enabled you, better than others,
to ascertain that those who write and talk fluently of freedom^
liberality y and justice, can be the most overbearing , illiberaly and
oppressive to their miserable dependents. What benefits, let me
ask, have the poor of this parish and neighbourhood derived from
the residence of these pretended patriots and philanthropists ? Has
not their system been, here and every-where else, to keep them ia
a state of abject poverty and dependence, that they may more readily
excite their discontent, and render them the deluded instruments
of their wicked and destructive machinations ? For what other
purpose was the cry for cheap bread so artfully excited? which has
been followed by want of employment, low wages, and increased
poor's rates. For what other purpose have prejudices been so
industriously created in opposition to the savings banks, and that
imiproved system of friendly societies, which, above all others, is
calculated to arrest the progress of pauperism, render our popula-
tion respectable and independent, bless their old age with comfort;
and competence, and save their declining years from the misery
and degradation of a poor-house ! To effect this has been the wish,
nearest my heart, and the object of my unceasing endeavours; and^
should I be the humble instrument of promoting it in any degree,
I shall best prove myself worthy of your support, and best testify
Hiy gratitude for your favours. In other particulars, Gentlemen,
I shall continue to pursue that line of public conduct which has
bitherto been sanctioned with your gratifying approval j and, ia
80 Two-PE^KY Trash;
defiance of the taunts of my opponents, will continue to support the
present Government as long as they continue to deserve your con-
idence by preserving their present liberal policy — by practising
every possible economy in the expenditure, and by effecting every
possible reduction of taxation. J^ut, for the sake o( par fp purposes,
or to obtain a portion -of undeserved popularity, 1 will not "require
them to pursue that system further than is consistent with the
safety and service of the state, and the maintenance of the national
honour and good faith. Gentlemen, 1 will not detain you longer r
these are my public principles, and such as, I trust, become the re-
presentative of a free and enlightened people."
Mr Fleming was much cheered during his address, and loudly
applauded at its termination.
In the course of the evening the following toasts were given,
which elicited much approbation, and called forth several neat
speeches from some of the gentlemen present — ** R. Pollen, Esq.'*
*' Walter Long, Esq." **The Professional Gentlemen of the county
■who so handsomely tendered their gratuitous services to Mr.
fleming." *^ Sir VV.*Heathcote, Bart." *« Mr. Fleming, jun.** who
"was present, and returned thanks in a very feelinp and energetia
manner, considering his youthful age — *^ Mrs. Fleming and fa-
mily.'* *' Captains Adams andCollard." ^^ Happiness and Prosperity
to the inhabitants of Botley.'* " The Freeholders and Visitors from*
Southampton and Bishop's Waltham." " Sir J. W. Pollen, Bart,
and the South Hants Militia," &c. &c. The dinner was uncom-
monly well served by Mr. Gale, the dessert was most splendid, and'
the wines gave the highest satisfaction. The exertions of the wor-
thy chairman, as well as of the VICE-PRESIDENT, Mr. J. War-
:ner, jun., added much to the hilarity of the meetiui^, which may-
be justly said to have been of the most joyous description, and to
Lave given umnixed delight to all present*
^^. To begin with the beggar news-man of Southampton,
he calls Botley." CobbetVs Radical nest" Now what is
radical^ There is no harm in the word; and what is the
thing ? Radical means a thing going to the root. When
we talk of going to the root of an evil, we mean, going to
the bottom of it, and, if we talk of a thorough cure, we call
it a radical one. We all know, that the country is in
great misery, compared to what it used to be : even this very
Willis* says it is. I am one of those who say, that the
misery arises from the want of a reform of the parliament;
and such a reform as shall give a vote to every man, poor
as well as rich; because every man is compelled to serve in
the militia^ every man is compelled to pay taxes^ and.
1st October, 1830. 81
therefore, every man has a right to vote at elections to
choose those who. are to lay on the taxes. This we call
going to the root of the misery ; for, assuredly, if every man
had a vote, the men whom they would choose would not
make the labourer pay ten times as much tax on beer as the
lord pays on his wine. This is going to the root ; this is
being a radical; and, if Botley be not still a radical nesty
you must be out of your senses ; you must think it right that
the Gras PALLS should get away, one by one, all your gar-
dens and cottages, leave you not a blade of grass even for a
goose to eat, sweat the last drop of blood out of you, cram
you, at last, to die in the poor-house, and then put you into
the ground like a dog, calling the devil to come, and, with
his prayers, insult your dead body. You do not think that
this is right, and therefore, in spite of Willis, Jarvis, and the
Graspalls, you are still radicals. The winter before last,
the House of Commons, of which this Willis Fleming
was owe, passed' a law to enable the overseers TO SELL
THE DEAD BODIES OF THE POOR. I petitioned
against that bill in the House of Lords ; the Bishop of Lon-
don (who, by-the-bye, once drank tea at my house at Botley)
presented my petition, and the bill was thrown out by the
Lords ; and, if it had not been for that, your overseers would
DOW, I dare say, have been selling some of the dead bodies
of your wives, parents, or children ; that is to say, if you
would have let them do it^ which I am very sure you would
not. If the poor had votes as well as the rich, members of
parliament would not pass laws to sell the dead bodies of
the poor. Now, I want the poor to have votes as well as
the rich ; I want to go to the root of the evil ; I want your
dead bodies not to be sold by the overseers ; and it is for
this that Willis and his friends the Graspalls call on you to
hate me. The next time Willis comes to Botley, call out
to him, *^ Who voted for the law to enable the overseers to
£ 5
^2 Two-penny Trash;
" sell the dead bodies df the poor V See how he will look ;
hear what answer he will give to that. Aye, and the
Graspalls are very little better ; for they know all about
that law ; they know that he voted for it : and they support
him, praise him, and stand like bullies at his back, while
he calumniates me, who petitioned against that law, and
who, in fact, prevented it from being passed in the House
of Lords. In short, a radical is a man that is against a
law for selling the dead bodies of the poor to be cut up by
surgeons; that is a ra(i^ca/, and Willis and Jarvis and
the Graspalls hate radicals. The whole crew that were
assembled along with Jarvis and the Graspalls knew,
mind you, about this dead-body bill, which I will insert in
the next Number of this little book. They knew, that
Willis was a member of the House that passed the bill ;
they knew that he voted for it, either expressly or tacitly;
and yet the base crew at the dinner ^^ drank his health "with
rapturous applause /" And so they would the health of
the king of hell, if he would come up and help them to
oppress the poor.
87. We now come to the speech of Willis (called
Fleming) : and here I beg you to pay particular attention to
what this, at once, stupid and conceited fellow said about
the Corn Bill, and about Savings Banks, and Friendly
Societies. It is curious to observe, how noisy this fellow
was at a village tavern, when he never yet, that I have
heard of, opened his jaws in the Parliament, except just to
say AYE, or no ; just to give his vote, which he has al-
ways done on the side of those who have the collecting and
the expending of the taxes. But, to come back to his Botley-
speech ; I will, before I notice what he said about the Corn
Bill, the Savings Banks; and the Friendly Societies, notice
what he said in allusion TO ME, and what the Grasp-
alls, young as well as old, had the incomparable base-
1st October, 1830. 83
ness, not merely to sit and hear in silence, but to " cheer and
loudly applaud.'* I have seen, and have heard, and read
of much baseness in my life-time; but, all things considered,
baseness equal to that of these Graspalls I never before
saw, or heard of, or read of. Look again, my friends, at the
part of the speech where he alludes to me ; where he calls
me an oppressor of the poor ; where he says, that my re'*
sidence amongst you tended to keep you in a state of ab-*
ject dependence. Read that passage over once more, and
if you can, stifle your indignation at the base lies; but, ta
stifle your indignation against the Graspalls, who cheered
and applauded him, is, I am sure, impossible.
88. It is not agreeable to put forth one's own good deeds^
and, if this were to be read only by the people of Botley and
the neighbourhood, I need not contradict this Willis Flem-
ing, this man, silent in the senate and loud in the tavern ;
but, what I address to you is to be read all over the country,
and in many parts where the people have never known any-
thing of my conduct towards the persons that were in my
employ, and towards the labouring people of the neighbour*
hood ; and this being the case, it is necessary that I state a
few facts, which will enable the world to judge of this my
conduct. Some of you too who are young may not have
heard of that conduct; and, therefore, this statement is ne-
cessary. For these reasons I state the following facts ;
1. That I made it a rule, that no man that worked regu-
larly for me, should, during his being employed by me, be a
pauper y that is, receive parish relief I paid my men, how-
ever large their families, enough to maintain them well.
Most of them lived in my own cottages, and rent free, with
plenty of fuel carried to their doors, each having an ovefi
to bake in, I paid them, besides this, on an average, two
shillings a week more than other farmers paid their men.
There was one exception as to parish relief, that of Reuben*
84 Two-penny Trash ;
Pink, who belonged to Titchfield parish, and whom I al*
lowed to get from the parish what they chose to give him,
and that parish behaved very w^ell in this case. He had a
very large family of small children, and, in spite of high,
wages, free house, fuel, and a really humane parish, he was
still poor, ragged, and, in the winter of 1815, fell ill. I sent
Dr. Blundell to him, and when he came back, and I
asked what ailed him, '^ Why," said the sensible Doctor,
*' he wants good victuals and warm clothes, and a good
deal of both, for he is a big man^ I made him, as soott
as a little better, come with his plough and horses (which,
he used better than any man that I ever saw in my life),
and go to plough near my own house, where he came in
every day at dinner-time and took the physic prescribed by
the doctor, I giving him, at the same time, some of my
clothes, and particularly a great-coat, which I had worn
very little. The doctor's prescription was completely suc-
cessful ; and he remembers how soon his patient recovered.
But this was my, I should say our, constant practice with
all of them, or their wives and families, when they were ilL
With this one exception, no man was a pauper that worked
for me, though in the three parishes of Botley, Waltham,
and Doxford, I paid, in the years that I lived there, not less
than about tivo thousand pounds in rates. While other
farmers were paying wages out of my rates, my people were
receiving none. I saw how unjust this was towards me;
but, at any rate, I was resolved, that the man who laboured
for me should not be degraded by the name of pauper^
These facts are notorious; you all know them ; and yet the
Graspalls had the baseness to cheer and applaud the
empty-headed Willis Fleming, while he was representing
me as an *' oppressor of my miserable dependents /''
These wretches, these greedy, grinding, all-grasping vaga-
bonds, ought to have been stricken dead upon the spot; and;
1st October, 1830. 85
safe as they tbink themselves now, heavy as are their bags,
fast as is their hold on the property of unfortunate people,
they ai"e not beyond the reach of God's judgments on the
robbers of the poor ; and I, even I, shall yet see them pu-
nished for their monstrous extortions, which are really in-
credible.
2. I found, living in two cottages, on the farm of Fair-
thorn, a widow and her daughters, and an old man and his
wife. I let the widow remain rent free, and gave her wood
to burn, as long as I had the farm . The old man paid me no
rent ; when he died I had a head-stone put to his grave to
record, that he had been an honest, skilful, and industrious
labouring man ; and I gave his widow a shilling a week as
long as I was at Botley. And yet the vile extortioners
cheered and applauded Willis while he was representing
me as illiberal and oppressive to dependents !
3. My people, though never hired but by the week^ lived
''with me for years; and, indeed, no man that I recollect,
ever quitted me by choice. Robinson, you know, was my
gardener for years; Bob Hammond, who worked for me
occasionally, has come up, three summers, to work for me
at Kensington ; Mr. Dean, who became my bailiflf, lived
in one of my cottages as long as the cottage was mine, has
since kept my shop in London, is now a neWsman in Lon-
don, was with me through my tour in the counties last
spring, is, this very day^ managing my affairs at Barn- Elm
in Surrey, and is become, as you know, a man of consider-
able property, which, as I know, is the just reward of his
industry and fidelity. These facts are undeniable and no-
I torious ; and yet the all-grasping , the extortioning vaga-^
ionds, sat and cheered and applauded the stupid and
malignant fellow, while he was calling me an ^'oppressor
^f '^y rniserable dependents,*^
4. And, as to the people in the neighbourhood of Botley,
86 Two-PENxy Trash;
what have I not done and attempted to do, in order to pre-
sent them from being robbed of the blades of grass for their
pigs and their geese ? In 1805, the moment I went to Botley,
I wrote a memorial to Mr. Windham, on the state of Hortqk
Heath, and showed how injurious it would be to enclose
that common. He showed my memorial ; but, at last, the
greedy graspers have prevailed, and that common, the out-
let to so many cottages, is enclosed^ to the ruin and degra-
dation of the cottagers. In 1827 a more ruinous measure
was attempted; I mean the enclosure of Waltham
Chase, studded rovmd with cottages, and covered with the
cows, pigs, and geese of the cottagers, who also get fuel
from the heath, the turf and the dead wood. The graspers
fixed their eyes on this spot: the labourers were too well off;
they had pigs and geese, and some of them cows, and evea
asses or little forest horses ! This was too much for the
graspers to endure. They made a bargain with the Bishop,
who was lord of the manor ; their attorney was set to work;
an enclosure-bill was prepared ; and the rights of the pocr of
the See of Winchester, and of the Crown, were all to be sa-
crificed to the greediness of the graspers. Their attorney came
up with the bill to get passed ; and, in spite of the laudable
and able efforts of Mr. Richard Hinxman, the bill
actually passed that precious House of which Willis Flem^
ing is a member. But, before the bill got to the House of
Lords, I, who had heard of this cruel grasping scheme,
wrote a memorial on the subject, showing how injurious
the measure would be to numerous families of labouring
people; this memorial I sent to a ministerial member
of parliament, whom I knew to be a humane man ; he
communicated the information to the Committee of the
Lords*; the bill was thrown out; the poor people were
saved, and the greedy fellows and their attorney had to
dink home like sheep-biting, dogs that have been met
1st October, 1830. 87
by a shepherd with a gun in his hand. Now, your ever-*
lasting gratitude is due tp Mr. Overington and Mr.
Richard Hinxman for their exertions on this occasion ;
and, indeed, my memorial might possibly have no efifect;
the whole of the merit might be due to those two spirited
and worthy gentlemen ; but, I did my best, at any rate ; and
this the graspers hiow ; and for this, amongst other tlnngs,
they hate me, and, as this was my last offence against them,
it had, perhaps, the greatest weight. This was a cruel dis-
appointment to them and their attorney; they had sub-
scribed money to pay him, and to carry the job through ;
they were calculating how much more land they should
have than they had before ; they were counting their gains
over and over again. You have heard or read of the man
who sold the lion's skin before he had caught the lion ; and
sortie of those greedy fellows had actually sold their share
of the chase before they came to London to get the law to
enclose it ! Judge you of their mortification ! You have,
sometimes, seen a dog when about to seize hold of a piece
of meat, or to run his mouth into a luncheon-bag, and, just
at that moment, getting a blow across the nose with a broom-
stick. You have seen the greedy robber shake his ears, and go
jogging off with his tail between his legs. You have seen an
egg -sucking cur, when an egg-shell filled with hot coals has
been crammed into his mouth ; and you have seen him twist
his jaws about, and stare like mad. Like these curs were
the GRASPERS, when the House of Lords refused to give
them the power of robbing the poor of Waltham Chase of
the last blade of grass. As Christians you are to forgive
them for this attempt, whe7i they have repented, and made
atonement ; but not before ; and, even then, you are not
to forget the attempt; you are to be on your guard against
them in future ; and, you ought to get all their names, and
send them to me, and I will put them i?i prints which will.
88 Two-penny Trash;
doubtless, delight them ; for, as I said before, the fellows,
stingy as they are, will squeeze out some few shillings now-
and-then to pay dirty printers in the country to print their
Dames. To be sure, this is when they are speechmakers, or
presidents, or vice-presidents ; and they may not like it,
when they appear as robbers of the poor ; as extortioners ;
or graspers, surpassing in greediness the very wolves them-
selves. But. yet, as enemies of radicals, they cannot object
to have their names put into print. At any rate, in print
they shall be, if I can do it, and you shall have them to
stick up over your fire-places ; and t?ie name of their at-
torney too.
5. In the year 1816, I think it was, when the labouring
people of our neighbourhood were suffering very much from
want of employment. I proposed to the parish of Bishop's
Waltham, that we should petition the Bishop, who was lord
of the manor, to grant an acre of waste land to any mar-
ried labourer who would enclose, and cultivate, and live on
it. I called a vestry of the parish, and to the farmers and
land-owners made this proposition. We put the matter to
the vote, and every man voted against me, with the single
exception of Mr, Jennings, the schoolmaster ! The three
orators against me were, Budd, of Stakes ; Chiddle,
then with three farms in his hands ; and Steel, of Ash-
ton. Budd said, that to give the labourers a bit of land
would make them " sacy ; " Chiddle said, that it would
only make them " breed more children;*' and Steel
said, that it would make them demand **^ higher wages. ^^
"What is the present state of Budd I do not know ; Chiddle
has not now so much land, I hear, as one of the labourers
would have had ; and, as to Steel, he, who used so to swag-
ger, has since blown his brains out with a pistol ! When
I heard of the 'awful end of this man, and of the great
change in the affairs of Chiddle, I could not help calling to
1st October, 1830. 89
mind their conduct on the above occasion, and to call to
mind also the denunciations of God against the oppressors
of the poor : *' Hear this/' said I, when I heard of the
death of Steel. " Hear this, O ye that swallow up the
^* needy, even to make the poor of the land to fail ! I will
** turn your feasting into mourning ^ saith the Lord God,
•* and your songs into lamentations.*' These words of the
prophet Amos, let the Graspalls, young and old, bear
in mind ; and, as they are remarkably pious people, let
them turn to Isaiah, chapter v. and verse 8, and there
read, *' WOE unto them who join house to housey that
•^ lay jfield to field, till there be no place, that they may
*' be placed alone in the midst of the earthJ' Let them
think of these words ; let them bear in mind the curses
which God has laid on the guilty head of the extortioner ;
and let them remember, that, of all extortions, the most
detestably wicked is that by which the labourer is defrauded
of his hire, whether by cunning or by force, whether in the
field or in the chandler's shop.
89. Now, my friends, I must close for the present; and,
an the next Number, which will be published on the first
of November y I will finish the subject, I will then expose
Willis Fleming's rubbish about the Corn Billy and about his
Savings Banks and Friendly Societies; I will show you,
that these arc schemes for making the poor keep the rich ;
I will explain all the trick to you ; I will bring out the
Graspalls more into the light ; I will pull out the Bot-
XEY Parson (who, I hear, was one of the crew at the
dinner) ; and, in short, I wdll supply you with this and ano-
ther little book for you to read all the winter. The remain-
ing part of this present little book will be filled with the
copy of a petition to the king, drawn up by me, and now
signing in London. This is a radical petition. Read it,
my friends, keep it, read it over and over again, and then
90 Two-penny Trash ;
you will know what a radical is. The price of this little
book is twopence ; but, as I want it to be read on Hortoa
Heath, Botley Common, Curdrige Common, Sherril Heath,
Waltham Chase, and at Botley and all the villages round
about, I will sell a hundred copies of this, and also of the
next Number, at a penny a copy to any one that I know
within ten miles of Botley, or^ indeed, to any one that /
know in any part of Ha?npshire. I have printed a good
parcel for this purpose. — Read the Petition, and God keep
you from being pinched to death by the Grasp alls.
Wm. COBBETT.
TO THE
KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY,
THE PETITION
Of persons belonging to the Industrious Classes of London and its
vicinity y dated this \bth day of September, 1830,
Most humbly showeth ,
That we approach your Majesty, not as blind adorers of royalty,
but as faithful and dutiful subjects, whose fidelity and duty are
founded in our conviction, that, in highly honouring and cheer-
fully obeying your Majesty, in upholding with all our might youp
just prerogatives, and evincing our most profound respect for your
person, we best consult our own welfare, knowing that you are en-
dowed with those prerogatives for the common good of us all, and
Dot for your own exclusive advantage. *
That feelingi ourselves thus bound to your Majesty, not by harsh
constraint, but by a willing obedience arising from a due estimate
of our own interest and honour, regarding your person as sacred,
not from servility of mind, but because you are the fountain of jus-
tice and of mercy, taught by the laws of our country that kings
"were made for the people and not the people for kings, regarding
your kingly powers as given to you for the purpose of preserving
the peace, the rights, and the happiness of the people, and more
especially for the defence and protection of the weak against the
1st October, 18.30. 91
strong, of th6 poor against the unjust encroachments of the rich,
of the fruits of industry against the wiles and the violence of aristo<«
cratical amhition, arrogance, and rapacity ; animated by all these
considerations, and beholding in your Majesty's most gracious con-
duct and demeanour an indubitable proof of your anxious desire
to promote our good by a redress of oi^r grievances, we, with the
confidence with which suffering children appeal to a tender father,
lay those grievances before your Majesty.
That we complain, may it please your Majesty, not of the form
of that Government which has endured for so many ages, and
under which our fathers were so free, lived in such ease and
abundance, and saw their country so great and so much honoured
throughout the world; we complain not of the nature of the in-
stitutions of our country, which have stood the test of centuries ;
we complain not of any-thing, an attack on which would argue a
hankering after innovation, but, on the contrary, it is of iqnova*^
tious, innovations endless in number, cruelly oppressive, and stu-
diously insulting, that we have now to make complaint to your
Majesty.
That we complain, generally, that the whole of the laws passed
within the last forty years, and especially within the last twenty
years, present one unbroken series of endeavours to enrich and to
augment the power of the aristocracy, and to impoverish and de-*
press the middle and labouring part of the people ; and that to give
your Majesty a specimen of the wrongs and indignities heaped
upon us, we specifically complain that the. trial by jui^, held so
sacred by our fathers, and provided for by Magna Charta, as so
necessary to the protection of the people, has, in a great measure,
been taken from us, leaving us to be fined, imprisoned, corporally
punished, and, in some cases, transported, without trial by jury,
and at the sole discretion of magistrates, appointed by and dismiss-
able at the pleasure of your Majesty's Ministers ; we complain
that within the last forty years the most grievous taxes have been
laid upon us for the benefit of the aristocracy, to heap riches on
them in the shape of pensions, sinecures, and places, and that, as
a specimen, 113 of them are, in one case, now receiving out of the
taxes 650,000/, a year : we complain that the two families of Gren-
ville and Dundas have, during the last forty years, received more
money in sinecures alone, than it has cost, during the same time,
to maintain the whole of the civil government of the United States
of America, which, under that cheap government, have arrived at
population and power to rival those of England herself : we com-
plain, that while the laws and usages of our country hold standing
armies in abhorrence, and while they are wholly unnecessary to
our country, especially in time of peace, we are now taxed, at the
end of sixteen years of peace, to maintain a standing army that
■costs more yearly than the army that was maintained during the
American war, when we had war also with France, Spain, and Hol-
land, and this too while we have, besides the yeomanry, a militia
of sixty thousand men, always ready to be called out: we com*
plain, that at the end of sixteen years of peace we are taxed to
92 Two-penny Trash ;
maintain a navy which cos;s five millions a year, while the navy
cost only seven millions a year when we were carrying on war
against America, France, Spain, and Holland : we complain that
ill this peace, which was to give us indfemnity for the past and se-
curity for the future, we are loaded with taxes twice as heavy as
those which were required during the war against all those powers ;
■yve complain that the emolument arising from these establish-
ments are engrossed, for the far greater part, by the aristocracy
and their dependents, for whose sole benefit they appear to exist to
this enormous extent, a conclusion fully warranted when we see
that we have three generils for every regiment of soldiers, two ad-
mirals for every ship of the line, that we have, taking both services
together, one commissioned officer to every five private men, and
especially when we look at the families and connexions from which
all the officers come ; we complain that, in the navy, the bulwark
of our country, promotion and power are so bestowed, that sons of
the aristocracy, who were children at the end of the war, have the
command of ships, and have under them masters and lieutenants
"who were fighting at sea before these commanders were born : we
complain that, in pursuance of this system of aggrandising the aris-
tocracy at the expense and to the depressing of the middle and
"Working classes, military and naval and ordnance academies have
been established, for the rearing of officers for the army and navy,
and that in these the children of the aristocracy and of their depen-
dents are nursed, fed, clad, and taught at the public expense, so
that the middle and working class are compelled to pay for the
nursing, and feeding, and teaching of the children of the aristo-
cracy, and that too for the manifest purpose of excluding for ever
hereafter their own children and kindred from all chance, and even
all possibility, of possessing military or naval command : we com-
plain of the establishment of military asylums for rearing up the
children of soldiers in ease and comfort at the public expense, the
children of working men being, under like circumstances, treated
as paupers, while their fathers are compelled to pay taxes to sup-
port these asylums : we complain, that, in accordance with this
system of establishing a permanent military force, while the pay
of the private soldier has been so augmented as to make it, over
and ab^ve his clothing and lodging and fuel, greater than the ave-
rage wages of the hard-working man, the soldier, like the aristo-
cracy, is excused from paying postage on his letters, while the
hard-working and half-starved man, who is taxed to maintain that
well-fed and well-clad soldier, is not so excused : we complain,
that we have been taxed to give half-pay, in the army and navy,
to a large part of the clergy of the established church, who, foF
twelve years, were receiving tithes, Easter-otferings, and other
dues, as rectors and vicars, and at the same time receiving military
or naval half-pay, and who, at the end of that time, were allowed
to sell, or transfer this half-pay, still leaving it a charge upon this
burdened and suffering people : we complain, that within the last
thirty years, 1,600,000/. have been paid out of the taxes for, as was
alleged, *' the relief of the poor clergy of the church of England,'*
1st October, 1830. 93
while the bishops of that church have revenues from ten to forty
thousand pounds a year, while the Deans and Chapters have wealth
enormous, while there arc numbers of the aristocratical clergy who
have two, three, or more benefices each, and while, to cite an in-
stance, the Earl of Guilford has, at this time, the great living of St.
Mary, Southampton, including the adjoining parish of South Stone-
ham, the livings of Old Alresford, of New Alresford, and of Medstead,
a Prebend at Winchester, and the Mastership of St. Cross : we com«
plain, that the revenues of the church are thus distributed, that
there are *' poor clergy " in this rich and luxurious church; but
we more especially complain, that we are taxed for the relief of
those who are made poor by this scandalous grasping of the
church-revenues by the aristocracy : we complain, not only of the
weight of the taxes arising from the afore- mentioned causes, but
of their partial imposition, falling as they do, like feathers on the
aristocracy, aod like lead on the middle and working class : we
complain, that the taxes on the malt, the sugar, the tea, or the
spirits, amount, on either of these articles, to more than the tax on
all the lands in the kingdom : we complain, that while foreign wine
pays a duty of fifty per cent, on its value, foreign spirits pay four
hundred per cent. : we complain, that while the goods which are
the result of our labour or skill pay a heavy auction-tax, the tim-
ber, underwood, and other produce of land, sold on the land, pay
DO such tax : we complain, that, of the more than two millions a
year raised by the tax on letters received by the post, the aristo-
cracy pay not one single farthing; we complain (leaving out a
hundred other instances), that in the case of probates of wills and
administrations, no tax at all is paid by the land, while a heavy tax:
is imposed on personal property, and thus, while the middle class
lias to sustain this cruel tax, not a farthing of it falls upon the
owners of the land! we complain, that, as if all these were not
enough, a Corn Bill has been passed, and has been in force for fif-
teen years, giving the aristocracy a monopoly of that necessary of
life, shutting out food, while it was asserted by those who made the
law, that there were too many mouths, compelling manufacturers
to buy their bread dear, and to sell their goods and labour cheap,
sacrificing all the rest of the community to the greediness of the
owners of the land : we complain that the game-laws, always unjust
in principle, always at war with the rights of nature and the dic-
tates of reason, have, within the last fifteen years, become tenfold
more cruel than formerly, for that to pecuniary penalties, or short
imprisonment, for an infraction of those laws, are now added long
imprisonment, corporeal punishment, and transportation beyond
the seas for seven years, and these too at the sole discretion of the
justices of the peace, appointed by and dismissable at the pleasure
of the Ministers of the day: we complain, that the new law [of
trespass has empowered magistrates to imprison poor men and to
cause them to be corporally punished without any trial, while the
great trespasser is left under the protection of the ancient law : we
complain, that the working people having been, by the weight o^
the taxes on the necessaries of life, reduced to a state of pauperi^iPa
94 ' Two-penny Trash;
laws were next made to prevent them from obtaining parochial relief
as heretofore: we complain, that, within these twelve years, two acts
have been passed, one to throw the power of vestries into the hands
of all the landowners, and arlolher to enable those landowners to
set at defiance even the power of the magistrates to cause relief to
be given: we complain, that in consequence of these taxes, this
monopoly in corn, and the severities on the working people, of
which we have here given merely a specimen, the working people
of England, once the best fed, best clad, and most moral in the
"world, have become the most miserable and degraded to be found
on the face of the earth, those of unhappy Ireland only to be ex-
cepted; we complain, that the landowners compel them to draw
carts and wagons like beasts of burden, that they keep men
forcibly from their wives for a purpose too gross to mention, thax
others forbid them to marry upon pain of being left to beg or
starve, and that others sell them by the week or month by public
auction ; we complain that the House of Commons, though fully
apprised of all this suffering, though they have, in evidence given
before their committees, proof upon proof of the wretchedness of
the people, though they have in evidence, that the honest working
man is fed worse than the convicted felons in the jails and the
hulks, though it has been proved to them that the working people
commit crimes for the express purpose of getting at the better fare
in the prisons; though they have been fully informed upon all
these points, though they must be acquainted with the notorious
facts, that the working people have, in many instances, resorted to
the food of hogs and dogs, and have in many others been actually
starved to death, they have adopted no measure for their relief,
but measures innumerable for their punishment, closing, at last,
with a bill to authorise the keepers of poor-houses and hospitals to
sell their dead bodies for dissection, and thus, in this signal
respect, putting the honest, worn-out or unfortunate man upon a
level with the murderer.
That to our gracious and just and merciful King we complain,
as of the real cause of all these oppressions and sufferings, that
we are not represented in that which is called, and ought to be, the
Commons' or people's House of Parliament: we complain, that
though it had been stated to that House in 1793, without an
attempt at contradiction, that one hundred and fifty-four peers
and great commoners and the treasury put a decided majority
into the House, had proof tendered (which it would not receive)
that two of the Ministers had actually sold a seat in the
House, yet when, in 1817, we petitioned for such a reform as
would put an end to these odious practices, that House, instead of
listening to our humble prayers, passed a law which enabled the
Ministers to put us into dungeons at their pleasure, deprived of
the sight of friends and of the use of pen, ink, and paper, which
law was carried into effect with unheard-of severity and cruelty :
we complain, that, in 1819, a body of persons peaceably met at
Manchester for the purpose of petitioning parliament to adopt a
reform of the Commons' House, were attacked by soldiers^ and, to
1st Octowr, 1830. 95
the amount of some hundreds, either killed, crippled or wounded :
fve complain, that the soldiers were by Lord Viscount Sidmouth
thanked, in his late Majesty's name, for their conduct on that
sang:uinary day ; we complain, that the House of Commons refused
all inquiry into that memorable and horrible transaction, but that
it, in that same session, passed six distinct acts, each of which
further and greatly abridged our rights and liberties, and particu-
larly two of them, by which the liberty of the press was, in effect,
as far as related to the working- people, nearly extinguished, but
above all things, we humbly beseech your Majesty to remark, that
that House, with the records of 1793, 1809, and 1819, before it,
passed a law, inflicting fine, imprisonment, and even banishment,
on any man or woman who should write, print, or publish any-
thing having even a tendency to brinig it into contempt.
Thus, may it please your Majesty, we have, in all humility and
dutifulness, submitted to your wisdom and justice a statement of
a part of our manifold grievances and sufferings ; we have, in the
sincerity of our hearts, expressed to you our firm conviction, that
all these have arisen from our not being represented in parliament ;
and as the means of restoring us to liberty and happiness, as the
means of uniting all hearts in preserving the peace of our country
and upholding the dignity and true splendour of your Majesty's
crown, we humbly but earnestly pray, that of those great powers
with which your Majesty is invested for the good of your faithful
people, you will be graciously pleased to make such use as shall
produce a reform in the Commons* House, ensuring to all adult
males, not insane and not tarnished by indelible crime, a voice
given by ballot, in the choosing of representatives, and as shall
shorten the duration of Parliaments,
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
I have just room to tell you, that the people of Belgium,
the common people, have beaten the Dutch armies, who
were marched against them to compel them to pay enormous
taxes. This Is excellent news. This event will make the
GraspalI/AI^ mourn; for they like taxes, because they
make you pay them, and, in fact, pay none themselves.
The taxes keep you down, and do not touch them. Mind
that.
96
List of Mr. Cobbett^s Books.
£Jjiglish Grammar, Price 3s.
JFrench Grammar, Price 5s.
Cottage Economy. Price 2s. 6d,
Mr. Cobbetfs Rural Rides. One thick vol. 12ma.
Price 5s.
The Woodlands* Price 14s.
The English Gardener. Price 6s.
Year*s Residence in Aitterica. Price 5s.
Mr. Cobbetfs Sermons. Price 3s. 6c{,
The Poor Mans Friend. Price Sd,
Paper Against Gold. Price 5s.
History of the Protestant Reformation, Two vols»
Royal 870. fine paper. Price 10s.
Roman History, in French and English, Price 13s-
American Slave Trade. Price 2s.
TulVs Husbandry . One vol. 8vo. Price 15s.
Emigrants Guide. One voL 12mo. Price 2s. 6cf.
A Treatise on Cobbeti's Corn, One vol. 12mo. Price
5s. 6d.
Advice to Young Men, One vol. 12ino. Price 5s.
An Italian Grammar, By James P, Cobbett, l2mo.
Price 6s.
A Sketch of the Life of General Lafayette. Price Is.
Usury Laws, or Lending on Interest. Price 2s. 6d,
History of the Regency and Reign of George IF., in
Numbers, at 6d. each, 12mo. Three Numb^fs published.
Mr. John Cobbetfs Letters from France. Price 4s. 6d.
Mr. James CobbetVs Ride of Eight Hundred Miles in,
France. Third Edition. Price 4s. 6d.
Cobbett' s Translation of -Martens^ s Law of Nationsl
Fourth Edition. Price 17s.
Mr, Wm. Cobbett' s Law of Turnpikes, Price 3s, 6d%
Wills, Jowett, and IVliUs, Bolt Court, Fleet Street,
No. V.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of November, 1830.
FIRES IN KENT AND SUSSEX.
TO THE WORKING PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
Bolt -Court, London y 1830.
My Friends,
Amongst all the crimes that men committed against their
neighbours, that which the law calls arson, and which is a mali-
cious setting fire to their buildings or their stacks ; a crime always
held in great and just abhorrence, and always "pumshe^ with' death ;
and so necessary has this punishment been deemed to the safety
of society, that children not more than ten years of age have been
put to death for it; because it is a crime so easily committed,
committed with so much secresy, and in the commission of which.
a very young person may be the instrument of grown-up persons.
It is a truly abominable crime, because the commission of it may
cause innocent persons to perish in the flames ; and, at the very
least, it may, in a moment, ruin whole families, reducing them
from competence to beggary. *
When, therefore, we hear of acts of this description being al-
most nightly committed in Englandy our first feeling is that of
resentment against the parties ; but, when we have had a little time
to reflect, we are, if we be not devourers of the fruit of the people's
labours, led to ask, What can have been the cause of a state of
things so unnatural as that in which crimes of this horrid kind are
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet- street,
and sold by all Booksellers,
r
98 Two-penny Trash;
committed by hundreds of men going in a body, and deemed by
them to be a sort of duty instead of crimes? When we put this
question we are not to be answered with the assertion, that the
crimes arise from the vicious disposition of the working people %
because then we ask, what it is that has made them so vicious.
No ; this cannot be the cause. The people are of the same make
and nature that they always were; the land is the same, the climate
the same, the language and the religion the same, and, it is very
"well known, that schools and places of worship, and the circulation
of the Bible and of religious books, have all been prodigiously in-
creasing for many years, and are now more on the increase than
ever. There must, therefore, be some other cause, or causes, to
produce these dreadful acts in a people the most just, the most
good-natured, and the most patient, in the world. I know this
cause; or, rather, these causes; I know also that there is an
effectual remedy of this great and melancholy evil ; and I need not
say, that it is my duty to state them both with perfect frankness ; a
duty which I shall perform as briefly and with as much clearness
as I am able.
The great and general cause is the extreme poverty of the
■working people ; or, in other words, the starving state in whicli
they are. That Bible, which they have been taught to read, as the
means of saving their souls, tells them, from one end to the other,
that their bodies also are not to be left to perish for want, while the
land abounds with plenty, and that plenty arising, too, from their
own labour. It tells them, and they know it, that the '« labourer
is worthy of his hire," and they know that that hire means a suffi-
ciency, not only for the man who works but for his wife and
children, and of clothes and fuel and lodging too, as well as of
victuals and drink. Can God, who commanded that even the ox
should not be muzzled as he trod out the corn, be pleased to see
men, who have tilled the land, sowed the corn and reaped it and
boused it, forbidden to touch the flour, and condemned to eat
Toots, or herbage, not sufficient to keep a pig in good plight ?
Every line of Holy Writ tells them, that this cannot be the will of
God, while tradition, while all the sayings of their forefathers, tell
them, that such a state of things is contrary also to the laws and
customs of their native country.
The natural consequence is discontent ; that leads to resentment.
No man can suffer what he deems a wrong without feeling anger
against somebody. He may be in error as to the object of his anger ;
but he must feel anger against somebody ; and that anger will vent
itself in acts, whenever he finds himself able to act. It does not
signify that he gets no redress by such action. He gets revenge^
and that is redress to a certain extent. Now, the working people
of England know that they work hard, and that they are fed like
dogs and hogs. They know, too, that their forefathers were not
thus fed. That they are thus fed now is a fact, not resting upon
my assertion, or upon the assertion of any man ; it is a fact proved
by witnesses examined before Committees of the House of Com-
mons. I will, now, first stat€ the case of the labourers of England ;
1st November, 1831. 99
which is as follows : 1. That they have been, by dep-ees, brought
down to the most miserable living, not fit for human beings ;
2. That this has been done by the taxes ; 3. That, while those who
work hare been, and are, half-starving, those who live o;i the taxes
have been, and are, wallowing in luxury and shining in splendour ;
4. That, as the poverty and misery of the labouring people have in-
creased, new laws have been made, by which new and heretofore
unheard-of restraints have been imposed, and new punishments
and indignities without number have been inflicted upon them ;
5. That, at last, so desperate has become their state, that jails,
transportation, and even death, have lost their terrors, when put in
comparison with the sufferings under quiet submission.
Such is the case of the labourers, of the working people, of
England, whose forefathers led the happiest lives of any working
people upon the face of the earth. 1 am, at this time, speaking
more particularly of the acts of the farming labourers ; but, they
are not to be separated from those who make and mend the imple-
ments and the tools and the harness, and who shoe the horses and
slaughter the cattle; nor are they to be separated from those who
spin and weave the cloth and make the coats, the shoes, and the
hats, and those who make and repair the buildings ; all who labour
are in the same boat ; all suffer alike ; and from the same causes ;
all are discontented ; all feel the same resentment; in the above
five propositions the case of them all is stated ; and now I have to
prove that 1 have TRULY stated that case.
1. That the icorhlng people have been, by degrees, brought down
to the most miserable living, not Jit for human beings. The proof
of this is in the following facts ; that, in 1821, before a Committee
of the House of Commons, Mr. John Eilmau, sen., near Lewes,
Sussex, said, that 45 years before that time, when he became a
farmer, every man in his parish brewed his own beer, and enjoyed
it, with his family, by his own fireside, and that, now, not a single
man in the parish did it, except one or two to whom he gave the
malt. Beforethe same Committee, the High Sheriff of Wiltshire
said, that the labouring people, in that county, who used formerly
to eat meat and bread and drink beer, now lived wholly on potatoes,
and that the ploughmen and others carried cold potatoes to afield,
instead of the meat, cheese, bread and beer, that they used to carry.
In 1828, a magistrate of Wiltshire (it was just the same in Berk-
shire) laid a scale of payment of the labourers before the Com-
mittee, showing, that to each member of a family was allowed
2f a day, that is to say, the price of \^\h. of bread, with nothing
for clothing, fuel, or lodging ; that is to say, only about a third of
what was allowed to the sick in the hospitals, and about a half of
what was allowed to the felons in the jails, and less than a fourth
of what was, and is, paid to the common private foot soldier, ex-
clusive of clothes, lodging, fuel and candle ! And, while the hard-
working men were, and are, living in this misery, they see, sup-
ported out of their toil, the fat horses of the soldiers, each man and
liorse of them costing more than would maintain seven families at
the above rate ! The Qtrk^hir^ jail-regulations make provision for
J 2
100 Two-penny Trash;
setting the conricted prisoners, in certain cases, TO WORK, and,
tbcy say, **lf the surgeon think it necessary, the WORKING
PRISONERS may be allowed MEAT AND BROTH ON MEAT
DAYS "; and on Sundays, of course ! There it is ! There is the
" envy and admiration '* ! There is the state to which Mr. Pro-
sperity and Mr. Canning's best Parliament have brought us. There
is the result of ^^ victories*' and prize-money and battles of Water-
loo and of English ladies kissing ** Old Blucher." There is the
fruit, the natural fruit, of anti-jacobinism and battles on the Ser-
pentine River and jubilees and heaven-born ministers and sinking-
funds and " public credit" and army and navy contracts. There
is the fruit, the natural, the nearly (but not quite) ripe fruit of it
all : the CONVICTED FELON is, if he do not work at all, allowed,
on week-days, some vegetables in addition to his bread, and ou
Sunday, both meat and broth; and, if the CONVICTED FELON
work, if he be a WORKING convicted felon, he is allowed meat
and broth all the week round ; while, hear it Burdett, thou Berk-
shire magistrate ! hear it, all ye base miscreants who have perse-
cuted men because they sought a reform ! the WORKING CON-
VICTED FELON is allowed meat and broth every day in the year,
while the WORKING HONEST MAN is allowed nothing but dry
bread, and of that not half a belly-full ! And yet you see people
that seem surprised that criynes increase ! Very strange, to be
sure ; that men should like to work upon meat and broth better than
they like to work upon dry bread ! No wonder that new jails
arise. No wonder that there are now two or three or four or five
jails to one county, and that as much is now written upon ''prison
discipline** as upon almost any subject that is going. But why so
good, so generous, to FELONS? The truth is that they are not
fed too well ; for to be starved is no part of their sentence ; and,
here are SURGEONS who have something to say ! They know
very well that a man may be murdered by keeping necessary food
from him. Felons are not apt to lie down and die quietly for want
of food. The jails are in large towns, where the news of any cruelty
soon gets about. So that the felons have many circumstances in
their favour. It is in the villages, the recluse villages, where the
greatest cruelties are committed. Here, then, in this contrast be-
tween the treatment of the WORKING FELON and that of the
.WORKING HONEST MAN, we have a complete picture of the
present state of England ; that horrible state to which, by slow-
degrees, this once happy country has been brought.
2. That this has been caused by the taxes. Look at the progress
of the taxes, which amounted to 7,000,000/. a year, when the pre-
sent king was born, and which now amount to 60,000,000/. a year.
Malt, hops, sugar, tea, soap, candles, tobacco, every thing neces-
sary to the labouring man, is taxed so as to make him pay for them
three times as much as he would pay if there were no taxes on them:
because, besides the taxes, there is the monopoly. Just in propor-
tion as the taxes have increased, the misery has increased ; thus
it has been in all countries, and thus it has been in this, and thus
it always must be. No matter on whom the taxes are laid: each
1st November, 1830. 101
class shifts them from its own shoulders to those of the class next
beneath ; the landlord to those of the farmer, for instance, the
farmer to those of the labourer, and him they press to the earth.
In like manner the big merchant and ship-owner shift them off to
the shoulders of the manufacturer and master mechanic, and they
to the working people, and they are pressed to the earth.
3. Thai while those who work have beeiiy and are, half- starving,
those who live on the taxes have been, and are, wallowing in luxury
and splendour. We know that it has been proved, in the House of
Commons itself, that 113 Privy Councillors receive amongst them,
yearly, out of the taxes, 650,000/.; that is to say, these 113 men
receive more in one year than would maintain 32,000 labourers'
families, consisting of 160,000 souls ! And this is exclusive of the
bishops and the members of the Royal Family who are in the
Privy Council. This is more money than it has taken to defray
the expense of the whole of the civil government of America for the
last twenty years ! The two families of Grenville and Dundas have
received more in sinecures and pensions , during the last forty years,
than it has taken to support and carry on the whole of the civil
government of America during that forty years. But, we must
have something more full here : we must have that information
which my book of *^ Splendid Paupers'* gives us. It is a report
published by the House of Commons, in 1808 ; and, though I have
often appealed to it, I must appeal to it again now. It is the Aris-
tocracy, and not the Royal Family, that has made the people so
miserable. The Aristocracy lakes away the fruit of the labour of
us all. It does it in various shapes and ways; but, pay attention to
the curious specimens that I am now about to lay before you, I
laid the greater part of it before my readers thirteen years ago,
just after the Dungeon and Gagging Bills were passed ; but, mil-
lions of children have become men and women since that year, and
some who then read may have forgotten ; and every word of it
ought always to be fresh in the mind of every man and woman
in England. After describing a report, made by a Committee, in
1817, in order to pacify the people, after the passing of the Dun-
geon and Gagging Bills, I proceed to give a specimen of the man-
ner in which the Aristocracy took away the earnings of the people.
Pray read, now, especially if you be a young man, and then feel as
you ought to feel.
«
The Sinecures in the Colonies amount to 76,546/. a year,
exclusive of those in the Cape of Good Hope, the Isle of France,
and Malta, which probably amount to as much more ; for,
many of the Noble Lords and their sons, and a great many of
the Right Hon. and Hon. Gentlemen, fill the offices of Clerks, Har-
hour 'Masters, Naval- Officers, Tide- Waiters, Collectors,-Surveyois,
&c. &c. in those countries, which countries they have never seen,
except upon the map, if they have seen them even there. Some of
these offices are filled by women, and hyjine Ladies too; and some
by children; but, then, these children are of high bloody and of
course they have extraordinary faculties.
102 Two-penny Tuasih;
i Without going" an inch further, then, we have Sinecures to the
amount of 400,000/. a year. But, was it Sinecures alone that we
complained of? No; we complained of * Sinecures, Pensions^
and Grants, wot fully merited l)y well-known puhlic services.' Now
of Pejisions and Grants, there are in the ofiTicial account before me.
Eleven hundred and nine names, receiving in the whole 642,6211,
a year! And, observe well, that 1 have not included here one
single person, who has any pretension to puhlic mei'it of any
kind whatsoever, except the ^Late Foreign Ministers,* and it is
very clear that they ought to have no pensions at all. They are
paid enormous salaries while in service ; their expenses going and
"coming are all paid ; they have an enormous service of plate as an
out-lit, which they keep ; and, when they have finished their em-
ployment what right have they to any-thing more ? When a man
has served his master for a year, or for twenty years, does not the
master cease to pay him as soon as he ceases to work? When a
war is over, are not the soldiers sent away without any pay for the
rest of their lives, except in the case of wounds, and \)ihd,t foreign
minister gets wounded ? The officers of the army have, indeed,
half-pay, but, then, they have bought their commissions ; and, be-
sides, they have been in the service so long that they are capable
of being in no other sort of employ; and, in the navy, they are
actually bred up to the business from their infancy. Why, then,
these immense sums to the late foreign Ministers, whose bodies
are as strong, and who can find employment the same as before ?
Besides, no other nation wastes its means in this way. The
American foreign Ministers receive, while on service, each of them
about fl^/ifA jpar^ as much per yea;* as Canning received per yeax
while he was at Lisbon, and they receive 7io pensions after their
employment ceases. But, then, the American people have not the
satisfaction to see such men as Canning rolling in his chariot,
while they eat grains and butter-milk! The American people
have not the honour to pay 20s. a bushel for English salt ; but, on
the contrary, I now actually pay 2s. 6d. English money for that
very salt for which I used to give 20^. a bushel in London, and
196'. a bushel at Botley. People here give salt to their cattle in
great abundance and to surprising advantage ; they take their hay
in sometimes almost green, and throw salt amongst it, which
makes it, they say, as good as hay made in the general way. Yet
this very salt comes from England, yea, is made in that same
England, where a poor man can hardly get salt to use with his
potatoes I But, then, the Americans, as 1 said before, have not
the honour to have Sinecure Place-men, Big Pensioners, Great
Grantees, and a long list of * Late Foreign Ministers,' though the
foreign affairs of the country are conducted with more ability than
those of any other nation in the whole world. As a proof of this,
compare the public papers of the American Foreign Ministers
with the papers of Castlereagh, Canning, Wellesley, or any of the
rest of them. Besides, the American Foreign Ministers are always
amongst the very first men in the country for talent, wisdom, and
integrity. Of the five Pkesidents, three have formerly been
1st November, 1830. 103
Foreign Mi ulsters. And, it is to men like these that the Americans
give about a fifth part as much as we give to such men as Can-
ning and Frere ! But, then, the people of America do not live
upon butter-milk and grains ; nor do they live upon tea and po-
tatoes.
If, indeed, our Foreign Ministers were to serve 'till they were
worn out, as a soldier or sailor must (if not wounded) in order
to get a pension, the evil would not he so great ; because it is
clear, that we never could have above one or two at a time of these
gentlemen to keep. But the fact is just the contrary. Our Fo-
reign Ministers serve only two or three years y and then home they
come and have a pension for life ; and, indeed, it is perfectly no-
torious, that the younger sons of those who have seats, are thus
sent abroad to stay two or three years in order to he fastened upon,
the nation for life I So that there is always a long list of these
^ Late Foreign Ministers'^' and, in the account before me,
there are no Jess than forty-seven of these persons, receiving;
51,589/. a year out of the earnings of the people, who are in the
deepest misery for want of food and clothing ! There was one of
the Wynnes sent to Dresden for four years, from 1803 to 1807,
for which he has ever since been receiving a pension of 1,200/.
a year! This is Henry Watkin Williams Wynne. Not
* Squeaking Wynne,' but a brother of his, and brother also to
Sir fVatkin, \\\\o \% so famed for the loyalty, ssith which he is
said to have been inspired, during the last war. Faith '. this loy».
alty was no such foolish thing for Sir Watkin's family I There
are people who laugh at these Wynnes 1 but, the Wynnes might,
with much more reason, laugh at them. This grave Embassador
was about twenty-one years of age when he went to Dresden.
He is, of course, now about thirty-five ; and if the system were
to go on, till he were threescore and ten years old, he would
receive 47,600Z. m principal money ; and, if we were to reckon, as
we ought, the interest and compound interest, he would receive
155,400/. for his four years of service at Dresden! Besides a
thumping 5«/ar?/ while he was there ! This is no visionary idea,
for in the same list, there is a John Osborne, a relation of the
Duke of Leeds, who was envoy at this same petty Court of Dres-
den four years, from 1771 to 1775, and he received a pension of
800/. a year up to 1808 (the date of the account now before me) ;
so that, in 1808, this gentleman had received, in principal money ^
26,400/., besides his salary for four years' Envoyship, and, if he be
alive now, he has received 33,600/. for the four years* service. The
interest and compound interest, which always oz/g'A# to be reckoned
in these cases, would ujake his sum surpass 100,000/. for four
years* envoyship at Dresden, besides his salary for the four years.
I find a Richard Shepherd upon this list, who is our friend the
great law man's son. This person was Charge (T affaire at Munich
for two years, for which he has been receiving a pension of 250/. a
year/(»r 18 ^ear5 already ; and, if his father can find, law enough
to uphold the system, he may receive it, or a bigger pension, lor
forty years longer, if so long he shall live I
104 Two-penny Trash 5
It is farcical to pretend that these pensions are given for public
so^ices. These are able men, or they are not; if they fl)*e, why
not employ them instead of new ones. If they are not, how can
they merit a pension as late foreign ministers ? I think it would
puzzle brother Shepherd himself to get clear of this dilemma.
N9, no I the Reformers prayed for the abolition, and at once
too, of *all Sinecures, Pensions, and Grants, not fully merited by
well-known public services ;* and, of course, they prayed for the
abolition of the expense of 51,589/. a year, amongst the other sums,
paid annually to pensioners and grantees.
1 have included in my above enumeration and statement not
one name, not one sum, that comes fairly under the head of real
public services. There may, indeed, be persons to differ from me
in opinion as to what SiVe public services, and what are not public
services. These persons, such as the sublime and profound Lord
Milton for instance, would probably contend, that the notorious
iBuRKE*s services were really of a public nature and of immense
national benefit. Of course, he would think, that, though Burke
got a pension of 3000/. a year for his own life, and 1200/. a year
for the life of Mrs. Burke, and, besides these, a grant of 2500/. a
yearfor^t'e other lives ; of course. Lord Milton would think, that
public niouey could not possibly be better laid out ! This last grant
is a most curious thing. T he pension for his own life and then one
for Mrs. Burke's life after him are nothing new. It is no more
than those provident gentlemen and good husbands, Messrs. Long,
HuskissoUy Nepean, King, and hundreds of others, have done.
But, to* provide beforehand a grant of public money to be left to
Executors at, the Grantee's death, is really something more shame-
less than! should have expected even the shameless Burke to ask ;
and, I leave the world to guess at the state of abject subjection in
>vhich Mr. Pitt was to the Boroughmongers, when he could give
his consent to such a profligate grant, and that too to the man
whom, of all men living, he despised the most. This grant is so
great a curiosity, that 1 will transcribe it word for word.
*■ Grant tor the Executors of the late Edmund Burke, annual
* amount, 2500/. By authority of two patents, dated 24th Oct.
* 1793. That is to say, 1160/. during the life of Lord Royston
* and the Hon. and Rev. Anchild Grey. And, 1340/. during the
* life of the Princess Amelia, Lord Althorp, and Wm. Caven-t
* dish, Esq.'
Now, whether a calculation of these lives were made and the
Grant sold, as it might be, as soon as it was obtained ; or, whether
it really 3vas bequeathed to ^Executors,* perhaps Lord Milton
the sublrine, or Mr. William Elliot the beautiful, may be able
to tell ; but, I rather more than believe, that it was my exposure
of this vile transaction, in a Register of November last, which
drew forth from the latter, in the month of January, those vehe-
ment charges against the publishers of * Weekly Venom ;' and,
at any rate, I am quite sure, that the nation continues to pay this
2500/. a year to somebody, and that it will continue to pay it as
1st November, 1830. 105
long as Lord Milton and Mr. William Elliot shall have seats in
Parliament.
What! And are there men in the world, not notorious robbers,
to approve of such things as these ! * Ah ! * says the Courier,
* but they are vested rights ; and, if you begin by seizing them,
you may end by seizing people's goods in their houses* If tliis be
all we want to authorize the seizure , we may seize away; for how
many thousand persons have had their beds sold from under them
to pay the taxes since this grant was made \ Thus the beginning
to seize has actually taken place. But, what are we to seize} The
grant is nothing in substance. We want to seize nothing. We
only want not to be compelled to pay the amount of it any longer.
We want to be able to live without Burke's executors coming to
seize our goods. We want not to be obliged to go naked and
hungry in consequence of our earnings being taken away in this
manner. And, because we complain, that 60,000^. of the money,
raised in taxes upon our beer, soap, candles, &c., have been given
to this BuRKE^ are we to be called Jacobins and Revolutionists 1
He, his wife, and his executors, have already received about
66,000/. of principal money out of the taxes, and as the lives are
some of them very young yet, the executors may, possibly, receive
as much more, if we reckon the interest, as we ought, this
hireling writer ; the trumpeter of that war, a * transition from
which to peace* has, upon the showing of the Borough mongers
themselves, produced unparalleled misery throughout a whole
nation ; if we reckon the interest, this base man, who prostituted
his great talents to the vilest and most wicked of purposes, will,
in the whole, if the system go on, have received by himself and
his executors, a quarter of a million of the public money ; and, be-
cause we complain of this, we are to be held forth as promulgating
sedition and blasphemy !
The late Marquis of Buckingham has not received less, from
his sinecure, than 700,000/. of principal money ; the Marquis
Camden 700,000/. ; Lord Arden not less than 500,000/.; the Sey-
mours not less than 400,000/.; Gamier not less than 250,000/.;
the Knoxes 400,000/. ; Lord Hobart 400,000/. ; the Dukes of Rich-
mond, Grafton, Marquis Bute, Lord Melville, and others, each
nearly half a million at least; and many, many others 200,000/.
and 100,000/. each. Some 50,000/., and so on; till, if we take a
view of the last 57 years, since His Majesty has been upon the
throne, and take in all the grants of money, given for no known
public services^ we shall find here what it is that has swelled up
what is called the National Debt, But, of this we will speak
more at large by and by, when we have asked a little more
about the public services of the persons who receive the immense
sums of money of which we have been speaking.
Can any one imagine what public services were ever rendered
by any oi the persons just named? And by fhe Marchioness of
Stafford? Yet her ladyship is down for 300/. a year, though her
husband has scores of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands,
a year in his own estates. Lady Grenville of course, being bone of
r 5
106 Two-penny Trash;
bone and, flesh of flesh with her Lord, has rendered what some
people might call services ; but have they not been pretty decently
paid for in that husband's enormoms salaries ; and in the 118,000/.
of principal 7nonei/, which he has received from his Sinecure as
Auditor of the Exchequer ? And we are to be called seditious, are
we, because we complain of these things ? We are to be muzzled
and choked, that these people may not even be disturbed by our
cries I My God ! And, is this always to go on ? There is Ladif
Augusta Murray, now called D' Amilandy who was married at
Rome to the Duke of Sussex. A very virtuous lady, I dare say, but
what has she done to merit M 17/. a year out of the taxes ? This
lady has not rejceived, in this way, less than 50,000/. of the public
money, principal money; and, for what? Mrs. Huskissou is to
have a pension after her .husband's death : and, for ivhat ?- He
has a pension of 1200/. a year for life, when he is out of place;
so has Lord Minto, and the family of this latter are all provided
for out of the taxes. Now, what have they done to merit this of us
who pay the taxes ?
There is no end to these instances. Only think of Cumber-
land, the 'play writer , having had a pension, and his daughters
now being upon the list of those who live upon the sums which
>ve pay on our beer, soap, ^c. There are whole troops oi fine
Uidies ; whole families of children, of whose fathers we never even
heard, who are kept out of the fruit of our labour. Let us take a
few instances as they stand in the Account.
• Grant, by Warrant dated 20th May, 1799, to W. Borrows,
* Esq., in trust for Mary and Maria Hun, during their lives and
* the survivor of them, for 500/. a year.*
'""These are the mother and half-sister of Canning. Great merit
in his eyes perhaps ; but what have they doue/o?' us ? Mrs. Hun,
they say, was once a most excellent play-actress, and, doubtless, a
very worthy woman ; but, in the name of all that is false and cor-
rupt, I ask wiiat claim she has to the taxes that we pay upon our
beer and candles and tea?
* Grant of 400/. a year to the Reverend H. Hobart and Mr.
* John Sullivan in trust for Jive children of the late George Ho-
* bart, Esq. during the lives of the five children, and after the
* death of four, 200/. a year for the survivor.*
' ^ Pension to Lord Fitzharris, to begin at the death of his
father,* the Earl of Malmsbury. There is a provident young
man !
A grant in trust for
* Mary Anne Herries, a year , £300
* Catherine Herries • • « 150
* Isabella Maria Herries 150
* Julia Mary Herries .............. 150
* Lady Louisa Paget. •.....•.....••. 300
* Same (now Lady L. Erskine) 300 *
This is a sister of the Marquis of Angles ea*
1st November, 1830. IQ7
* A grant to Lord Sydney and the Rev. T. Selwyn, in trust, for
* Charlotte Selwyu, a year £100
' Albina Frances Selwyu 100
* Maria Louisa Selwyn , ♦ , , 100
* Henrietta E. Selwyn 100'
These, I suppose, are the daughters of this Reverend Gentleman
who is a relation of Lord Sidney. They may be called lucki/ girls,
indeed : and, certainly, they have got very pretty names; but, let
us come to conscience with the Reverend Gentleman, and ask him
vihdLtrigJit he has to fasten his four daughters upon our backs ? What
justice there is in taking away our bread and giving it to his
daughters, while we are reduced to grains and j)otatoes? Whether
he can find any precept for this in that Gospel which he is so well
paid for teaching ? And whether, Avhile these things exist, it be
not monstrously impudent in his brother Malthus, to pretend,
that, to relieve the poor is to encourage population improperly,
and that the poor labourers have no right to relief for their hungry
children, seeing, ' that it is their oivn fault if they have more
children than they can support out of their own labour?' I should
like to hear what brother Selwyn would say, if these questions
were put home to him, as they doubtless will be one of these days.
I dare say brother Selwyn is a Magistrate^ and that he regards my
Register as both seditious and blasphemous,
* Grant to
* Anna Maria, Duchess Dowager of
Newcastle, a year , . £1,000
* Lady Sarah Napier 368
* Louisa Mary Napier 162
* Emily Louisa Auij;usta Napier. . . . 162
•* Grant in ttiist to Sir George Osborn and John Ley, for
' Jane Wraxall £400
* Grant to
' Sarah Pierson • . £27
* M ary Pierson 27
' Diana Anne Piersojj ••.. 27
* Frances Pierson 27
* Reverend Thomas Pierson 130 '
Here is another Reverend Gentleman's family quartered upon
us for life I
^ Grant to Robert Halifax and Catherine Halifax, widow, in
trust for
* Gertrude Halifax, a year £60
* Charlotte Halifax...". 60
* Marianne Hahf ax 60
* Caroline Halifax , 60
* Catherine Halifax 60
* Elizabeth Halifax ' 60*
108 Two-penny Trash;
A pretty little snug: covey, who take just as much as would
maintain ta-'clve good labourers and their families , consisting of
sixti/ persons. And, pray, Mr. [Malthus, has not the poor la-
hourer's children, whose father has, all his life long, been paying*
taxes and raising food, as good a claim of relief as these Halifaxes
have ? You, Sir, would check the population of the labouring
people; but you say not one word about this population. You say,
that the labourer has no right to demand relief out of the rates ;
and, that he should be told, that unless he can support his children,
he should take care not to have them. Why do you not say the
same to the Cumberlands, the Selwyns, the Napiers, the Piersons,
the Halifaxes, the Herrieses, the Ponsonbys, and hundreds upon
hundreds of others? But, the truth is, that the labourer* s earn-
ings are taken, in great part, away from him, or he would, as
formerly, stand in need of no relief, except in cases of accident.
* Grant to Charles Abbott and Lord Rendlesham, in trust for
Eleanor Madelaine TVickharti, per year, 675//
Now what has this good lady done for us ? Her husband is
loaded with pensions besides. His exploits at Basle, indeed, may,
by some, be deemed services; but what has this good woman done ?
Did she assist him in his operations at Basle?
And why should the Baroness Cathcart have 500Z. a year ? or
Catherine Popham 200Z. ? Or Seizan De Meuron, a foreigner (in
the teeth of positive law), 393/. a year? Why should the three
Misses Barlow, the two Ladies Howard, the three Misses Harnage,
have pensions to be paid bv us, who never heard of their names
before? Why should Ernestine Lawrence have 200/. of our money
every year, except on account of her or his pretty foreign name?
for, 1 really do not know whether it be the name of a woman
or a man.
* Pension to Sir Luke Wettestein, in ti-ust for Sir Luke
Schwab's daughters, per year, 200/.*
Tliese are foreigners: there can be no doubt of that. The
Prince of Mecklinburgh Strelitz is in this list for 2000/. a
year. La Comtesse D'Alton, 300/. a year. There are many
other foreigners on the Pension List. And yet, the Act of Parlia-
ment, in virtue of which the present family sit on the throne, de-
clares, in the must clear and most positive manner, that no one,
-who is not a NATURAL- BORN subject of the King of England,
shall hold ?i pension, or any place of profit or of trust, under the
Crown. There is no act of naturalization which can remove this
impediment ; and yet, this great law, made, as its title imports,
for the preservation of our rights and liberties, has been paid no
more regard to by the Ministers than if it had been an old ballad/
They violate it erery day; ihey live in a continual violation of it.
They talk of illegal practices, indeed ! They bring men to pu-
nishment for violation of the laws ! What, is there no punishment
for them, then ? Are they to violate the laws with impuyiity ; and
that, too, in the most barefaced and most insolent manner ? Are
they never to be brought to justice ; and, if we charge them with
1st November, 1830. 109
these violations of the laws ; nay, if we humbly complain,
and pray that the violations may cease, are they for ever to
charge us with sedition and blasphemy for so doing;, and to ride off
themselves with impunity ? 1 take ray facts from an official ac-
count, made out by the Ministers and laid before the Parliament.
What audacity I What a contempt of the law, to dare to lay be-
fore the Parliament these numerous proofs of a gross violation of
it I But, indeed, the Ministers knew well who it was that they
were submitting this account to. They would have taken special
care not to have laid such an account before a Parliament chosen
by the people at large ; and here it is that we see the i^eal reason
for all the opposition to a Reform.
There is a Mr. Joseph Hunt, who was, some years ago,
obliged to abscond in consequence of a misapplication of thepublic
money ; that very man has two pensions, amounting to 1037/. a
year! And this is a reward iov public services ! * The Right Hun.
Thos. Steel' has his sinecure of l,f>33/. a year, though he, too,
was proved to have misapplied the public money, to give to his
conduct the mildest of terms. Is not this a shame ? And, are we
to be crammed into dungeons if we complain of these things ? We
will complain of them j and, we will persevere, till we obtain
justice.
The Hon. Robert C. Clements is a Searclier and Packer of
the Ports in Ireland ; Sir Richard Hardinge is Surveyor- General
of the Ports; Sir George Shee is Receiver - G eneral ; Hon. Edw.
Acheson is Customer and Colleclor ; two of the notorious Beresfords
are Storekeepers; John Beresfurd and James D. Beresford are
fp^ine- Tasters ; Lord Robert Seymour is a.,Craner and fVhurfinger ;
Earl Rodeo is another Searcher ; Right Hon, Earl of Avoumore is
another Searcher and Packer ; the Earl of Donoughmore is an-
other Searcher and Packer; Marquis of Drogheda and Mr. Bag-
well are Muster -Masters -General. All this is in Ireland, and fifty
times as much more. It is notorious, that these people are no
such thing as they are here called ; but, they receive amongst them,
on account of these pretended occupations, 15,200/. Mr. Abbot,
the Speaker, has, for many years, received 1,500/. a year fur keep-
ing the Signet in Ireland, where there is no signet to be kept. The
M'yndhams, younger sons of the family of the Earl of Egremont,
hold places in the Colonies that yield them nearly 20,000/. a year.
And, what for ? What have they ever done for the country, except
to help to ruin it by voting for wars and loans ? Is it seditious, is it
blasphemous, to complain that a waste like this is made of the peo-
ple's labour, and that these two Wyndhams spend of the nation's
money as much every year as would keep a thousand labouring-
families, amounting to four or five thousand persons ? Is this
blasphemous ? It is indeed most horrible blasphemy to attempt to
justify such wicked acts ; and this is a sort of blasphemy that I
hope yet to see punished.
However, let us get on a little with our broods of Pensioners :
for, it is very material to expose the atrocious falsehood, that these
things have been given as rewards for Public Services,
110 Two-penny Trash;
* Grant, dated 1807, to James Earl of Lauderdale and others,
* in trust for
' Mary Turner Hay, per year,, £jOO
* Dorothy Frances Hay 100
' Hannah Charlotte Hay....,,. 100
* Elizabeth Hay 100
* Jane Hay 100
' Julian Hay 100'
And the curiosity here is, that these pensions are to continue
till these ladies shall respectively get them husbands! or, during
pleasure I So that they might last for fifty years ; as they would,
if the system lasted so long.
' Grant to Agnes Clerk Hay, per year £100
' Arthur Witham Hay 100
'Dorithia Judith Hay 100
* Maria Hay '. 100
< Lewis Hav 100
* Elizabeth Hay 100*
These are to take effect when the mother dies; and she has a
pension for life ! So, thus are they fastened upon the nation from
•age to age !
' Grant to Elizabeth Cockburn, per
year £50
* Matilda Cockburn 50
' Margaret Cockburn • 50
* Ann Cockburn 50'
These are to begin wnen the mother dies, who has a pension
for life, and they are to cease at marriage, unless his Majesty should
otherwise please !
* Grant to Marie Claudine Silphie Duchess Fitz-James, 200/.
' a year, grant dated 22d Sept. 1806.*
This is so very audacious a thing that one can hardly believe
one's own eyes, till we see by the date, that it was the WHIGS,
the precious Whigs, who committed this act of profligate violation
of law. Tills person is not only a Frenchwoman^ the wife of a
Frenchmany but that Frenchman is a descendant, as his name im-
ports, from that very Ja?nes the Second who was driven from the
throne of England to make way for the present family ! And this
"very Duke Fitz-James's father had been one of the aiders and
abettors of the Pretender ! Where the honest Whigs, honest and
faithful Whigs, looked to discover the Public Serinces which
tempted them to this outrageous breach of the law, they will, per-
haps, by-and-by, be induced to tell us.
My eye happening to drop upon Marie Claudine Silphie led me
away from vay famUy parties ; and, it is useless to return to them,
unless I had Parson Malthus by the ear to ask him, at every
moment, why he does not apply his arguments to these abominable
lists of paupers in high life. He would deny relief to the labourer.
1st November, 1830. Ill
who- is obliged to give away in taxes one half of what ought to
gt) to support his family ; but, he very quietly sees these swarms,
who never have worked at all, receiving relief out of those very
taxes, more than three-fourths of which the labouring classes pay !
One cannot help wondering at the sharnelessness of Noblemen
and Gentlemen in suffering themselves to be called Tide- Waiters,
Harbour- Masters, Searchers, Packers, Craners, Clerks, Wharfin-
gers, Prothonotaries, and the like; or, that such a man as Lord
Charles Spencer, a brother of the Duke of Marlborough, should
suffer himself to be stuck into the Pension List for 1,000/. a year,
when all the world knows, that he never performed the smallest
quantity of public service in his life. There is a Baroness who is
* Sweeper of the Mall in the Park* for 340/. a year ; but, what is
out of nature as well as shameless, is, that the SISTERS of the
Earl of NoTTRiNGTON are with him joint Clerk of the Hanapert
At first, when 1 looked over these Lists (for there are forty-
seven separate lists), 1 wondered who the people could he. The
Brudenels, the Seymours, the Talbots, the Herberts, Finches,
Wyndhams, Hays, Cockburns, Selwyns, &c. &c. But upon closer
examination, I found the far greater part of all these broods of
pensioners belonging, in oneway or another, to the great families ;
or, in other words, to the Borough mono:err,, and those dependent
upon them. It is true, that Lord Fitzwiliiam and his son have no
places or pensions ; but, Burkk, their grand tool, took a fine bite
out of our flesh. In short, we have only to look at the immense
sums of public money, which are expended in this way, and observe
well who it is that really has the disposing of these sums, to
make us cease to wonder at the desperate deeds which are resorted
to in order to prevent such a Reform as would enable the people,
by their real representatives, to superintend the expending of the
public money.
But, though the amount of the Sinecures, Pensions, and
Grants, merited by no public service whatever, is enormous, these
form only a part of what the Borough families receive out of the
taxes. The fat things of that great gulf of expense, the' Army y
are almost wholly theirs. The post of Colonel of a Regiment is a
sinecure in fact; and, if }ou look into the List, you will not find
twenty, out of nearly /wo hundred, which are not in the hands of
the Borough families. So it is with the Staff. So it is as to those
enormous Sinecures, the Governorships of fortresses, castles,
islands, provinces, &c., &c., which amount to immense sums ;
and, indeed, if you consider how small a portion of the money
voted for the army really is wanted for the soldiers, you must see
how this multitude of millions have gone, and how they still go,
and must go, as long as the system goes on unretormed.
Now, my friends (first pulling off our hats), let us just peep
into the Church, for there are some very good things there. There
are three enormously rich Bishopricks, Canterbury, Durham, and
Winchester, the revenues and the livings to be given in which are
woril), probably, 150,000/. a year. The first of these is held by a
Cousin of the Duke of Rutland ; the second by the Uncle ofT^scount
112 Two-penny Trash;
JBarringtofi ; and the third by the Uncle of (he Earl of Guildford.
Then out of the rest, twelve are held by the relations of great
Noble Boroughmen ; so that, out of the twenty-six in number,
there are fifteen in the h^nds of real blood relations of Borough
owners, or Borough Patrons of the Noble Order; and in amount
gfiwcow^ and preferment, these fifteen are ten times as great as
the other eleven. So that the Borough families have ten elevenths,
at least, of the Bishopricks.
Now, let us suppose, for the sake of the argument, that the
eleven other Bishopricks are filled witho'ut any portion of Borough
influence. This is supposing a monstrous deal ; but, -we will, for
a moment, so suppose. The Borough families form about one
ten-thousandth part of the people ;- and, will any wretch alive,
even the impudent man of the Courier, pretend to believe, that
there are ten times ?}wre piety and scholarship in this ten
thousandth part^ than in all the-other nine thousand nine hundred
and ninety-nine parts ? What has been proved of Bishopricks ap-
plies to Livings, or Benefices of inferior value. All the rich ones
are filled by the relations, or dependents, of the Borough gentle-
men; and thus, it) reality, the /*?o/>er^^ of the Church is theirs
almost wholly. As to the Law, that other great department of
emolument, power, and honours, the Borough families are obliged
to be content with jt?arro?^«^-^, and that too but in a moderate de-
gree ; for, the law re^MiVe.v, and it i^i// ^at;e, TALENTS and IN-
DUSTRY. Hence we have seen Wedderburn, Thurlow, Kenyon,
Scott, Mitford, Law, and many others^, beat their way up from the
ragged Bar to the Peerage ; not, indeed, in defiance of the Borough
gentlemen, but, at the same time, without much of dependence
upon them ; and, what is very curi6us to observe, that, while we
see all the other rich posts filled by the Borough families, they
have scarcely ever put their noses into the active posts of the LaWy
though some of them rain showers.of gold. But, though it is very
true, that an Attorney General, a Chief Justice, or a Lord Chan-
cellor, may, by mere possibility, be a superlative villain, it is im-
possible that he can be a fool.
Observe, however, that I speak only of the active posts even of
the Law; for, as we have seen, the Borough families engross no
small share of the sinecure emoluments oi that profession too. But,
while in the Jrmy and the Church they are at the head, in the law
they are at the taiL In the two former, they are Generals and
Commanders and Colonels of Regiments, and Bishops and Deans
and Archdeacons and Prebends. But, in the latter, they are Pro-
thonotaries. Clerks, Filazers, Sealers of Wiits, Ushers, Door-
keepers, &c. In the two former they are decorated with the
double Epaulet and the 'j'ruucheon ; with the Mitre and the Red-
Thing (1 do not know what they call it) which goes over the
shoulders above the surplus. But, in the Courts of Law, while
men who have risen from ** the Lower Orders *' (as they call us)
are decked out in the Big Wigs and in Purple and Scarlet and
Ermined Robes, those high-blooded gentry stoop to the camlet
gown and the wand. The Duke or Grafton, for instance, is the
1st November, 1830. 113
Sealer in the Court of King's Bench at 2,886/. a year, while the
Honourable Louisa Browning and Ladi/ B, Mostyn are Gustos
Brevium in the Court of Common Pleas! Lord Walsingham is
in the petty office of Comptroller of first-fruits in the Court of
Exchequer at 150/ a year ; and Arabella Walker Heueage (a re-
lation o£the Earl of Aylesford) is the 'CHIEF USHER I A pretty
office enouglr for a high-blooded Lady ! ^ Three of the Moores,
two of them Clergymen, and all relations of the Earl of Mouilt-
Cashel, are the Register in the Prerogative Court, at 3,670/. a
year, while an honest coal-merchant's son is th^ Judge. In the
Court of Chancery, Lord W. Bentinck fills the petty office of
Clerk of the Pipe, though he is the son of a Duke. Thus it goes
all through ; and, indeed, so very fit are those high -blooded gentry
for high stations in the Arjni^ and low ones in the Law, that many
of them who are surprisingly great in arms are compelled to stand
in camlet gowns and'bare-headed before the Judges ! This Lord
William Hentinck, for instance, who is Clerk of the Pipe in the
Court of Chancery, and part of whose office it is to attend the man
wha holds up the tail of tKe Lord Chancellor's Robe when he enters
and leaves the Court; yes, this very identical Clerk of the Pipe is
a Lieutenant- Genei'al in the jlrmy, though, when in his other
office, he assists the train-bearer* to a Coal Merchant's Son, as the
present Lord Chancellor is. Very nearly the same is the case in
numerous instances. Even the ** Great Duhe " himself is nothing
more than a Rewemhranctr in the Court of Exchequer in Ireland.
It is curious, too, that, now and then one of the Borough race, who
have tried the Law, and, haviug given up all hopes of its honoursy
have very coolly condescended to share in its sinecure profits.
Thus, the Right Honourable Charles Yorke, who long went the
Western Circuit in vain in search o^ briefs y appears to have disco-
vered, at last, that, though court-sycophancy may be hereditary
from the grandfather, talents from the law are not ; and he
therefore, instead of getting \ipoQ the bench, has, through the in-
terest of his Borough-patron brother, the Earl of Hardwicke, se-
cured for life, 3,000/. a year as Clerk of the Pells in the Court of
Exchequer, to the Bench of which Court, at least, he once aspired*
I could go much further, and show, that, in fact, it is the
Borough-families who have done all the mischief. — But, you, my
friends, tnust see that it is so. In one character or another they
have swallowed up the fortunes of some, and the very bread of others*
No wonder that they are loath to part with their power, which
power places all the earnings of the people in their hands. No
■wonder that they have called us revolutionists, jacobins, and sedi-
tious dogs, for praying to them to give us up our right to choose
one of the Houses of Parliament, They talk of checks and balances
iu the Constitution ; and, yet, they have now upon their table a
petition presented by Lord Grey, in 1793, offering to prove at
the Bar, that one hundred and thirty persons of the Upper House
sent a majority into the Lower House ! What check, what balance^
can there be in such a state of things ^
If Jack, Will, and Dick, have the joint power of making laws j
114 Two-penny Trash;
if all questions be decitled by a majority of votes ; and if Jack
nominates Will and niakes him vote as he pleases ; is it not Jack
who has the absolute power of making what laws he pleases ;
and is it not an insult to poor King Dick and to the common sense
of mankind to talk about checks and balances ? What we wanted
was a House chosen by the Commons, that is to say, tlie people at
large. There is a Lords* House, and we wanted a Cotmnons^
House. Then, indeed, there would have been real checks and
balances ; and the King would have had some real power of his
own. But, to show that he has none, as things are now, we have
only to compare the sums which his sons receive out of the public
money with the sums received by many of the Borough gentle-
men. Lords Arden, Camden, Buckingham, and several others,
have, for many years, been receiving tiuice as 'iriucli a year as three
of the King's sons receive. I believe that \h& family of Grenvilley
in all its branches, received before the death of the Marquis of
Buckingham, more per cmnum titan the Royal Family, leaving out
the King and Queen. I believe that the Seymour family , or the
Manners family , either of them receive more now. Could this be
the case, if the King had his due share of real authority : or,
could this be the case for one single hour, if there were a Com"
mons* House of Parliament ? No : and this the Borough gentle-
DO
men know full well; and, therefore, we need not wonder at the
efforts they make, at the shameful and desperate deeds they resort
to, in order to prevent the existence of such a House. Leases of
Crown Lands is a monstrous thing. Only think of the Duke of
Portland's lease in Marylebone parish ! In short, they have all
the real power ; and, of course, they will cut and carve for them-
selves.
But, they have now an enemy to deal with, whom they will never
subdue : that is the DEBT, which of course, is our true and faith-
ful friend. The wars against America and France, the chief object
of both of which was to prevent a reform of Parliament, could not
be carried on without loans, or without the giving up of the emolu'
mcnts before mentioned, and to retain them was the object in pre-
venting a Reform. Yet, it was impossible to raise money enough
ixi taxes to continue these emoluments and to carry on the wars
too. Hence the Debt, the Funds, the Paper-Money, and those
rivals of the Borough Gentlemen the Fundholders, This is a serious
business for the high-blooded order; for either they must give up
their emoluments and their estates into the bargain, or the Fund-
holders must go unpaid, in part at least. This is the real state of
the thing at this moment. The Borough system approaches its
crisis. Have patience, my worthy Countrymen; only a little pa-
tience, and you will see that these borrowei^s and these lenders will,
at last, do like most other borrowers and lenders ; that is to say,
come to an open quarrel, after having long cursed each other in
their hearts.
That will be the day for the people, and in anxious
expectation of that day, I shall now proceed to make a
1st November, 1830. 115
remark or two upon two or three particular parts of the
above statements of facts ; and to those remarks I beg your
particular attention ; for, my friends, here it is that we are
to look for the real cause of the ill-will that now fills the
bosoms of the working people.
Lord Stanhope warned the Lords, last winter, of
the danger wdth which they were menaced by the open war
that had begun between the poor and the rich. I have, for
16 years, been warning them of the dangers of this war.
The war is come ; and the real cause of it is things like
those above stated, of the existence of which the working
people have long been apprised. Let me now advert to two
or three particulars ; and then put it to the rich^ whether it
be possible that the working people should not burn with
resentment ; and whether the wonder is, not that they have
now broken out into acts of violence, but that they should
have been patient and submissive so long.
In the above selection there is Lady Louisa Paget,
and then she is, again, down for another pension as Lady
Louisa Erskine. This is a sister of the Marguis of Angle'
sea, and, of course, a daughter of the late Earl of Uxbridge^
Burdett harangued on this pension twenty -eight years ago!
Well may the people hate and pelt him ! But, here are the
mother and sister of Herries ; and, in the pensioner
Juliana Hay, we have the wife of the younger Hobhouse,
who was, along with his master, pelted from the Hustings
of Covent-Garden, in the month of August last. Now, it i^
literally impossible that any of these women could ever
have rendered any service to the country. What they got
and get was, then, so much in gift to them out of the public
money, part of w^hich the working people had to pay. And
why should any of us, and especially the working people,
be compelled to keep these people in ease and gentility ? If
we, in the industrious walks of life, fall into poverty, we must
116 Two-penny Trash ;
submit to its pains and disgrace : nay, to reproach for be-
coming ** paupers'* Why, then, when any of the aristo-
cratic race become poor, are they to be kept in luxury by
us ? Why do not the rich aristocracy maintain their poor
parents and children, as we are compelled to maintain
ours?
This is a very striking thing, and worthy of our best atten-
tion. An old labouring man of Ticehurst, in Sussex,
came to me for advice, some few years ago, in great agita-
tion of mind, his case being this : he had a son, who was
dead, and who had left a widow and four children, whose
poverty had compelled them to apply to the parish for relief.
, The grandfather, nearly fourscore years of age, had, by hard
labour and great frugality, got and kept a couple of cottages,
yielding about \5L a year, which, together with a little
dealing or huckstering, enabled him to live withojut going
to the poor-house. The law compels the grandfather, if he
le of ability, to keep the grand-children from the parish.
The farmers of the parish, jTor whom the children worked^
Tnindy paid them part in w^ages and part in poor-rates.
They demanded that the grandfather should pay the latter
part ! The old man said, that if he did this, he must go to
the poor 'house himself '^ Oh ! no,'' said they, " you can
sell the cottages, and the money will keep you for some
time at any rate I ^^ When the old man repeated this
saying to me, he exclaimed, with tears in his eyes, ** And
this is what I am to come to at the end of sixty years of
hard work, and never wasting a penny in my life !" " D —
them!" said I, " and look here!*' and, taking down the
pension and sinecure list, I showed him the hundreds upon
hundreds of masters and misses of the nobles and the rich,
for the support of whom he had been labouring and pinching
all his life long. Old as he was, he had blood enough in him
to make him utter his feelings of indignation, not unac-
1st November, 1830. 117
companied with vows of vengeance. I remember that I
particularly pointed out to him the Herrieses and the
Hays, and one of whom had as much out of us in a month
as his four grandchildren got from the parish in a year!
There are no vx)rds that can do justice to one's rage in a case
like this. Men cannot talk about it. To complain argues
baseness : men must either be silent or act.
Base and insolent vagabonds, like those at Botley, men-
tioned in the last Number of the Trash, call upon the
working people to save their money ; to put it in savings^
banks and friendly societies ! Vagabonds ! why do they
not save theirs? The working-classes are to save their
money to keep them from the poor -book. Why do not
these lazy and insolent vagabonds save theirs, to keep them
from the pension and siriecicre list ? Oh yes ! the working
people are to be frugal and abstemious in order to be ew-
dependent. Why do not these vagabonds practise these
virtues in order to preserve their independence?
After this view of the treatment of the working people ;
after seeing many of them transported by the Squires and
Lords for endeavouring to catch a hare, pheasant, or part-
ridge ; after making them endure the effects of Sturges
Bourne's Bills ; after seeing them compelled to draw carts
and wagons like cattle ; after seeing them sold by auction ;
after seeing man separated by force from wife to prevent
them from the conjugal intercoujse ; after seeing one tyrant
condemning men to starvation if they married before the
age of thirty ; and another condemning them to starvation
if they kept a gun in their houses ; after all this, who is
to wonder at what we now behold !
What are the remedies, then: 1. Abolish the Game Laws
totally and instantly. 2. Repeal Sturges Bourne's cruel
Bills, 3. Repeal PeeVs Apple- Felony and new Trespass
Laws. 4. Abolish the Tread-mill and hellish solitary cells.
118 Two-PENXY Trash;
5. Restore the Law of England^ and especially the trial by
jury. 6. Abolish the Malt and Hop tax. And then there^
may be peace and safety until a reform of the parliament
can be made. Then, instantly, let the farmers, in every
parish, call together all the people, women as well as men, and
explain to them the cause of their inability to pay themr'
a svfficiency of wages. Have a petition ready for them
all to sign, praying for the above things; sign it along with
them ; bid them hope that their prayers will be attended
to; and then they would wait with patience. They would
see, that they were embarked in company with their
masters, that these made common cause with them ; and
the plague would he stayed.
There is no other remedy; and, if the farmers be too
proud to do this ; if their heads be still full of the Yeomanry
Cavalry notions ; if they persevere in relying on threats, or
on force, these dangers and sufferings are only just hegin^
ning. Oh, good God! how often have I painted, or en-
deavoured to paint, the ruinous and devastating effects of
the infernal system of paper- money, and particularly as re-
lating to rural life and affairs! How often have I said,
that this hell- born Scotch system, by drawing capital into
great masses, and thereby annihilating small farms, had
broken that chain which connected the landlord with the
labourer ! How often have I deplored the day when the ac-
cursed system of banking broke in sunder this nicely-con-
nected series of English society, and divided the country people
into two classes, masters and slaves, the former despising
the latter, and the latter hating the former ! Not a village
is there in the whole kingdom, in which there are not several
half-starved labourers, who, or whose fathers, were farmers.
They can see no just cause for their fall: they are unable
to trace the effect to any cause : but, their anger is the
same as if they could. If they could see that it is the devil-
1st November, 1830. 119
hatched system of funding; if they could see, that they owe
their ruin to bands of Jews and loan- mongers and such-like
devils, their rage would be against them ; but, not seeing
the distant and hidden cause, they lay on upon that which
is near and visible. The farmers are, in fact, the uncon-
Bcious agents of the aristocracy and the loan and fund-
jobbers. What! and do they not see this now ? Has it not
been explained to them often enough ? Well, then, let them
take their reward !
As for ME, my friends, the whole body of aristocracy and
loan-jobbers have sought my destruction for nearly thirtj/
years. They are now in the situation into which I said
they would bring themselves ; and let them get out as they
can ! I hope, that, in all you do, you wdll be guided by
justice ; and, in that hope I remain, what I always have
been, your sincere and zealous friend,
Wm. cobbett.
HISTORY OF THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION.—
Thiuking- that this work, which has been translated into, and
published in, all the languages and in all the nations of Europe,
and in the republics of North and South America, deserved to be
put into ^fine book, I published about two years ago a large edition
in TWO ROYAL OCTAVO VOLUMES, the paper and print very fine and
costly, with marginal referenceSy or abstracts, and with a copious
and complete index, making a really fine library-book, sold at
one pound eleven shillings and six-pence y instead of the eight shil-
lings, for which the small duodecimo edition in two volumes was
and is sold. I was out in my estimate : I did not consider that the
quantity of piety and justice and sense was not always in a direct
proportion to the length of purse; and that while the cheap edition
was, as it is, continually in great demand, the dear edition re-
mained on hand, or at least went off much more slowly than things
must move to he agreeable to my taste. I have, therefore,. resolved
to quicken the motion of this edition by selling these two royal
120 List or Books.
OCTAVO VOLUMES AT TEN SHILLINGS, only two shillings morc than
the price of the two duodecimo volumes, making to myself a
solemn promise never to publish a dear book again. These books,
like my other books, may be had of all booksellers in town
or country.
RURAL RIDES. These are published in a thick volume, duo-
decimo; the price was to be 10^., I shall sell the volume dX Jive
shillings, in boards : it is a collection of all my rides in the several
counties of *^ Surrey, Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, Wiltshire, Glouces-
*' tershire, Herefordshire, Worcestershire, Somersetshire, Oxford-
** shire, Berkshire, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, and Hertfordshire:
*' with Economical and Political Observations relative to matters
** applicable to, and illustrated by, the State of those Counties
'' respectively.** The book contains 66S pages, and is neatly put up
in boards ; the volume is printed in a manner to (it it for a library.
EMIGRANT'S GUIDE. A new edition, price 2*. 6d. With a
list oi clothes, sea stores, and other things necessary for a young
man, to fit him out well, and give him a fair start in America. The
last edition oi this work had a Postscript; but 1 have now added a
List, in consequence of many applications on the subject. It will
be very useful; for where so many little things are wanted, some
are generally forgotten; and, when once you get on board of ship,
it is too late to say, ^* 1 forgot to bring'* this or that. I, though a
cabin-passenger, have given a shilling for an onion, to a steerage-
passenger, who had had more forethought than our captain had
had. This list is, however, principally intended for steerage-
passengers.
Published this day, 30th of October, price Is.
A SKETCH of the LIFE of GENERAL LAFAYETTE. Trans-
lated from the French by James P. Cobbett.
Published at No. 11, Bolt Court, Fleet Street; and may be had
of all Booksellers.
^Printed by William Cobbett, Johnson's -court, Fleet-street.]
No. VI.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of December, 1S30.
TO THE
FARMERS OF THE COUNTY OF KENT;
On the measures which they ought y at this time, to adopt
and pursue, in order to preserve their property and to
restore their country to a state of peace and harmony ^
Gentlemen, London, 21 Novemher, 1830.
Being at a dinner of farmers, at the town of St.
Ives, in Huntingdonshire, on the 29th of May last, I saw
handed round the table divers copies of a hand-bill, notify-
ing an approaching public sale oi farming stock, in that
neighbourhood ; and one of these bills having been gi-ven to
me, I saw that, amongst the farming stock were " a j'^re-?
^' engine and several steel man-traps, all in excellent con^
'^ ditionJ' In the evening of the same day, I, at the same
place, gave a Lecture to these farmers ; and, referring to this
hand-bill, I told my hearers, that dismal indeed were the
times become, when fire-engines and man- traps formed part
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street j
and sold by all Booksellers.
122 Two-penny Trash;
of the implements of hushayidry ! I told them, that, when
society was in its natural and proper state, no life w^as so
happy as that of the farmer ; having all the health that air
and exercise could give, having all his real wants supplied
by his land, his dealings attended with no risks, his commo-
dities being all so much ready money, his pursuits as solid in
their character as the earth that he had to till. But, if once
the natural tie hetiveen him and his labourers were broken,
farewell to all his happiness and even to his safety; for
that, if his flocks in his folds, and his stacks in his yard,
were not as safe as his purse in his drawer, or his body in his
bed, instead of being the most happy, the farmer was the
most miserable, of all mankind. I told them, that, if the
fatal hour should ever arrive, when the labourers in general
entertained deep hatred towards the farmers, there would
no protection be found in man-traps ?ind ^re-engines ; that
the deadly element they always had at their absolute
command, and with which nature had furnished them as
the least desperate means of preserving themselves from
starvation. I, therefore, besought them to think of these
things in time ; and, with all the force that I was master of,
J urged them to cast from them the vain and the cruel thought
of being able to keep the labourers in a state of half-
starvation, by the means of man-traps and fire-engines.
Gentlemen, farmers of Kent, most of you have heard of
my name thousands of you have heard me speak in public,
many of you have honoured me with your personal acquaint-
ance, and a real honour I have always deemed it ; and to
you I appeal, whether you have ever heard me open my lips,
on the subject of the state of the country, without pleading
the cause of the labouring man, and without urging you to
guard, in time, against the fatal consequences that must
result from his being rendered desperate. Within the
last ten years, I have been in all the counties of England,
1st December, 1830. 123
Dorset, Devon, Cornwall, Westmorland, Durham, North-
umberland, and Cumberland. In all the other counties,
that is to say, in thirty-three of the counties of England, I
have, at some time or other, during the last ten years, made
speeches^ in different towns in each county ; and never, in
one single instance did I make such speech, without stating
the hard case of the labourers, without calling upon my
hearers to do them justice, and without telling the farmers,
that, if justice were not done them in time, th^ consequences
to the farmers themselves would be dreadful; for, as I
always told them, *^ though they have been, by unseen degrees,
" brought down to live almost wholly on miserable potatoes y
*^ that is, to live on what you know a hog cannot live upon
" and be in good health, the time will come, the time must
" come, when they will endure this no longer -, when
" reason and nature will claim their rights ; for, be assured,
" that, though the basest assembly on earth have praised
" the labourers of Irelaiid for lying down by thousands and
" dying quietly from starvation, the labourers of England
" will never do this, and God Almighty forbid that they
'' should do itr
This was the conclusion of a speech made at Andover oa
the 14th of Oct., 1826, to my own countrymen, the farmera
and hop-planters of Farnham in Surrey, many of whom had
known me when a boy, and all of whom knew^ my origin and
all about me. But, gentlemen, farmers of the beautiful
county of Kent, has not the bettering of the lot of the
labourers been the great object of the labours of my life '? I
have ridden on horse-back nearly all over the counties of
Kent, Sussex, Surrey, Hants, Wilts, Gloucester, Hereford,
Worcester, Berks, and others, going, as much as possible,
by cross-roads and into villages and hamlets, that I might
learn by my own eyes and ears what was the state of the
working people, and that I might be able to plead their cause
Qi
124 Tmo-penny Trash;
with a store of knowledge upon the subject. Some of these
counties I have, 07i horse-back, plodding along from village
to village and from town to tow^n, traversed in every direc-
tion, and of these counties Kent is one.
I have collected together an account of these Rides, and
have published them under the title of RURAL RIDES,
making a book of nearly a thousand pages, the price of
which I fixed at ten shillings, but which I sell for Jive, that
it may get into more hands at this time. Gentlemen, it is
impossible to read this book and be surprised at what we
now behold. In this book (taken from the Register) at page
584, you will find me, in 1826, when speaking of the village
of Uphusband (real name Hurstbourne Tarrant), making
use of these words : " I wish that, in speaking of this
*^ pretty village (which I always return to with additional
*^ pleasure), I could give a good account of the state of
^^ those without whose labour there would be neither
^' Gorn nor sainfoin nor sheep, I regret to say, that my
^^ account of this matter, if I give it truly, must be a dismal
*^ account indeed ! For I have, in no part of England, seen
*' the labouring people so badly off as they are here. This
*^ has made so much impression on me, that I shall enter
" fully into the matter, with names, dates, and all the par-
^' ticulars, in the Fourth Number of the ' Poor Man's
** Friend.' This is one of the great purposes for which
" I take these ' RidesJ I am persuaded, that, before the
^^ the day shall come when my labours must cease / shall
^* have mended the meals of millions, I may over-rate the
** effects of my endeavours ; but, this being my persuasion, I
** should be guilty of a great neglect of duty, were I not to
*' use those endeavours."
But, in this same year, I stated the case of the labourers,
in the most elaborate manner, in a set of remarks on that
part of Wiltshire which lies on the banks of the little river
1st December, 1830. 125
Avon in that county ; and 1 even made a little map to make
these remarks the more easily understood. I here gave an
instance of the process by which the labourers had been
brought down to a state of half-starvation. I will here
insert from RURAL RIDES this interesting passage. I
will send, as soon as the new ministry is formed and offi-
cially announced, a copy of this Two-penny Trash to
each of them ; and, if it produce no effect on their minds, we
shall have a state of things that / will not describe. At a
meeting, the other day, at Rochester, Lord Darnley is
reported to hare warned those who sought a revolution^
that they themselves would he the first victims. Who
wants what he means by a revolution ? Who is seeking
such a thing ? What has caused the labourers to rise ?
Why, want, horrid hunger; and thi^ hunger has been
caused by those who have imposed the taxes. What, then,
does he mean by " men who seek a revolution ?" This is
silly, spiteful stuif, Lord Darnley would do well to look at
tl;ie real cause of the rising : he would do well to read
what I am now about to insert; he would do well to read
RURAL RIDES, price 5s., and POOR MAN'S FRIEND,
price 6d., and to hold his tongue about YEOMANRY
CAVALRY ! At any rate, I beg you to read the extract
that I here give ; and you will see what you ought to do^
and that immediately too. You see clearly, that the evil is,
that this horrible system takes away from the farmer the
means of giving the labourer a sufficiency of wages. This
is the evil ; and unless this evil be removed, that of which
Lord Darnley is so much, and so justly, afraid, willy
to a certainty y take place ! This consequence, which
I have always deprecated, which I have always laboured to
prevent, the New Ministry may prevent if they will ; but
not by force of arms ; it is only to be prevented by their
attention to the causes of the present dangers; and those
126 Two-penny Trash;
causes, truly described and illustrated, they will learn from
the passage that I now urge you to honour with an attentive
perusal.
The stack-yards down this valley are beautiful to behold. They
contain from j^i'^ to fifteen banging wheat-ricks, besides barley"
rickSy and hay ricks, and also besides the contents of the barns,
many of which exceed a hundred, some two hundred, and I
saw one at Pewsey and another at Fiddleton, each of which
exceeded two hundred and fifty feet in length. At a farm, which,
in the old maps, is called Chissenbury Priory^ I think I counted
twenty-seven ricks of one sort and another, and sixteen or
eighteen of them wheat-ricks. I could not conveniently get to
the yard, without longer delay than I wished to make ; but I
could not be much out in my counting. A very fine sight this was,
and it could not meet the eye without making one look round
(and in vain) to see the people who were to eat all this food ; and
without making one reflect on the horrible, the unnatural, the
base and infamous state, in which we must be, when projects are
on foot, and are openly avowed, for transporting those who raise
this food, because they want to eat enough of it to keep them alive ;
and when no project is on foot for transporting the idlers who live
in luxury upon this same food; when no project is on foot for
transporting pensioners, parsons, or dead- weight people !
A little while before I came to this farm-yard, 1 saw in 07ie
piece, about four hundred acres of wheat- stubble, and I saw a
sheep-fold, which, I thought, contained an acre of ground, diUfi
had in it about /owr thousand sheep and lambs. The fold was di-
vided into three separate flocks ; but the piece of ground was one
and the same ; and I thought it contained about an acre. At one
farm, between Pewsey and Upavon, I counted more than 300
hogs in one stubble. This is certainly the most delightful farm-
ing in the world. No ditches, no vj at er -furrows, no drabu, hardly
any hedges, no dirt and mire, even in the wettest seasons of the
year ; and though the downs are naked and cold, the valleys are
snugness itself. They are, as to the downs, what ah-ahs ! are ia
parks or lawns. When you are, going over the downs, you look
ore?' the valleys, as in the case of the ah-ah; and, if you be not
acquainted with the country, your surprise, when you come to the
ed^e of the hill, is very great. The shelter in these valleys, and
particularly where the downs are steep and lofty on the sides, is
very complete. Then, the trees are every-where lofty. They are
genera-Wy elms, with some ashes, which delight in the soil that they
find here. There are, almost always, two or three large clumps
of trees in every parish, and a rookery or two (not r(/^-rookery) ^
to every parish. By the water's edge there are willows; and to
almost every farm, there is a fine orchard, the trees being, in
general, very fine, and this year they are, in general, well loaded
with fruit. So that, all taken together, it seems impossible to
find a more beautiful and pleasant country than this, or to imagine
1st December, 1830.
any life more easy and happy than men might here lead, if they
were untormented by an accursed system that takes the food fro)n
those that raise it, and gives it to those that do iioth'mg that is useful
to man.
Here the farmer has always an abundance of straw. His farm-
yard is uever without it. Cattle and horses are bedded up to
their eyes. The yards are put close under the shelter of a hill, or
are protected by lofty and thick set trees. Every auimal seems
comfortably situated; and in the dreariest days of winter, these
are, perhaps, the happiest scenes in the world ; or, rather, they
would be such, if those, whose labour makes it all, trees, corn,
sheep, and every thing, had but their fair share of the produce ot*
that labour. What share they really have of it one cannot exactly
say ; but I should suppose that every labouring man in this valley
raises as much food as would suffice iov fifty , or o. hundred persons,
fed like himself I
At a farm at Milton there were, according to my calculation, 600
xjuarters of wheat and 1200 quarters of barley of the present year's
crop. The farm keeps, on an average, 1400 sheep, it breeds and
rears an usual proportion of pigs, fats the usual proportion of hogs,
and, I suppose, rears and fats the usual proportion of poultry.
Upon inquiry, I found that this farm was, in point of produce,
about 07ie'fifth of the parish. Therefore, the land of this parish
produces annually about 3000 quarters of wheat, 6000 quarters oC
barley, the wool of 7000 sheep, together with the pigs and poultry.
Now, then, leaving green, or moist, vegetables out of the question,
as being things that human creatures, and especially labouring'
human creatures, ought never to use as sustenance, and saying
Dothing, at present, about milk and butter; leaving these wholly
out of the question, let us see how many people the produce of
this parish would keep, supposing the people to live all alike, and
to have plenty of food and clothing. In order to come to the fact
here, let us see what would be the consumption of one family ; let
it be a family of Jive persons ; a man, wife, and three children, one
child big enough to work, one big enough to eat heartily, and one
a baby ; and this is a pretty fair average of the state of people ia
the country. Such a family would want 51bs. of bread a-day;
they would want a pound of mutton a-day ; they would want two
pounds of bacon a day ; they would want, on an average, winter
and summer, a gallon and a half of beer a-day ; for, I mean that
they should live without the aid of the Eastern and Western slave-
drivers. If sweets were absolutely necessary for the baby, there
would be quite honey enough in the parish. Now, then, to begin
with the bread, a pound of good wheat makes a pound of good
bread ; for, though the offhl be taken out, the watei' is put in;
and, indeed, the fact is, that a pound of wheat will make a pound
of bread, leaving the offal of the w heat to feed pigs, or other
animals, and to produce other human food in this way. The
family would, then, use 1825lbs. of wheat in the year, which, at
fiOlbs. a bushel, would be (leaving out a fraction) 30 bushels, or
three quarters and six bushels, for the year.
128 Two-PEKNY Trash;
Next comes the mutton^ 365lbs. for the year. Next the bacon,
730lbs. As to the quantity of mutton produced : the sheep are bred
here, and not fatted in general; hut we may fairly suppose, that
each of the sheep kept here, each of the standing-stock, makes, first
or last, half a fat sheep: so that a farm that keeps, ou an average,
100 sheep, produces annually 50 fat sheep. Suppose the mutton
to be 15lbs. a quarter, then the family will want, within a trifle of,
seven sheep a year. Of bacon or pork, 36 score will be wanted.
Hogs differ so much in their propensity to fat, that it is difficult to
calculate about them : but this is a very good rule : when you see
a fat hog, and know how many scores he will weigh, set down to
his account a sack (half a quarter) of barley for evert/ score of his
■weight; for, let him have been educated (as the French call it) as
he may;, this will be about the real cost of him when he is fat. A
sack of barley will make a score of bacon, and it will not make
jnore. Therefore, the family would want 18 quarters of barley ia
the year for bacon.
As to the bee7\ 18 gallons to the bushel of malt is very good;
but, as we allow of no spirits, no wine, and none of the slave- pro-
duce, we will suppose that a sixth part of the beer is strong stuff.
This would require two bushels of malt to the 18 gallons. The
-whole would, therefore, take 35 bushels of malt ; and a bushel of
barley makes a bushel of malt, and, by the increase, pays the ex-
pense of malting. Here, then, the family would want, for beer,
four quarters and three bushels of barley. The annual consump-
tion of the family, in victuals and drink, would then be as follows :
Qrs. Bush.
Wheat 3 6
Barley . 22 3
Sheep 7
This being the case, the 3000 quarters of wheat, which the
parish annually produces, would suffice for 800 families. The 6000
quarters of barley would suffice for 207 families. The 3500 fat
sheep, being half the number kept, would suffice for 500 families.
So that here is, produced in the parish of Milton, bi-ead for 800,
fnutton for .500, and bacon and beer for 207 families. Besides
victuals and drink, there are clothes, fuel, tools, and household
goods wanting; but, there are milk, butter, eggs, poultry, rabbits,
hares, and partridges, which I have not noticed, and these are all
eatables, and are all eaten too. And as to clothing, and, indeed,
fuel and all other wants beyond eating and drinking, are there not
7000 fleeces of South-down wool, weighing all together, 21,000 lbs.,
and capable of being made into 8,400 yards of broad cloth, at two
pounds and a half of wool to the yard .^ Setting, therefore, the
wooli the milk, butter, eggs, poultry, and game against all the
wants beyond the solid food and drink, we see that the parish of
Milton, that we have under our eye, would give bread to 800 fami-
lies, mutton to 580, and bacon and beer to 207. The reason why
wheat and mutton are produced in a proportion so much greater
1st December, 1830. 129
than the materials for making bacon and beer, is, that the wheat
and the mutton are more loudly demanded /*rom a distance y and are
much more cheaply conveyed away in proportion to their value. For
instance, the wheat and mutton are wanted in the infernal wen,
2iudsome barley is wanted there in the shape of Dtalt; but ho^s are
not fatted in the wen, and a larger proportion of the barley is used
IV here it is grown.
Here is, then, bread for 800 families, mutton for 500, and bacon
and beer for 207. Let us take the average of the three, and then
"we have 502 families, for the keeping of whom, and in this good
manner too, the parish of Milton yields a sufficiency. In the wool,
the milk, butter, eggs, poultry, and game, we have seen ample,
and much more than ample, provision for all vjantSy other than
those of mere food and drink. What 1 have allowed in food and
drink is by no means excessive, it is but a pound of bread, and a
little more than half a pound of meat a day to each person on an
average ; and the beer is not a drop too much. There are no green
and moist vegetables included in my account; but, there would be
some, and they would not do any harm ; but, no man can say, or,
at least, none but a base usurer, who would grind money out of the
bones of his own father; no other man can, or will, say, that I
have been too liberal to this faniily : and yet, good God ! what eX'
travagance is here if the labourers of England ^e now tvirated justly !
Is there a family, even amongst those who live the hardest, in
the Wen, that would not shudder at the thought of living upon
•what i have allowed to this family ? Yet what do labourers' families
get, compared to this ? The answer to that question ought to make
us shudder indeed. The amount of my allowance, compared with
the amount of the allowance that labourers now have, is necessary
to be stated here, before I proceed further. The wheat, 3 qrs. and 6
bushels, at present price (56^. the quarter), amounts to 10/. lO*.
The barley (for bacon and beer) , 22 qrs. 3 bushels, at present price
(345. the quarter), amounts to 37/. If)*. 8rf. The seven sheep, at
40*. each, amount to 14/. The total is 62/. {)S. Sd. ; and this, ob-
serve, for bare victuals and drink ; just food and drink enou^^h to
keep people in working condition.
What, then, do the labourers get ? To what fare has this wretched
and most infamous system brought them } Why such a family as
I have described is all(^wed to have, at the utmost, only about 9*.
a week. The parish allowance is only about 7s. Gd.'for the five
people, including clothing, fuel, bedding, and every thing ! Mon-
strous state of things ! But, let us suppose it to be nine shillings.
Even that makes only 23/. 8*. a year, for food, drink, clothing,
fuel, and every thing, whereas I allow 62/. 6*5. Sd. a year for the
hare eating a7id drinking ; and that is little enough. Monstrous,
barbarous, horrible as this appears, we do not, however, see it in
half its horrors ; our indignation and rage against this infernal
system is not half roused, till we see the S7nall number of labourers
Viho raise all the food and the drink, and, of course, the mere
trifling portion of it that they are suffered to retain for their
own use.
G 5
130 Two-penny Trash;
The parish of Milton does, as we have seen, produce food,
drink, clothing, and all other things, enough for 502 families, or
2510 persons upon my allowance, which is a great deal more than
three times the present allowance, because the present allowance
includes clothing, fuel, tools, and every thing. Now, then, ac-
cording to the ** Population Return," laid before Parliament,
this parish contains 500 persons, or, according to my division,
one hundred families. So that here are about one hundred families
to raise food and drink enough, and to raise wool and other things
to pay for all other necessaries, for Jive hundred and two families 1
Aye, and five hundred and two families fed and lodged, too, on my
liberal scale. Fed and lodged according to the present scale, this
one hundred families raise enough to supply more, and many
more, Xh^iW fifteen hundred families ; or seven thousand five hundred
persons ! And yet those who do the work are half starved \ In the
100 families there are, we will suppose, 80 able working men, and
as many boys, sometimes assisted by the women and stout girls.
What a handful of people to raise such a quantity of food I What
injustice, what a hellish system it must be, to make those who raise
it skin and bone and nakedness , while the food and drink and wool
are almost all carried away to be heaped on the fund-holders, pen-
sioners, soldiers, dead-weight, and oth*?r swarms of tax-eaters ! If
such an operation do not need putting an end to, then the devil
himself is a saint.
Thus it must be, or much about thus, all the way down this fine
and beautiful and interesting valley. There are 29 agricultural
parishes, the two last being in town] being Fisherton and
Salisbury. Now, according to the '* Population Return,"
the whole of these 29 parishes contain 9,1 16 persons ; or, according
to my division, 1,823 families. There is no reason to believe that
the proportion that we have seen in the case of Milton does not
hold good all the way through ; that is, there is no ri^ason to sup-
pose that the produce does not exceed the consumption in every
other case in the same degree that it does in the case of Milton.
And, indeed, if I were to judge from the number of houses, and the
number o{ ricks of corn, I should suppose that the excess was still
greater in several of the other parishes. But, supposing it to be no
.greater ; supposing the same proportion to continue all the way
from Watton Rivers to Stratford Deans, then here are 9,116
persons raising food and raiment sufiicient for 45,580 persons, fed
and lodged according to my scale; and sufficient for 136,740 per-
sons, according to the scale on which the unhappy labourers of this
fine valley are now fed and lodged !
And yet there is an *' Emigration Committee " sitting to devise
the me-jns of getting rid, not of the idlers, not of \\\e^ pensioners , wot
of the dead-weight, not of the^ parsons ^ (to ^^ relieve'' whom we
have seen the poor labourers taxed to the tune of a million and a
half of money) not of the soldiers ; but to devise means of getting
Y\A fff these working people, who are grudged even the miserable
morsel that they get ! There is in the men calling themselves
** English country gentlemen *' something superlatively base
I
1st December, 1830. 131
They are, I sincerely helievey the most cruel, the most unfeeling-,
the most brutally insolent: h\xX.\know,l caiU prove, 1 ca.n safeli/
take my oath, that they are the most bajsE of all the creatures that
God ever suffered to disgrace the human shape. The base wretches
know well, that the taxes amount to more than sixty millions a
year, and that the poor-rates amount to seven inillioni , yet, while
the cowardly reptiles never utter a word a^'ainst the taxes, they
are incessantly railing against the poor-rates, thou<^h it is (and
they know it) the taxes that make the paupers. The base
wretches know well, that the sum of money ^iven, even to the
fellows that gather the taxes, is greater in amount than the poor-
rates; the base wretches know well, that the money, given to the
dead-weight (who ought not to have a single farthing) amounts
to more than the poor receive out of the rates; the base wretches
kn(»w well, that the common foot soldier now receives more pay
per week {Is. Id.) exclusive of clothing, Jiring, candle, and lodging ;
the base wretches know, that the common foot-soldier receives
more to go down his own single throat, than the overseers and ma-
gistrates allow to a working man, his wife, and three children ; the
base wretches know all this Avell ; and yet their railings are con-
fined to the poor and the poor-rates ; and it is expected that they
will, next session, urge the Parliament to pass a law to enable
overseers and vestries and magistrates to transport paupers beyond
the seas \ They are base enough for this, or for any thing; but
the whole system will go to the devil long before they will get such
an act passed ; long before they will see perfected this consumma-
tion of their infamous tvranny.
Here is the whole affair. Here it is all. The food and
the drink and the raiment are taken away from those who
labour, and given to those ivlio do not labour. During <
the last peacCy the government took away^ for this purpose,
fifteen millions a year ; it now takes away nearly sixty ;
and, observe, that, at last, all taxes, no matter of what
kind, fall upon those who labour, and have no means of
making any body bear them for them. All persons who
have things to sell make the 'purchasers bear a great part
of the taxes ; but, the working class have nothing to sell;
and, therefore, the load finally squeezes them down to the
very earth. It has always appeared most wonderful to me,
that you seem to think so much of the poor-rates, which
(as far as they go to the poor) amount to six millions a year,
and to think nothing of the taxes, which amount to sixtj/
132 Two-penny Trash ;
millions a year ! I can say nothing upon this subject that
I have not said before ; but, that is of no consequence ; it
is my own matter, and if I say it fifty times over, still it is
mine. It requires a great deal of thought to trace all the
miseries of the labourers to their real source ; but, if you
will only bestow a little attention here, you will find that
I did it to your hand long ago. When you have seen the
cause, you will naturally come to the remedy ; but, without
knowing the cause well, you will never think of the proper
remedy, and, if you do not think of this, total ruin and
revolution must come upon the country. I beseech you,
therefore, now to attend before it be too late. Think of the
approaching winter, and of all its horrors, if no eflectual
remedy be appointed.
That tvhich is received by the poor in the shape of rehef and
maintenance, amounts to about six millions a year ; that which is
levied for other purposes, by the Government, amounts, for Eng-
land and Wales only, to about ^ixty millions a year, including: the
tax-gatherer's own share. The farmer thinks nothing of these
sixty millions, while he is fretting and fuming and storming about
the six millions. Talk to him about sixty millions, and he cannot
understand jou ; but If he were to take a piece of paper, and put
down what he pays in a year for the use of his own house, on his
malt, sugar, soap, candles, tea, coffee, pepper, paper, stamps, and
all the other endless variety of things, leaving out wine and such
things as he ought not to use, he would find that one-half
of* the whole of the things consumed in his family, that family
costing him, perhaps, eighty or a hundred pounds a year, is
tax. But this is but a glimpse at what |he Ipays : there is a tax
on his iron, on his steel, on his leather, his timber, his bricks, his
tiles, and on everything relating to his implements and his build-
ings. His coUar-makor, blacksmith, and wheelwright, have all
taxes to pay on every thing which they consume ; and how are they
to pay them unless they receive them from the farmers for whom
they work } Of the tradesmen in the towns, of whom he buys his
linen, his woollen, and his groceries, his knives and spoons and
plates and dishes ; of these, also, he must pay his share of the taxes
on all that they consume or wear. Then comes the labourer ; then
comes six, eight, or ten men, who all consume more or less cf
taxable commodities ; and if they do not get from him the money
wherewith to pay the tax, how are they to have the commodities ?
Let any farmer take a labourer, and let him sit down with him for
once, and write upon a piece of paper the divers articles upon which
1st December, 1830. 133
the man has expended, perhaps, his ten shillings ia the week. He
will find, if he refer to tiie taxing book, that more than six.
shillings out of the ten are actually gone to the tax-gatherer. And
he will, therefore, find that, if the taxes were tak^n off, the man
would be better off with six shillings a week than with ten; and
that for him to become a pauper in the absence of taxes, would be
a thing so unreasonable as not to be tolerated except under cer-
tain particular circumstances.
The farmer would find, in short, his expenditure diminished
much more than one-half by the total removing of the taxes ; bat
he would find himself sufficiently relieved, and would know nothing
of general distress, if the taxes were diminished by about two-
thirds ; that is to say, reduced to one-third part of what they are
now ; and that, at the present value of money, is^bout the mark
to which they ought to be reduced. Now, as to the other great
error, that the taxes, though they be great in amount, return back
again to those who pay them, because they are spent in the coun-
try. This was the curious idea of Burkk, expressed in a pamphlet
written just after he had got a pension out of these very taxes of
3,000 pounds a year, to last for two lives after his own life should
expire. How false the notion is, we are just going to see. In the
first place, it is not true that the taxes are all spent in the coun-
try : a large part of them, or at least a considerable part of them,
are spent out of the country ; and if these do come back, their retura
must be very slow, and their arrival very late. But if this notiou
were correct, why does the farmer grumble at the poor-rates, seeino;
that they are not only spent in the country, but in the parish ; yet
no one ever pretends that they are not a burden ! All manner of
devices have been tried to diminish them: committee after com-
mittee, debate after debate, act after act, project after project :
absolutely no end to the efforts to lighten this burden of the poor-
rates, which has been represented as taking from the landlord his
estate, and dividing it amongst the labourers ; but the poor-rate is
a tax after all ; and if taxes, according to Burke's idea, come back
like dews to enrich the land from whence they have been raised,
why all these efforts to diminish the pour-rates ; and why should
they, above all other taxes, take from the landlord his estate, when
it is notorious that the poor-rates are spent in the parish itself ?
Why should the estate be taken away by this comparatively triQing*
tax, while none of our law-givers ever appear to think it in danger
from taxes tenfold in amount !
But how is it that taxes return ? By what process do they come
back again ? Suppose there to be a tax upon a particHilar farmer
amounting to a pound a week, collected weekly, and suppose there
to be a tax-eater residing in the village, to whom the farmer pays
this tax. Now, this tax shall not only be spent in the country ; not
only spent in the parish, but spent with the farmer himself. The
tax-eater comes on the Saturday night, and receives his pounds
and, on the Monday morning, he comes and lays out with the
farmer the amount of the pound in meat, butter, eggs, or other
produce of his farm^ and gives him the sovereign back again. It
134 Two-penny Trash ;
■comes back to the farmer, but it comes to fetch away a part of his
property. Suppose there to be' a tax- eater thus fixed upon every
hundred acres of laud in England, the taxes wouhl all come back
ag^ain, to be sure: but they would come to fetch away property;
and, according to their amount, would take just so much away
from the farmer, who would have so much less to pay to his land-
lord, his tradesmen, his labourers, and to CDJoy in his own family,
or to increase his stores or his stock.
The Scotch feelosophers have put the following case ; or, rather
laid down the following proposition : that it is nothing to the
farmer whether he pay the whole of his rent to the landlord, or a
part to him, and a j)art to the parson ; and that, if the fundholder
or other tax-eater come and take another share of the rent, it is
nothing to the farmer, so long as he pays only the same sum ; and
this is very true as far as relates to the farmer himself; but it
makes a vast difference to the landlord ; for it is very clear that
the share which the tax-eater receives, he cannot receive; and if
he do not receive it, he cannot give the employment which he
otherwise would have given, and being less able to favour the
farmer than he would have been, the latter cannot be able to give
the same emplo}ment, and the land must, therefore, be robbed for-
the purpose of enriching the receiver of the taxes. It is very true
that all the taxes that the farmer j)a}S, directly and indirectly, must,
unless he be ruined, be paid by the consumers of his produce ; but
he himself is a consumer ; and, in the general oppression, he must
have his share.
It is said that if, in consequence of the taxes, the owners of the
land have not ihe means of affording employment ; that if they do
iiot, with that money which is paid in taxes, employ labourers,
those to whom the taxe i'ire paid, will employ them ; and that,
therefore, here is only a sjiiiting o^ the labourers from one master
to another. This, however, is a very flestructive sort of shifting;
for, if we were to allow that there would be just as much paid for
labour in the one case as in the other, we ought to satisfy ourselves
that it could be as profiuctive in the one case as in the other ; and
that the removal of the scene of action of these labourers would not
be the cause of a destruction, an absolute deftructiony of human
food, and other valuable things. Is it possible for a man worthy
of bfe^ing called a statesman to open his eyes, and not to perceive
this waste, this destruction, this misapplication of wages, which
have now been going on for several years ? No man that looks at
this Wen and its environs ; no man who reflects on the large part of
the produce of the whole of the island that is brought up to this VVen ;
oo man that considers the immense quantities of human food that
are absolutely destroyed in it ; no man that considers that its po-
pulation, including ten miles round, exceeds that of the counties
of Bedford, Berks, liucks, Cambridge, Chester, Cornwall, Cum-
berland, Derby, and Dorset, being eight out of the forty-two coun-
ties of England itself: no man that considers that each of the
persons here must, on an average, consume as much as two, if not
three, in the villages, and who reflects that a full fourth party at
1st December, 1830. 135
the least, of the whole of the produce of England and Wales, meat,
bread, cheese, butter, is consumed in this all-devouring place ; no
man that considers these things, and who has eyes to see the de-
struction of human food in this place, will deny that there is more
of it goes down the common sewers, or into the coal-holes, than
would feed the whole population of a considerable county. So that
it is of no trifling consequence, that you ronove the food from the
mouths of those who labour, and carry it to be swallowed or wasted
by those who do not labour. The same holds good with regard to
every great place, as well as with regard to London, only in a
smaller degree.
Then, as to the misapplication of wages. Suppose a tax-eater to
live in a village, and to take from the farms of that village two
hundred pounds a year. Suppose him to employ, about his house
and gardens, persons to receive altogether just as great a sum la
wages as the farmers in the village would have expended in wages
if they had not had a tax-eater to keep, and if the two hundred
pounds had remained in their pockets instead of going into his. Is
there no difft.reiicc, I pray, between the effect of wages bestowed
upon a footman, a groom, a coachman, or a gardener, and the
effect of the same sum of wages bestowed upon men who work in the
fields ? Must there not be less produce in those fields ? Will not
the footman waste more than the field-labrurer ? Will not apart
of the wages which would have gone to the labourer, and would
have served to give him warm clothes, be w astcd upon the back of
the footman? Js there, in short, a man in existence so blind as
not to perceive the vast difference in the effects of productive and
unproductive labour?
Look, then, at the face of the country, including this Wen.
Behold the effects of taking property from one man and giving it
to another : see the monstrous streets, and squares, and circuits
and crescents ; see the pulling down of streets, and building up
new ones : see the making of bridges and tunnels, till the Thames
itself trembles at the danger of being inarched and undermined:
behold the everlasting ripping-up of pavements^. and the tumblino-s-
up of the earth to form drains and sewers, till all beneath us is
like a honeycomb : look at the innumerable thousands employed
in cracking the stones upon the highways, while the d(/Cks and
thistles and couch-grass, are choking the land on the other side of
the hedges : see England, this land of plenty and of never-ending
stores, without an old wheat- rick, and with not more than a stock
of two-thirds of the former cattle upon the farms: see the troops
of half-starved creatures flocking; from tbe fields, and, in their
smock-frocks and nailed shoes, begging their way up to this scene
of waste, in order to get a chance snap at the crumbs and the orts
rejected by the sons and daugliters of idleness and luxury : look at
all this, thou Scotch feelosopher ! have the brass to deny the facts,
or acknowledge, that of all the destructive things that can fall
upon a nation ; of all the horrid curses that can afflict it, none is
equal to that of robbing- productive labour of its reward, of taking-
from the industrious arid giving- to the idle^
136 Two-PENXY Trash ;
It is a rare thin^, as you all well kuow, for an ox or a wether-
sheep to be killed, not in a villaore, but in a country town, unless
it be of the larger description. This devouring" place leaves to the
country, even in Scotland, little besides the mere offal. That
which cannot be sent dead, is sent alive, and, in both cases, loaded
with all the expenses of conveyance ; in the one case, with car-
riag^e, by boats or by horses ; and, in the other case, with the ex-
pense of drivings, including the loss of flesh and the deterioration of
that which remains. I lived in a village many years, and never
knew the butcher kill a wether-sheep ; and, as to an ox, the thing
was wholly out of the question. The bad, the lean, the refuse, is
left to be consumed by those who raise the whole ; and all this
arises from the transfer carried on incessantly by the tax-gatherer :
those who raise the food, starve ; those who consume it, wallow ia
luxury.
The same argument, by v/hich it has been attempted to persuade
us that the mass of the people suffer nothing from this transfer of
property from hand to hand by means of the taxes ; that argu-
ment which would aim at convincing us that the expending of
■*\ages is just as advantageous in the hands of the tax-eater as
in the hands of the farryer; that same argument uould apply
equally well to an army of soldiers as to an army of footmen
and grooms, or other assistants in the work of luxury. Yet,
if a man, Scotch feelosopher or not, were to set about seriously
to maintain, that it was no burden to a people to maintain an army
in the country ; for tliat, as they must cat and drink after they are
soldiers as well as before, it would be of no consequence to the
people, seeing that the taxes received by the soldiers would come
back again to them. Jf a man were to set about seriously to main-
tain this, he would be considered as in jest or insane ; and yet, it
isimpossible to show that there is, in the effects, any^ difference be-
tween the maintaining of an army, and the maintaining of tax-
eaters of any other description.
FoRTESCUE, in his De Laudibus Legum AnglicB, describes the
people of France, as being in his day, in a most wretched state,
owing to the heavy taxes that they were compelled to pay ; de-
scribes their w;etched food and wretched drink; and describes the,
soldiers as eating the poultry, while the poor people scarcely got
the eggs, by way of dainty ; and he concludes by observing that, if
a man by chance became ricl), he was presently so taxed, as to be
reduced to a level with the rest. 'J'he picture which he ^ves of
the French in those days would suit the English at this present
day. Causes which are the same produce in all places and at all
times the same effects : heavy taxes made beggars of the working
people of France ; and they have made beggars of those of England.
The REMEDY, then, isr, not to return to the miserable and in-
famous paper-money ; not to take up again that system of fraud,
and of every thing that is vile ; but to reduce the taxes ; to make
them less, and thereby enable the farmers and traders to give em-
ployment for useful and productive purposes. There is no other
May in which to arrest the progress which is now going on, and
which, if it be pushed to the extremity, must, after beggaring the
1st December, 1830. 137
landowners, and all the productive classes, the merchant, the
manufacturer, the trader, and all the rest, produce a general and
terrible convulsion. We have read of, and some of us have seen^
the horrible S)'steni of shutting the labourers up in pounds like
cattle. The reason of thi^is, that they apply to the parish for re-
lief, the farmers being unable to employ them and pay them
wages : the overseer having no work for them to do, being unable
to find any tax -eater to employ them, shuts them up during the
day in the parish pound, like cattle, in order to keep them from
prowling about; and, also, in order to make their life as irksome
as possible, and thereby to drive them away to seek employment
in some distant part. This has already endangered the peace of
two or three counties, and, if persevered in, must lead to fearful
consequences. In Suffolk, and in some other parts, there have
been dreadful acts o( arson. At one place in Suffolk, the whole of
the produce of the harvest, and, amongst other things, a thousand
quarters of corn, have been consumed. It is stated in the Suffolk
papers, that the perpetrators have been sent to jail. This is a
pretty awful beginning of the season which has just now begun.
From isolated acts of this sort, so frightful to contemplate, others
smd 7no7'e numerous, it is to be apprehended, must follow y unless
relief be afforded. The crime itself is one deserving the severest
punishment that the law can inflict, short of that which is due to
murder ; but it is useless to depict the crime ; it ^ useless to
reason with revenge stiiyiulated by hunger ; and^ therefore, some-
thing ought to be done, and that speedily, too, to give security to
those who are so much exposed, and whose situation, not arisino-
in general from any fault of theirs, is so cruelly perilous.
There appears to be a notion, which has gained ground, and has
been regularly gaining ground ever since the hundred from Ire-
land made part of the House of Commons, that the poor-rates
ought to be considered as a positive and unquestionable evil ; that
the act of Elizabeth ought never to have been passed, and, at any
rate, not to have received that humane construction, which it did
receive for upwards of two hundred years. The broacher of this
new doctrine was the insolent and hard-hearted Malt H us, who
soon made an abundance of proselytes ; and whose doctrines con-
tinue to be cherished by almost every one who speaks or writes
upon the subject. To lessen the amount of the poor-rates, has
been constantly the cry ; to prevent the poor from eating up the
estates of the gentlemen ; never looking at the cause of the poor
being so very poor ; never dreaming, apparently, that the fifty-live
millions of taxes had any-thing to do with the matter; and never
casting a thought upon the subject of the wishes and inclinations of
the poor themselves ; never seeming to imagine that what they
might think or do was of any consequence ; but seeming to
suppose, that, if told by act of Parliament, that they must live
without relief, they would quietly and contentedly live without
relief, or quietly and contentedly die. This was a very great
mistake. It seems to have been forgotten, that the forefathers
of these poor compelled the cruel Elizabeth, and the cormorants.
138 Two-penny Trash ;
grantees, and monopolizers of her reign, to pass the first poor-
laws ; these projectors seem to have wholly forgotten, or never to
have known, that the labouring people of England inherit, from
their fathers, not any principle, not any doctrine, not any rule or
maxim relative to this matter, but the habit of regarding parish
relief a^ theh- right as much as they think the right of the landlord
to his land is unquestionable. These projectors ou^ht to have
knowh something of the habit of the people's mind in this respect.
Every one of them looks upon it that he has a species of property
in his parish ; they talk of losing' their parishes as a man talks of
losing his estate ; and this is very right, the great evil being, at
present, that so many of them are really forced to lose their pa-
rishes. Now, men may talk, and do whatever else they please, and
as long as they please, they never will persuade the labourers of
England, that a living out of the land is not their right in exchange
for the labour v^hich they yield or tender. This being the case, the
thing to be aimed at is, to give them employment; and this em-
ployment is to be given them in sufficient quantity only by putting
a stop to the transfer of the product of labour to the mouths of
those ivho do not labour ; and this stop is to be put in no way but
that of taking off the taxes.
Now, gentlemen, do you want any-thing more than this
to show you the real cause of the sufferings of the labourers?
No ; you want nothing more ; you here see the process by
which your property is taken away to be given to the Aris-
tocracy, the Clergy, and the Loanmongers, and how it is
that you are unable to keep your labourers as they ought to
be kept. You are the channels, or drains, or sucking-up-
pipes, through which the fruit of the labourer's toil is con-
veyed to the luxurious table or to the gay carriages of the
Lords and the Loanmongers ; aye, and the strawberries and
cherries that these Lords and Loanmongers eat at a guinea
a pound, or, perhaps, at a guinea an ounce, are paid for by
the deductions that yo2i make from the labourer s meals.
For the cause is this : every thing comes from the land:
you gather it all in; you sell it all; you take all the
money ; and you distribute this money, part to the land-
lord, part to the parson, part to the tax-gatherer, part to the
tradesmen, part to the labourers, and a part you keep for
yourself and family. The landlord, parson, tax-gatherer,
and the tradesmen you pay without grumbling ; or, at least.
1st December, 1830. 139
they will be paid ; but the poor labourer^ who causes the
whole to come iiito your hands, you pinch as much as you
can. His share is a very large one ; and so it ought
to be ; for the sweat of his body causes it all to conie.
But his claim you are able to resist ; he cannot force
yau to pay ; all the others can force yau ; and, therefore,
you withhold from him, in order to be able to pay all the
rest. What I said to the farmers at Newbury, in,
1822, 1 say to you now : it was not a prophecy ; it was the
dictate of plain sense, applied to the most interesting of all
human affairs. I dare say that many of those farmers now
think of what they then heard from me. " There seems,*'
said I, ** to be on foot a grand scheme for making the farmer
^' a machine wherewith to squeeze somethihg out of the la-
" bourer to be given to the landlord and the tithe-owner. I
*' know that nature, as well as reason and justice, say, that
** this shall not be done. The Bible, from one end to the
^* other, inculcates the maxim, that those ivho will not work
** shall not eat. So says Moses, and so says St. Paul,
^^ There are some among us who would reverse the maxim,
*^ and say, those ivho will not work shall eafy and those
*•' who will shall not ! Profoundly ignorant must those be,
" who think that such a maxim can be enforced. Our
^' new minister, Mr. Canning, has appeared, upon many
" occasions, to pride himself upon the want of knowledge
" as to those that he would call low matters. But it is time
" for him now to inform himself with regard to them ; for,
*' if it do not require a greater mind, it is of far greater im-
*^ portance to a people, to trace out the path by which the
*^ labourer's dinner finds its way to the table of the sinecure
" lord, than it is to unravel the intrigues of courts, and to fix
** boundaries to the extent of dominion. To the crop
*^ which the land produces, the labourer has theflr^t clavn.
140 Two-penny Trash;
' for it is he that ynakes the crop. It is well known to yott
* all, gentlemen, that you cannot live, much less carry on
^ your aflfairs amidst a race of starving labourers. You
* know well that you can trust nothing in the hands of a
^ starving man ; you know well that crme does not apply
' itself to acts necessary to the preservation of life,
' God, nature, and the laws have said, that man shall not
' die of want in the midst of plenty of food. Look at
'the state of the labourers in Ireland; presented to us,
^ perhaps, with some colourings of exaggeration ; but look
^ at their state, and then let me put it to you, let me put it
home to the hearts of English farmers, whether they would,
if they could, live in comfort themselves, while all around
' them were reduced to that state of misery ? Were I a
' farmer; were I pushed even to the very verge of ruin, my
' labourers should share with me to the last, I would pay
^ my tradesmen in full ; and as to the landlord and tithe-
' owner, they must, if they have the heart to do it, take the
' rest. Gentlemen, great numbers of persons have thanked
' me personally, for having been the cause of preserving
* them from ruin : if, to-day, I should have added only one
* to the number, the having occupied your time so long
^ would require no apology."
In this strain, gentlemen, I have been proceeding for
twenty-five or thirty years ; but for the last fifteen more
especially. And now, though it has come slowly^ the veri-
fication of all my doctrines has arrived ; arrived in a fearful
form, to be sure, but it has arrived, and therefore, I am now
worthy of your attention. I have frequently been angry
with the farmers; I have repeatedly accused them of
baseness in complaining of the weight of the poor-rates,
making a dreadful outcry about the expense of the la^
bourerSy speaking of them -as of a load and a curse, while
J ST December, 1830. 141
they paid without grumbling, and pulled off their hats to,
the landlord and parson and tax-gatherer ! I have called
them base for this, and for this I still call base those who
C;Ontinue to act this cruel and cowardly part. It is but bare
justice to the county of Kent, however, to say, that the
formers in that county have, in many instances, shown a
different spirit ; they have resisted the lords and parsons;
they have openly declared that the labourers do not get
their due ; and that the means of giving it them is taken
from them by the landlord, the parson, and the tax-
gatherer.
I have this minute received an account of the recent
proceedings atTuNBRiDGE, which are worthy of the atten-
tion of the whole kingdom, and the conduct of the farmers
there worthy of the imitation of all the farmers in the
kingdom. " The meeting, convened by the magistrates, oa
" Monday last, for the purpose of swearing in special con-
*' stables, gave rise to an extraordinary display of political
^' feeling. Soon after ten o'clock, the inhabitants of this
'^town mustered in great numbers at the Court Hall, pur-
'^suant to summons, when, upon the oath of special con-
testable being tendered to them, i\iQy, almost to a man
refused to take it. Mr. R. M. Austen addressed the
bench in explanation of his refusal, in which he stated it
to be the opinion of himself, and that of the greater part
^e of the ifihabitants, that the proceeding was inexpedient,
" and, he further declared, that although they were ac-
^* tuated by the most devoted feelings of loyalty and at-
" tachment to the King, yet, as the Government had turned
" a deaf ear to the just and reasonable complaints of the
*^ people, the latter could not so cheerfully co-operate
'^ with them. The room was crowded to excess, and
[^ Mr. Austen was much applauded at the conclusion of
142 Two-penny Trash ;
'' his address. The inhabitants then simultaneously le ft
'^the meeting, and upon their arrival in the open street,
*' they gave three cheers to Mr. Austen, whom they con-
'* sidered as their representative. This, however, was
'* a demonstration of feeling which, as it bore the ap-
'' pearance of disrespect to the bench, was no less re-
*' prehended by the inhabitants in general, than it was
'^unpleasant to the individual who was the 'object of it.
** The persons summoned from the other parishes generally
" refused to be sworn in. They complained of the intoler^
*' able burthen of the taxes, and the inattention of Govern"
*^ ment to their distress. To these complaints the magis-
*^ trates replied, that, as they were not legislators, it was of
^' no use to complain to them, and, that several respectable
" inhabitants having, upon oath, declared their apprehen-
*' sions of a riot, it was imperative upon them to take the
'* steps they had done to preserve the public peace. Lord
'^ Brecknock ivas present, and entered familiarly into
*^ conversation with some of the principal recusants. One
^ of those placards, headed ^ Nice Pickings,' which have
** been so numerously circulated, w'as placed in the hands of
*' his Lordship, who declared that the statement of the in-
** come of several of the individuals therein named was
'' grossly exaggerated. Out of upwards of 300 persons
*' who were summoned, only fifty-two, including some
^' volunteers, who took the oaths on the previous Saturday,
** consented to act as special constables.
** A troop of the 5th Dragoon Guards is at present
** stationed at Tunbridge Wells; but, although information
** has been received there of the assemblage of mobs at no
^* great distance, the services of the military have not yet
** been required.
We are sorry to state, that information was received
i<
1st December, 1830. 143
" here on Saturday evening, that several corn-stacks at
" Riverhead were set on fire.
" The Rev. Sir Charles Hardinge has reduced the
** vicarial tithes of Tonbridge ten per cent., in order to
*^ relieve the farmers, on account of the pressure of the
*' times, and to enable them to raise, the wages of the
" labourers^ The vicarial tithes have always been mode-
" rate, being rated at little more than half their real value.
" It is to be hoped that those who hold the rectorial tithes
" will be- induced to follow the example set them by the
" Rev. Baronet."
Gentlemen, in conclusion, let me exhort yon to make
common cause with your labourers in obtaining a removal
of the cause of their sufferings. Their cause is yours ;
they are of your family; you cannot even exist without
them, much less can you be sq/e, if they be miserable. ~
Suppose a father, having plenty of means of all sorts, being,
in short, a rich farmer, drinking wine every day, eating the
dearest of food, sitting in a carpeted parlour, sleeping in a i
bed of down; and suppose him to have six sons, doing all
the work upon the farm, fed upon potatoes, and lodged in a
miserable shed. Even this would not be more unnatural
and unjust than has been the conduct of many farmers
towards their labourers. Could such a father expect to be
beloved by his sons ? And can such farmCiS expect to be
beloved by their labourers? Gentlemen, put not your
trust in terror or in force ; to the Englishman who is
reduced to potatoes to sustain life, there are no terrors even
in the prospect of death ; and besides^ what defence is
there against the torch! If there were but owe man in every
parish bent upon the destruction of consumable property,
the property would be a fourth part destroyed. What,,
then, is the ONLY REMEDY ? To give the labourer a
sufficiency of ^ood ybod and of good raiment. There is
144 Two-PENNY Trash ; 1st December, 1830.
no other remedy; and, gentlemen, that you will resolve to
apply this remedy, and leave the landlord and parson and
tax-gatherer to get what they can of the remainder is the
urgent advice of
Your Friend,
And most obedient servant,
Wm. COBBETT.
MR. COBBETT'S PUBLICATIONS.
THE HISTORY OF TPIE PROTESTANT REFORMA-
TION. Thinkinsf that this work, which has been translated into, and published
in, all the laneuaijes, and in all the nations ot Europe, and in the republics of
North and South America, deserved to be put into ajine book, I published about
two years airo a larsfe edition in two royal octavo voli;mes, the paper and
print very fine and costly, with mnrgivnl references, or abstracts, and v ith a
copious and complete index, making a really fine library book, sold at one pound
eleven and six-pence, instead of the eight shillings, for which the small duo-
decimo edition in two volumes was and is sold. 1 was out in my estimate : I did
not consider that the quantity of piety and justice and sense was not always in a
direct proportion to the kntrth ^of purse ; and that while the cheap edition was,
as it is, continually in great demand, the dear edition remained on hand, or at
least wentotf much more slowly than things must move to be agreeable to my
taste. I have, therefore, resolved to quicken the motion of this edition by selling
THESE TWO ROYAI. OCTAVO VOLL'MKS AT TEN SHILLINGS, Only twO shilling*
more than the price of the duodecimo volumes, making to myself a solemn
promise never to publish a dear book again. These books, like my other books ,
may be had of all booksellers in town and country.
ADVICE TO YOUNG MEN. This work is now completed,
in fourteen numbers, price sixpence each. They make a very handsome volume,
the print and paper being very good. Those gentlemen who hr.ve 7iot got their
sets complete are notified, that they may complete them by application at my
shop, or to any bookseller in town orcouniryj but the sooner they do this the
better; for there will soon he no brokeiisets, and then their completion cannot
take place. The sets may now be had complete, \n boards, priced*.
A SKETCH OF THE LH^E OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE.
Translated from the French by James P. Cobbett. Just published, price I5.
TOUR IN ITALY.— Just published, price 45. 6d., extra
boards, cloth backs, JOUKNAL OF A TOUR IN ITALY, and also in part of
FRANCE and SWITZERLAND ; the route being from Paris, through Lyons, to
Marseilles, and, thence, to Nice, Genoa, Pisa, Florence, Rome, Naples, and
Mount Vesuvius; and by Rome, Terni, Perugia, Arezzo, Florence, Bologna,
Ferrara, Padua, Venice, Verona, Milan, over the Alps by Mount St. Bernard,
Geneva, and the Jura, back into France : the space of time being, from October
18ZS to September 1829. Containing a description of the country, of the principal
cities and their most striking curiosities; of the climate, soil, agriculture, horti-
culture, and products ; of the prices of provisions and labour ; and of the dresses
and conditions of the people ; and also some account of the laws and customs,
civil and religious, and of the morals and demeanour of the inhabitants, in the
several States. By James P. Cobbetf.
Mills, Jowett, and Mills, Bolt Court, Fleet Street,
No. VII.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of January, 1831.
TO THE
LABOURERS OF ENGLAND;
On the measures which ought to be adopted with regard
to the Tithes, and with regard to the other property ^
commonly called Church-Property .
Kensington, 26th December, 1830-
My Friends,
I PERCEIVE that there is a Parson at a parish ia
Norfolk, who has been endeavouring to persuade the labour-
ers that he is their friend, and that the farmers are their
enemies. He has circulated, in a hand-bill, the following
statement. Others of the parsons have published hand-
bills, calling upon you to believe, that the tithes are good
things for you. But let me desire you to read the hand-
bill of the Norfolk- parson. It is in the following words :—
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street;
and sold by all Booksellers.
H
146 Two-penny Trash;
^* To the Poor Inhabitants of Surlingham. — I have re-
*< ceived from some of the farmers in Surlingham, a notice
" to gather my tithes in kind, or else to agree to take in
** future jws^ what they shall please to offer, I cannot
** submit to such an unjust demand, and therefore I am
" compelled, in self-defence, to gather my tithes from this
" time ; and I hereby make it known to you, that on and
'* after Monday, the 20th of December, it is my intention to
*' distribute as a gift, amongst the poor and deserving
*^ families, all the eggs, milk, pigs, poultry, and fruity
** which shall in future belong to me as the small tithes
*^ arising upon the several occupations of Messrs. Samuel
'^ Barnes, Gibbs Murrell, R. G. Rudd, John Gent, Robert
^' High, John Newman, sen., John Newman, jun., James
*' Smith, and Thomas Middleton. I was sorry, /or the sake
" of the poor, that some of you met at the Ferry-house in
" an unlawful manner, and there did hinder the payment
** of my tithes; but I have no doubt that you were misled
** into that dangerous conduct, and made tools of by
** others to serve their own selfish purpbses ; for I cannot
*' believe any of the poor in Surlingham are my enemies,
*' to whom, whether in sickness or health, I have always
*' tried to be a friend. " W. COLLETT,
^' Rector and Vicar of Surlingham.
^* Dec. H, 1830."
I daresay, that the " poor inhabitants of Surlingham^'
understood all this very well I I dare say, that they saw,
that such a trick was to be despised ; that they asked how
the parson never came to make such an offer before ; but
would they not ask also, why he did not give them some of
the calves, lambs, wool, potatoes, turnips and corw, 'as
well as the milk, eggs, pigs, and fruit ? In short, they
would see, because they must see, that this was a work of
spite J and not of charity^
1st January, 1831. 147
But it is not this pitiful part of the tithes that I want to
see taken away from the parsons and bishops : I want to see
the whole taken away : the tithes, the church-lands, and all
other property held by the clergy in virtue of their clerical
functions and offices. I want to see it all taken away by
LAW. It was given to them by law; it is held by law ;
and it may be taken away by lata : that which the law has
given, the law may take away; otherwise we should be
living in a strange state of things. Such, an important mea-
sure is, however, not to be adopted without regard to the
justice and necessity of it. Such a measiire would take
property from a great number of persons ; it would make
many low who are now high; it would compel to
labour for their bread many who now do nothing and yet
live in luxury ; it would compel many who now ride in
coaches, not only to walk on foot, but to work in company
with those whom they seem to look upon as made for their
pleasure and sport. Yet, such a measure ought not to be
adopted in a hasty manner; due consideration ought to be
had in the case ; it ought, before adopted^ to be proved to
be just and necessary ; and, as I am decidedly for the
measure, and would cause it to be adopted, if I had the
power, 1 look upon myself as bound to show that ii is just
and necessary. Legal 1 know it must be allowed to be y
but that which is legal may not always be just. Some
have denied that it would be legal; and, therefore, the
legality shall be proved first.
Now, my friends, I have to show you, Jirst^ that it is legal,
that it is agreeable with the laws of our country, to take
this property from the parsons by Act of Parliament. 2. I
have to show you, that it is just to do it. 3. I have to show
you, that the measure is necessary to the prosperity, peace, and
safety of the nation. And, my friends, if I prove all these
to yoU; it will be your bounden duty to lend your aid in
h2
148 Two-penny Trash;
causing this measure to be adopted ; and to be active and
zealous too, in lending that aid ; for, as you will by-and-by
see, it is, after all, the labouring ^people who suflPer most
from the tithes, and who, in fact, pay the whole of them in
the end.
FIRST, then, to show you that it is-^greeable to the laws
of the country to take away the tithes and other property,
commonly called church- property, I have only to state to
you what has been done, in this respect, in former times. I
sh^U have, further on, to speak of the origin and the infen-
tion and \\\q former application of tithes, when I come to
the justice of my proposition : at present I shall speak
merely of the legality of the thing. We know that when
a law has been passed by king and parliament, that which
is ordered, or allowed, by such law, is legal in the technical
sense of the word. If a nest of villains were bloody enough
to pass a law to put men to death for refusing to live upon
potatoes; or to cause the breasts of the young women to be
cut off; or to cause them to be disqualified for breeding;
or to have their bodies exposed to public view, to be poked
and groped about and chopped to pieces, and then to be
flung to the dogs, as the carcass of Jezabel was : if laws like
these were to be passed, all the world would say, that they
were no laws at all, and, of course, that they ought not to
be regarded as precedents. But very different is the case
here, as I am now about to prove.
The whole of this property, parsons' tithes, lay-tithes,
college and bishops' estates, originally were held in trust by
the Catholic Clergy, for certain public purposes, of
"which I shall speak under the next head. But, in the
reigns of Henry VIII., Edtvard VI., Elizabeth, and James I.,
all these tithes and other property, both in England and
Ireland, were, hy Acts of Parliament, taken away from the
Catholic clergy, and given, some to Protestant parsons,
1st January, 1831. 149
and the rest to divers persons of the aristocracy, who hold
all this property to this day. If, then, this could be legally
and constitutionally done, why cannot the property be taken
away from the present possessors by Act of Parliament ?
The holders contend, however, that all this property, even
the tithes, belong to the holders, as completely as any man*s
estate or goods belong to him. If this be the case, the
tithes (to confine ourselves to them for the present) were
unlawfully taken from the Catholic clergy; it was an act
of rapine to take them from that clergy ; and will our par-
sons allow that their possessions are the fruits of rapine ?
But let us look at the part of the Catholic church-pro-
perty that was taken away and given to the aristocracy ;
I mean, the great tithes of many parts of the kingdom
and the abbey-lands ; and let us take, as [specimens, th^
Duke of Devonshire's great tithes of twenty parishes in.
Ireland, and the Duke of Bedford's ownership of Covent
Garden, which latter spot belonged to the Abbey of West-
minster. If either of these were called upon to prove his
title to these things (and he may be so called on by any
man of whom tithe is demanded for the one or toll for the
other), he must go back to the Acts of Parliament {and
not very far back), in virtue of which he holds his estate.
And will either of these dukes deny, then, that these Acts o£
Parliament were laivful ; will they deny, that they were
agreeably to the laws and constitution of the country ; will
they acknowledge that they hold these estates from the
efiects of an act of rapine ? Oh, no ! They must plead
the Acts as good, as agreeable to the law of the land; and,
if they do this, they declare, that to take away any part of
the property of the church, is a thing that may be done
without any violation of the law of the land.
There is a distinction to be made between the property
which was given to the aristocracy, and that which was
,r>^
150 Two-penny Trash ;
given to the Protestant parsons and bishops and col-
leges; and there are persons who contend, that the former
is now become private property ^ and, of course, that the
Dukes of Devonshire and Bedford have, to the above-men-
tioned tithes and tolls, as perfect a right as any man has to
an estate that never belonged to the public, in the name of
church-property. Burke (the great apostle of the ariS"
tocracy!) says very much the contrary; for he says, that
the Duke of Bedford had no better claim to Woburn thaa
he (Burke) had to his pension! However, this is a point
that I leave without discussion at present ; and I sincerely
hope, that the conduct of the aristocracy towards the people
may now be such as to let this matter remain undiscussed for
ever.
But as to the tithes and other property which was handed
over from the Catholic clergy to the Protestant clergy, that
is held by the latter as it w^ets held by the former; namely^
in trust by the clergy for public purposes; and, of course,
as it was before taken by Act of Parliament from one set of
men, and given in trust to another set of men, it may now
be taken and disposed of by Act of Parliament, for what-
ever purposes may appear to the parliament to be best. To
^eny this, is really to be impudent ; the thing is as plain as
the fact of light or of dark.
Lest, however, an objection should be made to the anti-*
quity of these Acts of Parliament, and lest it should be
said, that when^the church became Protestant the tenure
of the clergy became absolute^ and untouchable even by the
parliament, let us see what the parliament has done, in this
i^y, in modern times, and even very recently. In 1713,
and again in 1813, an Act was passed to Jix the sums that
the holders of livings should give to their curates ; that is
to say, to compel them to give the curates certain salaries,
or portions out of the produce of the livings. This clearly
1st Jaituary, 1831. 151
shows that the livings were deemed public property ^ andb
merely held in trust by the parsons and bishops ; for, what,
would have been said, if the parliament had passed a law to^
compel gentlemen, farmers, tradesmen, and manufacturers, to
pay their servants, journeymen, and labourers, at a certain rate ?
This would have been to interfere with the distribution of
private property, and would have been an act of tyranny;^
but, in the other case, it was an act of duty, because thQ
parsons and bishops hold the property in trust for publia
uses, and because it was for the benefit of the public, that
those who did the work of the church should be suitably-
paid for their work.
Thus, then, the Parliament took away, without any con-
sent of the parties, part of the revenues of the incumbents,
and, of course, part of what the patron, or owner, of thei
advowson, called his private property. But the Act of
1798, only thirty-two years ago, was still more complete, if
possible ; for, by that Act, a part of the houses ajtd lands
belonging to the church, was taken away for ever ; was sold
to private persons ^ and the proceeds paid into the Exche-
quer amongst the tax-money. This was called an " Act for
the redemption of the land- tax** It first laid a perpetual
ta^ on all houses and land : it then enabled people to re-^
deem their land-tax ; that is to say, to purchase back part
of their estates from the government! Some did it, and
some did not; but the parsons and bishops and college^
people were compelled to sell; and they did do it; and
the money went into the Treasury, and was spent, by Pitt,
in places, pensions, grants, sinecures, subsidies, secret-service
money, and other purposes, to carry on the war against Ja-
cobins, levellers, and reformers.
So that here was, only thirty- two years ago, a part of the-
church-property actually taken away for ever, sold to pri-
vate persons, and the money taken by the government, and
152 Two-penny Trash;
applied to public purposes. If a part could be taken with-
out any violation of the settled laws of the country, the
whole may be taken for public purposes without any sUch
violation. For, surely, it would not be more unlawful to take
it to yay off the Dehty for instance, than it was to take it to
help to carry on a war, for the support and success of which
that Debt was contracted ; a war, too, in the urging on of
which the clergy "were more forward and more loud than any
body of men in the kingdom.
Thus, then, it is agreeable to the laws and usages of the
country to take this property away, and apply it to public
purposes : it is so much property belonging to the nation^
and the nation can take it, and can do what it likes with it,
proceeding, as it doubtless would, by due course of law. If
there be any one in the world, and creature now left on earth,
50 stupid as to believe that the tithes and other church-pro-
perty have any foundation in the laws of Gody and that our
parsons are the successors of the Levites, the stupid beast
will keep the Sabbath, I hope, and not Sunday. I hope he
will kill the paschal lamb, and offer up burnt offerings ; that
he will eat no blood, bacon, or hares or rabbits. The Levites
had only the tenth of the increase, and not a tenth of the
cro'p; next they divided the increase with the "poor, the
widow, and the stranger : " and, lastly, they had no worldly
inheritance, could own neither house nor land, and, indeed,
could have no 'property to themselves.
No foundation have tithes, or church-property, on the
Mosaic Law. And as to Christ and his apostles, not one
word do they say to give countenance to such a claim ;
-while, on the other hand, they say quite enough to satisfy
any man that they never intended, never so much as thought
of, such a mode of maintaining a Christian teacher. In the
first place our Lord declares the Law of Moses to be abro-
gated. He sets aside even the Sabbath. And when the
1st January, 1831. 153
Pharisee in the parable vaunted that he paid tithes of all
that he possessed, the rebuke he received is quite sufficient to
show the degree of merit that Christ allotted to that sort of
piety; and, indeed, this parable seems to have been used for
the express purpose of exposing the cunning of the then Jew-
ish priests, and the folly of their dupes in relying on the
efficacy of paying tithes.
But what do we want more than the silence of our Savi-
our as to this point 1 If the tenth of the *' increase '' (for it
was not the crop, or gross produce) was intended by him
still to be given to the teachers of religion, would he, who
was laying down the new law, have never said a single word
on so important a matter ? Nay, when he was taking leave
of his apostles and sending them forth to preach his Word,
so far is he from talking about tithes, that he bids them take
neither purse nor scrip, but to sit down with those who were
willing to receive them, and to eat what people had a mind
to give them, adding, that " the labourer was worthy of
his hire J* That is to say, of food, drink, and lodging, while
he was labouring. And is it on this, the only word Jesus
Christ ever says about compensation of any sort ; is it on
this that Christian teachers found their claim to a tenth of
the whole of the produce of a country l If this be the
way in which they interpret the Scriptures, it is time, in-
deed, that we read and judge for ourselves ! Oh, no ! Not
a word did our Saviour say about tithes ; not a word about -
rich apostles, but enough and enough about poor ones ; not
a word about worldly goods, except to say, that those who
wished to possess them could not be his disciples ; enough
about rendering to Ccesar the things that are Caesar's, but
not a word about rendering to the priests any thing at all.
In short, from one end of the Gospel to the other, he preaches
humility, lowliness, an absence of all desire to possess
h5
154 Two-penny Trash ;
worldly riches, and he expressly enjoins his disciples ^^ freely
to give y as they had freely received."
And as to the apostles, what did they do? Did they not act
according to the command of Christ ? Did they not live in
common in all cases where that was practicable ? Did they
not disclaim all worldly possessions ? In Corinthians, chap.
ix. St. Paul lays down the rule of compensation; and what
is it ? Why, that as the " ox was not to be muzzled when
he was treading out the corn," the teacher was to have food,
if necessary, for his teaching, for that God had ** ordained
** that they which preach the Gospel should live of the
" GospeV But is here a word about tithes ? And would the
apostle have omitted a thing of so much importance ? In
another part of the same chapter, he asks, ^' Who goeth a
warfare at any time at his own charges'^'* Which clearly
shows, that all that was meant was entertainment on the
way, or when the preacher was from home; and when the
preaching was on the spot where the preacher lived, it is
clear, from the whole of the Acts of the Apostles, and from
the whole of the Epistles, that no such thing as compensation,
in any shape, or of any kind, was thought of. St Paul,
in writing to the teachers in Thessalonia, says, *' Study to be
*' quiet and do your own business, and to work with your
** oivn hands as we commanded you'^^ 1 Thess. chap. iv.
ter. 11. Andagain,in 2 Thess. chap, iii* ver. 8, he bids the
teacher remember, " Neither did we eat any man's bread
" for nought; but wrought with labour and travail, night
" and day, that we might not be chargeable to any^
SECOND : the justice of the measure. — It is clear, then,
that tithes and clerical revenues rest upon no scriptural
authority. What do they rest upon ? How came they ever
to be ? What were they founded for ? And are they now
applied to the uses for which they were given in trust to the
1«T Jakuary,, 1831. 155
clergy ? Do the clergy apply them agreeably to the inteu*
tion in which the tithes originated? In answering these
questions, we shall arrive at a perfect conviction, that it is
just to adopt the measure in favour of which I am arguing.
When I was a boy, or, before I had read with attention, I
often wondered how our forefathers came to be such fools as
to give one tenth part of all the corn, hay, roots, calves,
lambs, wool, pigs, eggs, milk, fruit, greens, underwood, and of
the profit on mills and of the waters and of the animals at
pasture. That they should have been such fools as to give,
in every parish, all this to one man of the parish, and that
man, too, an unmarried man. I thought them great fools,
and lamentedjthat we had, hitherto, been such fools,such tame
and stupid fellows as to adhere to their laws. But, upon
looking into the matter, I found that our old papas had done
no such a thing, I found that they had given only a third of
the tenth to the priests ; another third to bicild and repair
the churches ; and the other third to relieve the poor, and^
indeed, that third which the priest had, was to enable him
to keep hospitality, and relieve the stranger. Oh ! said,
I, this had sense in it ; and it is WE, conceited we, enlight-^
ened we, who are the fools, who let the parsons take all, and
who relieve the poor, and build and repair the churches by
taxes which we screw from one another, and who, while
we have a mutton-bone on our tables, silently see the par-
sons wallowing in luxury. We, enlightened we, are the
real fools.
At a meeting recently held in Kent, Lord Winchilsea
was asked whether he would vote for the abolition of tithes.
To this he answered in the negative, observing, that tithes
were instituted by our *^ PIOUS ancestors.'' Our ances*
tors were pious, but they were not tame " enlightened ''
fools. This is the story that the parsons always tell us;
but they do not tell us the whole of the story. They leave
156 Two-penny Trash;
US to believe that our " pious ancestors " were of this same
church that now exists ; and with reason; for it would be
awkward indeed in them to extol the piety of those from
whom they took the tithes away. But I will tell you, my
friends, the whole story; it is short, and is as follows:
Christianity was not introduced into England, until 600
years after the birth of Christ. About the meanwhile it had
made its way over the greater part of the continent of
Europe, and the Pope of Rome, as the successor of St.
Peter, had long been the head of the church About the year
600, the then Pope, whose name was Gregory, sent a monk,
whose name was Austin, with forty others under him, from
Rome to England to convert the English. They landed in
Kent, and the king of Kent (there were several kingdoms in
England then) received them well, became a convert, and
built houses for them at Canterbury. The monks went
preaching about Kent, as our missionaries do amongst the
Indians. They lived in common, and on what people gave
them. As the Christian religion extended itself over the
country, other such assemblages of priests, as that at Can-
terbury, were formed ; but these being found insuflScient, the
lords of great landed estates built churches and parsonage-
houses on them, and endowed them with lands and tithes,
after the mode in fashion on the continent. The estate, or
district, allotted to a church, now became a parish ; and in
time, dioceses arose, and the division became, as to territory,
pretty much what it is now.
Here, then, we learn the motives of our " pious ancestors"
in making these endowments of tithes. They wished to have
a priest always at hand to teach the ignorant, to baptize
children, to visit the sick, to administer comfort, to be the
peace-maker, the kind friend and the guide of his people.
TJor were these tithes to be devoured or squandered by the
priests. They were divided thus : *^ Let the priests receive
1st January, 1831. 157
'• the tithes of the people, and keep a written account of all
^* that have paid them ; and divide them, in the presence
*' of such as fear God, according to canonical authority.
** Let them set apart the first share for the building and
^' ornaments of the church ; and distribute the second to
" the poor and strangers with/ their own hands, in mercy
** and humility ; and reserve the third part for themselves.'*^
The very motives for building churches and endowing-
them with tithes prove, that the constant residence of the
priest, or parson, in his parish was his first duty ; for whaf
was the endowment for else ? And I state, upon authority
as good as any that history can present, that for nearly five
hundred years after the introduction of Christianity, no such
custom prevailed in England as of hiring curates, or other
deputies, to supply the place of the parson who had the
living. Our " pious ancestors" were therefore sensible as
well as pious : they required duties in return for what they
settled on the parsons. These parsons were, besides, let it
be remembered, unmarried men ; and if we are to impute
(and which in justice we ought) the institution of tithes to
the piety of our ancestors, we must also impute to their pze^z^
the establishing of a priesthood not permitted to marry!
We must impute this to their piety, and, indeed, to their
wisdom also ; for how obvious are the reasons that the tithegr
never could be applied according to the intention of the
founders, if the priests had wives and families to maintain f
Thus, then, if we be to appeal to our pious ancestors, and
pious and praiseworthy we must allow them to have been *
if Lord Winchilsea and the parsons will insist upon
referring us to these our ancestors as examples for us
to follow as to this great matter of tithes, we have ta
remind him and the parsons of these eight thingsf: — 1. That
the doctrines of the Catholic church, which our pious
ancestors endowed with the tithes, are, by our present par*
158 Two-penny Trash;
sons, declared to be idolatrous and damnable. — 2. That our
parsons call the head of that church Antichrist and the
whore of Babylon. — 3. That the " Society for Propagating
Christian Knowledge" advertise no less than fourteen separate
works, written by our bishops and archbishops, " against
popery,'' that is to say, against that very faith to support
which our pious ancestors instituted tithes. — 4. That we
may be allowed to wonder how it can have come to pass,
that, as the errors of our pious ancestors were found, at the
end of ten hundred years, to be so damnable, the tithes
which they granted were not at all erroneous, but, as the
parsons now tell us, were '' dedicated to God" ! — 5. That
our pious ancestors gave only a third of the tithes to the
parsons. — 6, That they required the parson to expend a
third on the building and ornaments of the church. — 7. That
they required him to distribute the other third to the poor
and the stranger with his own hands, in mercy and humility.
— And, 8. That they required him to be constantly resident
and not to marry, and compelled him to take an oath of celi-
bacy, in order that, divested of the cares and anxieties in-
separable from a wife and family, he might wholly devote
himself to the service of God, and be in very truth that which
the Bible, from one end to the other, requires a priest to be,
a faithful and diligent shepherd of the religious flock : and,
for being which merely in name, such woes are pronounced
against priests both by prophets and apostles.
Of these eight things we have to remind the parsons, when
they tell us to look at the conduct of our pious ancestors ;
and especially when they tell us to follow the example of
those ancestors with regard to tithes. These were the con-
ditions on which the tithes were^ given, and this might be
truly said to be dedicating them to God. Accordingly we
find that, as long as the tithes were applied to these pur-
poses, there were no poor-rates ; no Vagrant Act was re-
I
1st January, 1831. 159
quired ; no church-rates were demanded of the people ; and
yet all those magnificent cathedrals and those churches were
built, the beauty and solidity of which are now the monu-
ments of their great; and of our little, minds.
But is it not worth our while, even if it were only for the
curiosity of the t^ing, to inquire how the tithes, dedicated
to a faith which our parsons hold in abhorrence, came to be
possessed by our parsons ? Is it not worth our while to in-
quire, how it came to pass, that, when our parsons found the
faith of our ancestors so erroneous as to be called idolatrous
and damnable ; when they found the faith so bad as to re-
quire rooting out even by most cruel penal laws ; how it came
to pass, that, when they found the faith so utterly abomi-
nable ; how it came to pass, that when they were pulling
down images, confessionals, and altars, and were sweeping
away all the other memorials of the faith of our pious an-
cestors, they should have suffered the parsonage-houses, the
glebes, the tithes, and even Easter-ofiferings, to remain, nay,
and have taken these to themselves, and to be enjoyed, too,
not in the third part, but in whole ?
The tithes were, as we have seen, given to, and enjoyed,
or rather administered by, the Catholic parsons for about
ten out of the twelve hundred years of their existence in
England. For the first five out of the ten, no such thing
as non-residence, or stipendiary curating, was known. After
the Normans invaded England these things began ; and, in
time, by one means or another, by kings, nobles, and monas-
teries, the parishes were greatly robbed of their tithes, and
miserable vicars and curates were placed in the churches ia
numerous cases. At last that event which is called the
Reformation took place ; and the struggle ended in the
overthrow of the Catholic and the establishment of the Pro-'
testant church, that is to say, a church which protests against
the Catholic faith, to uphold which the tithes had beea in-
stituted.
160 Two-penny Trash ;
The new parsons, though they protested against the faith
of the Catholic parsons, did by no means protest against
the tithes which had been granted to uphold it. They pro-
fessed to keep all that was good,2iud to cast off all that was
bad, of the old church. What was good and what bad, we
laymen may, perhaps, not be competent judges of; but we
Icnow that they kept very carefully all the parsonage-houses,
all the glebes, all the tithes, all the Easter-offerings, all the
surplice fees ; and that they cast off constant residence, di-
vision of tithes into thirds, keeping the .churches in repair,
living unmarried, and relieving the poor and the stranger
with their own hands in mercy and humility. Such, in-
deed, was their keeping and such their casting off, that the
Catholics said, that Protestant person meant a person who
protested against anybody having the church -property but
himself!
If, indeed, the parsons did the duty which thisir vows
oblige them to do, it would then be another matter. What
is the contract which they make with the nation ? What
is the obligation which they take upon them ? What are the
duties that they most solemnly engage to perform ? At their
ordination they solemnly profess, that they " believe that they
*^ are moved by the Holy Ghost to take upon the office, to
*' serve God for the promoting of his glory, and the edify-
*^ ing of his people." They declare also, that they are
** determined, with the Scriptures, to instruct the people
** that shall he committed to their charge; they promise
** that they will give \ht\r faithful diligence always so ta
** minister the doctrine and sacraments and the discipline of
** Christ, as the Lord hath commanded, and as this realm
*' hath received the same according to the commandment of
*' God ; that they will teach the people committed to their
^' cure and charge with all diligence to keep and observe the
" same, that they will be ready with all faithful diligence
1st January, 1831. 161
^^ to banish and drive away all erroneous and strange
" doctrines contrary to God's word : and to use public
'^ a7id private admonitions and exhortations, as well to the
*' sick as to the whole, within their cures, as need shall re-
^* quire and occasion be given ; that they will be diligent in
" the prayers and in the reading of the Holy Scriptures,
" and in such studies as help to the knowledge of the same,
" laying aside the study of the world and the flesh ; that
" they will be diligent to frame and fashion themselves and
" their families according to the doctrine of Christ, that
'^ they may be wholesome examples and spectacles to the
^^ flock of Christ ; and that they will maintain and set for-
" wards quietness, peace, and love, among all Christians, but,
^< especially among them that are or shall be committed to
" their charge." And they most solemnly ratify and con-
firm these declarations and promise by receiving the holy^
communion.
Now, how are they to do these things, or, indeed, any
part of these things, unless they be at the places where they
have so solemnly promised to do them ? How are they ta
promote God's glory and edify his people 5 how are they to
instruct the people committed to their charge ; how are they
to explain the Word to the people of their cure ; how are
they to be ready with faithful diligence to banish and drive
away all erroneous and strange doctrine contrary to God's
word, and especially from amongst them that are committed
to their charge : how are they to fulfil any of these solemn
promises, if they absent themselves from the very spot
where the people committed to their charge reside ? And
if, having already one living, they grasp at another or two,
how do they obey the injunction of the apostle, to avoid
filthy lucre ; how do they obey Christ, who bids them freely
give ; how do they fulfil their own promise, made at the
altar and with such awful solemnity, to lay aside the study
162 Two-penny Trash;
of the world, and how do tliey'show themselves followers of
the apostle, who bids them " be subject one to another, and
*^ be clothed with humility, seeing that God resisteth the
** proud and giveth grace to the humble ] '*
Is it not notorious that of the eleven thousand livings in
England and Wales^ one half are without resident incum^
bents ; and is it not equally notorious that there are thou-
sands of parsons each of whom has more than one living ;
is it not also notorious that those who do the work of the
■church, have hardly a bare sufficiency to eat and drink ; is
it not notorious that, while there are bishoprics worth from
ten to forty thousand a year, one million and six hundred
thousand pounds have, within the last thirty years, been
voted out of the taxes on our malt, soap, candles, sugar,
&c., " for the relief of the poor clergy of this church /' is
it not notorious that many of the present beneficed clergy
received military and naval half pay for many years, and
the income of their benefices, at the same time ; and is it not
notorious that, in Ireland, the case is still more flagrant
than it is here ? How, then, do the parsons fulfil the pro-
mises made at their ordination ? How do they obey the
injunctions of the apostles: *' Preach the word; be in-
" stant in season, out of season ; reprove, rebuke, and exhort
** with all long-sufifering and doctrine/' The apostles tell
the teachers to teach publicly " from house to house ; to
" show themselves in all things patterns of good works ; to
'* be examples in word, in conversation, in charity^ in faith,
** in purity; to warn every man, to teach every man in
" wisdom, that they may present every man perfect in Jesus
** Christ." The teachers of the Gospel are called Ambas-
sadors, Stewards, Shepherds, Watchmen, Guides, Lights,
Examples. But how are they to be any of these, if they
seldom or never see any of those whom they have pledged
themselves to teach ?
1st January, 1831. 16
o
Jesus Christ says, '^ Go ye into all the world, and preach
" the Gospel unto every creature ; and, lo I I am with you
*^ always, even unto the end of the world." And the
apostle Paul, amongst his numerous, urgent, and solemn ex-
hortations, says, " I take you to record this day, that I am
** pure from the blood of all men ; for I have shunned not to
*^ declare unto you the counsel of God. Take heed, there-
** fore, unto yourselves, and to all the flock over which the
" Holy Ghost hath made you overseers, to feed the church
'* of God, which he hath purchased with his own blood.''
And he exhorts, too, that the teachers should do their duty
for religion sake, and not for the sake of gain. A bishop i&
not to be ^' greedy of filthy lucre, nor covetous."
The parsons tell you to read the Bible, and there are
plenty of Bible Societies to put the book into your hands.
The worst of it is, you do not read it attentively. But
read it now; see what it says about parsons who do not re*
side on their livings. The prophet Zechariah says, " Woe
to the idle shepherd that leaveth theJlockS^ " Woe " says the
prophet EzEKiEL, *' Woe be to the shepherds of Israel that
** do feed themselves ! Should not the shepherds feed the
** flocks 1 Ye eat the fat ^ and ye clothe you with the wool,
" ye kill them that are fed ; but ye feed not thefiock. The
*^ diseased have ye not strengthened, neither have ye
" healed that which was sick, neither have ye bound
" up that which was broken, neither have ye brought
" again that which was driven away, neither have ye sought
*' that which was lost ; but with force and with cruelty
*' have ye ruled them. And they were scattered^ because
'* there is no shepherd." And is not the flock scattered in
England now ? Are not the country churches empty, and do
not the people wander about after all sorts of sects 1 There is,
in reality, no longer any flock. The prophet, contemplating
Such a case, adds : "Thus saith the Lord God, behold, lam
** against the shepherds ; and I will require my flock at
l64 Two-penny Trash;
*' their hand, and cause them to cease feeding the flock;
*' neither shall the shepherds feed themselves any more ;
** for I will deliver my Jiock from their 77iouth, that they
** may not be w,eat for them.**
It is clear, from all that we behold, that the church, as by
law established, has not answered, or, at least, that it does
not now answer, the purposes for which it was intended. It
does not hold the people in the bond of faith ; it does not
promote peace and good-will ; but, on the contrary, creates
eternal divisions and feuds, while it consumes uselessly a
large part of the produce of the land, and takes from the
farmer the means of giving you, the labourers, wages suffi-
cient for you to support your wives and children. Besides
this, this establishment is a hot-bed for breeding gentlemen
and ladieSf who must be kept without work, all their lives,
somehow or other; and taxes must be raised, and are raised,
upon you, and upon all of us, to pay them salaries, stipends,
pensions, or something or other. This is so now, and it must
he so as long as this establishment shay exist. The sons of
the parsons are, for the far greater part, kept by the public
in some shape or other ; the husbands of the daughters are
kept in the same way; they engross the offices, and the employ-
ments, and shut out the sons of farmers and tradesmen. I
do not blame the government for this ; for, in the nature of
things, it must be so ; it is a necessary effect of the esta-
blishment. It is the only establishment in the world, or that
there ever was in the world, the 'priests of which are al-
lowed to marry. Wherever there are. priests paid by the
public, they are not allowed to marry; and it is clear that
they ought not to be so allowed ; for, otherwise, what is it,
but to tax the people to keep a race of men and women to
breed persons to be maintained by the public, and to take
away fro7n all the industrious classes the chance, even the
chance y of sharing in the honours and powers of the country.
1st January, 1831. 165
It is, in short, an establishment which makes the people
keep fathers and mothers, that they may breed children for
them to keep also ! And such a thing never was heard of
before in the whole worlflk
My friends, labourers of England, there is a PARSON,
of the name of MALTHUS, who has written a book to show-
that 7J0U breed too. fast ; and in order to check your breed-
ing, he proposes, that, if you be married, you shall have no
relief from the parish, hut shall be left to starve. The
Scotch and Irish place-hunters, w^ho live, or want to live, oa
your labour, applaud this parson Malthus to the skies, and so
do our pensioners and parsons. But neither Malthus nor
any of his crew ever propose to check the breeding of the
PARSONS ayid the PENSIONERS ! Think of that.
They grudge YOU, who make all the food, clothing, houses,
and fuel; they grudge you parish relief; but they do not^
grudge to parsons and pensioners paid out of the taxes
raised on you ! Oh ! the insolent ruffians ! Is there not a
just and merciful God»; and is his hand for ever to be stayed I
The ruffians have seen, of late years, a million and a half
of guineas given by the parliament, out of the taxes, **for
the RELIEF of the POOR CLERGY of the church of
England ;" they know that YOU pay a large part of these
taxes ; and yet they would refuse you relief in cases even
of the extremest distress !
But as long as this establishment shall exist, so long must
it continue to inflict evils on the country ; it must of neces-
sity take from the farmer and tradesman and merchant and
manufacturer the means of paying just wages to those whom
they employ ; and there is no man can doubt, that it is the
want of just wages that is the cause, and the only cause, of
the present troubles of the country. Well, then, ought not
this cause to be removed ? And how is it to be removed ?
without legally taking away those tithes and other public pro-
166 Two-penny Trash^
perty, the leaving of which in the hands of the parsons pro-
duce this calamitous cause. The establishment does not now
^answer the purposes for which it was intended ; those who
receive the revenues are, in great part, absent from the pa-
rishes ; the churches are empty ; the meeting-houses are
full ; those who do the work of the church are living in
penury; and, more than all the rest, the present distribution
of this property, helps to make the working-people so poor
and miserable, that they must either die with starvation, or
resort, for the purpose of obtaining the means of sustaining
life, to acts of violence dangerous to the peace of the coun-
try. And is it not, therefore, just to take this property
away ? '' THE SAFETY OF THE PEOPLE IS THE
SUPREME LAW." How can they be safe, then, as long
as they are constantly exposed either to starvation or to the
consequences of unlawful acts ? And if they must (and I
have shown that they must) be constantly thus exposed, as
long as this establishment shall exist, are the people to perish,
are we all to be ruined and destroyed, for the sake of those
who profit from this establishment ? Is that just ? Why,
then, it is just to repeal and abolish this establishment.
THIRD : the measure is necessary. This I have, in-
deed, just showed; but there are still further reasons why
this measure is necessary. The weight of taxes is one great
cause of the distress and the troubles of the country. Your
wages go, one half, to pay taxes. More than the half of
these taxes are required to pay the interest of what il' called
the NATIONAL DEBT. It is impossible to collect such
heavy taxes without a large array. Therefore, it is in vain
to hope for relief as long as this Debt, to its present amount,
shall exist. The Debt-people receive more than they ought
to receive. Every man of sense says this, and the present
First Lord of the Admiralty (a very clever man) proposed to
take 30 per cent,, or nearly a third part, away from the Debt-
1st January, 1831, 167
people. Now, if this Debt were justly reduced, and tke
tithes and other church-property sold, and the money paid
to the Debt-people, the Debt would be nearly paid ofiF, the
anny might be disbanded^ the heavy taxes taken off, and
the nation be again great and happy, the working-people
well fed and clad as their great-grandfathers were, and
the employers and their property in a state of safety. And
are we to forego all this ; are we to give up the hope of ever
seeing England happy again, merely for the sake of uphold-
ing this establishment of parsons and bishops! It is just
that the Debt- people should be paid less than they are now
paid ; every one must confess, and every one does confess,
this ; but every one feels and says that it would be injustice,
monstrous injustice, to call down the curses of all mankind, to
take one single farthing from the Debt-people, so long as
the clergy continue to receive their enormous emoluments.
And now, my friends, I have, I think, proved the legality ^
the justice, and the necessity of this measure. I have no
dislike to the religion of the church in which I was born
and bred and have always continued ; I have great respect
for many of the working-clergy , whom I know to be
amongst the most worthy of men, and whose lot would be
mended by the measure XhtX I propose, as religion and mo-
rality would also be advanced by it. I am actuated by no
antipathy or personal ill-will : I wish for the measure, for the
reasons that I have given ; and I exhort you to join cordially
with your employers in petitions, and in all other lawful
efforts, to cause that measure to be adopted, and that, too,
immediately, being thoroughly convinced that, until it be
adopted, England will never again know happiness.
I am.
My good and honest Friends,
Your faithful servant,
Wm. COBBETT.
168 Two-penny Trash; 1st January, 1831.
P. S. What. I would wish to have done with regard to the
present parsons I will clearly state in my next letter to
you ; but I will say this much now, that I wish them to be
treated with fidl as much lenity and indulgence as the Ca^
tholic clergy were treated with, when the tithes and other
church-property w^ere taken from them ; and this, I am sure
they cannot complain of with any show of decency.
List rf Mr. Cobbett's Books,
ENGLISH GRAMMAR. Price 3s.
TRENCH GRAMMAR. Price 5s.
COTTAGE ECONOMY. Price 2s- 6d,
MR. COBBETT'S RURAL RIDES. One thick vol. i2m<K
Price 5s»
THE WOODLANDS. Price 14s.
THE ENGLISH GARDENER. Price 6s.
YEAR'S RESIDENCE IN AMERICA. Price os.
MR. COBBETT'S SERIMONS. Price 3s. 6d.
THE POOR MAN'S FRIEND. Price 8d.
'^^PAPER AGAINST GOLD. Price 5s.
' HISTORY OF THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION
Two vols. Royal 8vo. fine paper. Price 10s.
ROMAN HISTORY, in French and English. Price 13s.
AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. Price 2s.
TULL'S HUSBANDRY. One vol. 8vo. Price l5s.
EMIGRANT'S GUIDE. One vol. 12nio. Price 2s. 6d.
A TREATISE ON COBBETT'S CORN. One vol. J2mo.
Price 5s. 6d,
ADVICE TO YOUNG MEN. One vol. 12mo. 5s.
AN ITALIAN GRAMMAR. By James P. Cobbett. 12nio.
Price 6s.
A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE.
Price Is,
No. VlII,
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRAS
For the Month of February^ 1S31.
L A Letter to the King's Ministers on the way to put a
stop to the Fires.
2. A Letter to the Labourers on their Duties and their
Rights,
3. A Letter to the Folks of Botley, on the Fire at Flem^
ing's house at Stoneham Park,
King's Ministers, Kensi7i§ton, \7tk January , 1?31.
BefoPvE I proceed to point out to you the means
alluded to in the title of this paper, I shall endeavour to
convince you of these three things: — I /That the fires
have been set by the labourers, without instigation from
any body ; 2. That the means of terror, or of punishmejity
are not calculated to put an end to the fires; and, 3. That
the fires, unless effectually put a stop to, may become far
more extensive than they have hitherto been. It is neces-
-sary, first of all, that I make good these three propositions ;
because unless you be convinced, and heartily convinced,
of the truth of them, you will not listen, and it is not reason-
LoNDON : Published by the Author, 11, Boljt-court, Fleet-street ;
and sold by all, Booksellers.
I
170 Two-penny Trash;
able that you should listen, to that which I have to ofifer
■with regard to the measures, which I think ought now to
be adopted ; and, therefore, the best possible proof that I
can give of my since-re and anxious desire to cause to be
effected the great object stated in the title of this my address
to you, is, to endeavour to implant this conviction firmly in
your minds.
First, then, that the fires!have been set by the labourers^
and without instigation. You must be convinced of this,
or, you will not listen for a moment to the remedies which
'I have to propose.. At first thought on the matter, it will
appear to be absurd to state such a proposition as this,
especially after the numerous trials that have taken place
without there having appeared, throughout the whole coun-
try, one single particle of evidence to give countencince to
the notion^ that any one fire in any place had been set by^
any person but a farm labourer ; or that any person whatso-
ever, except a farm labourer or farm labourers, had instigated
the perpetrator to the act. Scott Eldon (I will always when
speaking of this person retain the word Scott) is reported
to have said distinctly that one of the country jails was full
of foreigners, who had -been committed for these crimes.
Peel, Knatchbull, and divers others, stated as a /naffer
of course that the fires had been instigated by persons going
about in gigs, curricles, post-chaises, landaus ! There was
a woman in Philadelpliia,who,as a quaker neighbour told me,
imagined herself to be a tea-pot, stretched out one arm in
the shape of a spout, put the other a-kimbo to represent the
handle, and cried out to every-body who came near her,
*' Pray dont break me T' " What," said my neighbour
" would thee have done in that case, friend Cobbett V*
*' Why^'* said I, ** being a tea-pot, I could have taken care
that nothing but water should have gone into her in the
shape of liquid, and that no solids should have gone into
I
1st February, 1831. 171
her till she had washed all the dirty linen, and had scrubbed
every floor in the house ;" a remedy, by-the-by, which I beg
leave to recommend to my readers in general, if they hap-
pen to be troubled with wives with imaginations so extra-
ordinarily strong.
Strong, however, as the indulgence of the husband had
rendered the imagination of this lazy she-devil, it certainly
did not surpass, in point of force, that of those persons who
have ascribed these fires, or any part of them, to the instru-
mentality or instigation of any-body but the labourers them-
selves ; and the wonder is how any one ever can have enter-
tained such an idea. For a good while J believed that no
one was sincere in his professions upon this subject ; but, at
last, I met a gentleman, a country gentleman, a considerable
land'Owner and land-cultivator, a magistrate of long stand-*
ing and great experience, a public-spirited man, not only a
liberal but a generous man, a man singularly good, not only
to his own labourers, but to all round about him, a con-
siderate, a mild, an indulgent man ; a man of sincerity and
veracity as perfect as I have ever known to exist in ma,n ;
and this gentleman, while he was ready to make every apo-
logy for the other violences, ascribing them to the real suf-
ferings of the people, told me this, that *' as to the Jires, the
^' people have certainly been instigated to those by a SET
'' OF CONSPIRATORS IN LONDON T
I was astounded to hear him utter these words. I could
account for Scott Eldon's foreigners ; for, when he talked
of the intelligence coming in a letter, one could see that it
was a hoax. I could account, without much racking of my
brains, for the strong imaginations of Peel and Knatchbull,
and the rest; but I really was frightened when I heard this
gentleman talking of a conspiracy in London instigating
the fires ; and, in his^case, I can account for the monstrous
absurdity only by reflecting on the effect of the stories which
i2
172 Two-PENNi" Trash.;
the people in the country are continually hearing of the
surprising dexterity and cleverness, and the profound wicked-
ness, that exists amongst the discontented spirits in London.
If this gentleman were to dwell a little while in the vi-
cinage of these surprisingly clever and discontented spirits;
his alarm would pretty quickly cease : he would soon find,
that if he could keep his wine decanter and brandy-bottle
from them, that need be his only care ; and that if he would
let them have their run at them, he would find them some
of the best-tempered fellows in the world. Men that talk
irery much are apt to do very little ; and I, if I had ricks
• and barns at stake, should be more afraid of the vengeful
feelings of one single labourer, whose son or brother I had
caused to be imprisoned or severely dealt with for poaching,
than I should be of the speeches, the writings, and the ma-
chinations of all the discontented spirits of London, who,
besides all the rest, hardly know wheat from peas when they
see them growing, hardly know a rick from a barn ; and
certainly do not know a barn from a stable ; are totally ig-
norant of the state of the homesteads and of the means of
, assailing them ; would be frightened out of their wits at the
idea of going along a dark lane or over a down by themselves ;
and, in short, are as incompetent to give instructions or
suggestions in such matters as the labourers^ would be to
give instructions with regard to getting up plays and farces
at Covent Garden.
Yet, so loth are you to acknowledge ; so loth are the
land-owners, the parsons, the bull- frog farmers, aye, and the
debt-owners, too; so loth are you all to acknowledge that-
these fires have proceeded purely from the minds of the
labourers, that you all still cling to this monstrous idea of
extraneous instigation. The cause of this clinging is this ;
that you cannot acknowledge that the fires have proceeded
purely from the minds of the labourers^ without tacitly ac-
*
1st February, 1831. 173
knowledging one of two things ; namely, that they must
have had some deep and irresistible provocation, or that
Englishmen are become a totally altered people. There is
not much to choose between these two ; either of them looks
pretty angrily at the government which has existed for some
years past. The fact is, that these dreadful acts, if ascribed
to the mere movements of the labourers, imply that they
have been rendered desperate by hunger. This implies that
they ought to have had higher wages ; this iniplies that to
put a stop to the fires they must have higher wages; and
this implies that many millions a year must now be taken
from the aristocracy and the church, or that those many-
inillions must be taken from the debt-ownerl. Therefore it
is that every effort is made to ascribe the fires, first to fo-
reigners, next to people travelling in landaus and post--
chaises, next to conspirators in London, and, lastly, to writings
of various descriptions, particularly '' cheap publications J^
Why there are no cheap publications, that 1 know of, except
my poor Two-PE:!f"NY Trash, and this I am allowed to
publish only once in a month. As to the Register; a
single number of it now amounts to nearly as much as the .
Wiltshire allowance for a week's food and clothing for a
constantly hard-working man. I know of no cheap publi-
cation but this, that goes regularly forth, while the
" Society for Promoting Useful Knowledge/* while the
church parsons with their pamphlet societies; and while the
nasty, canting, lousy Methodists, who inveigle the pennies
even from the servant girls ; wliile all these are pouring out
their pamphlets by millions, and all of them preaching up
the doctrine, that bacon, bread and beer corrupt the soul of
man, and that potatoes, salt and- water, are sure to lead to
eternal salvation.
How, then, have the fires been produced by speakings
174 Two-penny Trash;
and writings ? and how is a man of sense to believe
that irom Dover to Penzance, from Pevensey to Carlisle,
the fires have been produced by instigations from my
speeches and wTitings ? Yet, I have been told, and I
believe the fact, that the POST-OFFICES, particularly ia
Sussex, Hampshire, and Wiltshire, have been narrowly
watched, in order to discover some correspondence between
me and the rioters and burners. If these watchers will but
stick to their several posts till they find a letter written hy
me, or by any one by my authority, not only about rioting
and burning, but about any -thing else, they will be
amply punished for their curiosity. No, no; I have too
much to write for the^ printers, to amuse myself in this
sort of way. To be sure I cannot help what people write
to me ; hut if the Secretary of State will send a clerk to
read all my letters over for me, they will stand a great
deal better chance than they now stand. All that come
with the postage not paid I send back unopened, for the
amusement of the Duke of Richmond ; and, if he read
them all with attention, he will have quite enough to do.
About one half of them are threatening letters; some
threatening to burn my house; some my barn; some to
shoot me[; some to take me off by other means. These
frequently come postage paid, and then they immediately go
into a basket for the maid to light the fire With. Till I
began to receive these burning letters, J used to insure ;
but I have never done it since, except in the case of my
house at Kensington, which my lease compels me to insure
for a certain sum of money. I discovered too, that in the
case of every insurance that I had made, I had paid nearly
twice as much to the government in tax as to the insurance
office for insurance. This deemed a payment to protect
me [against the dispensations of Providence and th« ill-
will^of my neighbours. To the former it was my duty to
1st February, 1831. 175
submit ; of the latter I was not afraid ; and therefore why
should I , give up my earnings for this purpose? Threat-
ening letters indeed ! I have received a hundred that I
could have traced home to the parties with no very extra-
ordinary pains ; and I never made the attempt in my life.
The post-office may be watched long enough before any
letter is met with from me ; and whenever there be one,
it is as Ukely to be found without a seal as with it ; and
I hereby authorize and legally empower the post-office
people to open all letters going from me to any-body ;
if they afford them any amusement I shall be very glad ; but
I beg them not to retard them on their way. Monstrous idea,
that 1 should be writing instigations to labouring men to
urge them to commit felony ! Monstrous, however; as the
idea is, it certainly has been entertained.
To conclude under this head. You have now had trials
iji Kent, Sussex, Surrey, Hampshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire,
Dorsetshire, and Buckinghamshire,before some one or other of
the judges. In other counties, and in these counties, too, you
have had trials for these offences, and plenty of transport-
ings and imprisonings at the Quarter Sessions. More than
fifteen hundred persons, I believe, have been arraigned and
tried ; and, amidst the cries of parents, wives, and children,
under all the terrors of separation or almost instant death,
ot one single fact has come out, in spite of rewards which
are perfectly terrific ; not one single fact has transpired to
countenance the idea of foreign actors or instigators, of
instigation on the part of conspirators in London; or of
extraneous instrumentality of any sort, and therefore I hope
that you are now satisfied that the acts have proceeded
purely from the minds of the labourers themselves.
Second. That the means of terror or of 'punishment
are not calculated to put an end to the fires. — It is an
old saying that, if you kill a. fly^ twenty files come to his
176 Two-penny Trash;
burying. The newspapers tell us, and, indeed, we know
the fact must be so, that there is scarcely a village in the
counties before mentioned, arid particularly in Hampshire
and Wiltshire, which has not been, in a greater or less
degree, phino^od into a state of mourning in consequence of
the late trials and their result. But, is mourning aWi
When men suffer for well-known and long-understood crimes,
then there is no apology to be offered for them. Their
memory is grieved, their banishment or death lamented;
but the relations and friends acquiesce : the Jaw takes its
course, and no vengeful leelings are excited in the survivors.
You have read the Birmingham Petition- for the sparing of
the lives of the men at Winchester. If you have not, I beg
you to read it. The question, however, is not w^hat sort of
feelings the surviving labourers ought to entertain upon the
subject ; but what feelings they are likely to entertain ; and
jubw^ then, consider the effect of screaming m'other^ and wives
and children; think of the feelings offathers for sons, brothers
for brothers, friends for friends ; and consider that there can
be scarcely one single man, amongst the labourers of Hamp-
shire and Wiltshire especially, unaffected in his mind and
heart by these transactions. The Morning Chronicle, in
giving an account of the hanging of Cooper and Cooke, at
W^inchester, last Saturday, concludes the account thus:
*^ There was not a crowd of more ihan 300 persons, and those
** chiefly boys. Some of the crowd we heard say they would
*^ willingly give a sovereign for a reprieve. The moment the
*^ drop fell most of them went away. The special constables
*' wxre in attendance at seven o'clock, and, in fact, composed
*^ the greater part of the crowd. Close under the scaffold,
*' On some doors, w^ere w^ritten in chalk — ' MURDER
*'*FOR MURDER! BLOOD FOR BLOOD!'''
Now, this is what we never see and never hear of when
malefactors are executed at other times. Cooper's ofl'ence
1st February, 1831. 177
was riding at the head of a mob, who extorted money
or broke machines, or something of that sort. Cooke's
oflfence was striking BINGHAM' BARING with a sledge
hammer. But Baring was well enough to appear and
give evidence against him ; and it appears was seen imme-
diately after the affair walking in the streets of Winchester ;
so that this was very far from being MURDER ; and,
before the passing of EllenborougKs Act it would have
been an ASSAULT, or punishable not even with trans-
portation, but with fine or imprisonment, or both. Now,
mind, the labourers are not lawyers, they know nothing of
JEtlenhorouglis Act ; their estimate of crimes is tradi-
tionary; and it will take a great deal indeed to convince
them and to produce perfect acquiescence in their minds
upon the subject of this punishment. *' Kill one fly and
twenty come to his burying/' Accordingly the very next
sentence in the Chronicle newspaper is in these words :
^' There have been eight fires in the neighbourhood of
" Blandford since Saturday last. This circumstance will
" almost preclude the hope of mercy being extended to the
** unhappy men now under sentence of death ! '' The same
newspaper contains an account of Jive fresh fires in the
neighbourhood of Norwich ; and the Times newspaper of
Saturday gives an account of several fires in Wiltshire, two
of which it speaks of as follows : " The first fire, which I
*' described as illuminating the country for miles around,
*^ was, I understand, on the premises of Mr. Rex worthy,
** near Wilton. His dwelling-house, out-houses, and corn-
" ricks, were all burnt to the ground. I had not iime^in
" my way through here to-day to get the particulars farther
^* than that Mr. Rexworthy had been active in bringing
" some of the late rioters to justice. The second fire,
" which 1 said was in the neighbourhood of Wi'mborne, was
" of corn-ricks only. These also were the jproperty of a
i5
178 Two-penny Trash;
'^ person connected with the late prosecution^.*^ This
fire was not near Wilton but near Heytesbury, and it
was so great that it lighted the street at Fisherton, though
^t fifteen unites distance from it. I pray you to look at
these words from the Times newspaper ! I pray you to look
well at the cause there stated for this tremendous fire.
Pray read these words with attention. Look also in the
papers of to-day at a great fire near Dover. Remember the
fire in Essex the other day, in the very village from which
poor Ewan had been taken to be hanged ! From the
single village of Pewsey there are, I am told, eleven 'persons
taken and condemned to be transported ; and when the
carrier from whom the story came to me came away,
mothers were crying for their sons, wives for their hus-
bands, children for their fathers, sisters for their brothers,
and, in short ,all was frantic lamentation. Of this village
one of Lord Radnor^s brothers is the Rector, and he is also
a Prebend of Salisbury, where his elder brother has been
sitting on the bench with the Special Commissioners.
Without stopping to comment on these facts, and with-
out directing your eyes towards Lincolnshire, where the
fires appear to be blazing more furiously than ever, let me
ask you, now, whether here be not enough to convince you,
that the means of terror or of punishment are not calcu-
lated to put an end to the fires ? This is a most important
question for you to consider ; for, if these means fail, then
there is no hope without the adoption of some other. Be-
seeching you to reflect most seriously upon this point, I now
proceed to the next proposition, which is, if possible, of still
more importance.
Third, that the fires^ unless effectually put a stop to,
may become far more extensive than they hitherto have
been, — King's Ministers, you know very little about the
habits or the means of the labouring people, I do not
1st February, IBS'!. 179
impute this to you as a fault : your way of life ; your own
habits and pursuits and associations have precluded you
from possessing this knowledge ; and, as to obtaining it
from others, few persons approach you who do possess it ;
and very rarely indeed will it happen that one of these
will be found honest enough to tell you that you have not '
the power to do that which you wish to do. Power, to
induce it to listen to objections to its own effectiveness, must
be in the hands of those who are endued with all those
f rare qualities which induce wise and just judges to listen.
to arguments against the competence of their own jurisdic-
tion. Hence it is that you do know, and that you can know,
very little about the real character, the disposition^ the
' propensities and the habits of the labourers; and especially
about the means which they possess of gratifying their
vengeful feelings whiere, unhappily, they entertain them.
There was very little danger, comparatively, in the machine-
breaking, and the sturdy begging, or rioting and robbing, if it
must be so called. These w^ould be effectually put a stop to
by the transpoftings and the hangings ; but as to the fires it
was quite another matter, as Rex worthy has found to his
cost. Of all the acts in this world of a criminal nature,
the most easy to perpetrate, the least liable to detection,
the least inconvenient to the perpetrator, is that of setting
fire to out-buildings and ricks. To convince you of the
truth of this, what can you need more than perhaps the
two thousand fires that have taken place, and the four or
five convictions; with regard to two of which the parties
convicted declared their innocence with their dying breath ?
As to the immediate means, I know nothing; but I believe
all the stories about fire-balls and air-guns to be merely
ridiculous nonsense. A pipe and a match, or a bit of linen
rag, as in the case of the poor orphan Goodman, in Sussex,
are, I dare say, the means generally used ; for, how are
^^0 Two-penny Trash;
* »
labouring men in general, or any of them, indeed, to obtain
any other means, and to keep those means by them too,
T^^ithout the knowledge of others ?
Do, I pray you, look at the situation of this species of
property ; consider the utter impossibility of watching it
^iiectually. In the case of houses, factories, or buildings
of any sort, which are usually inhabited, the case is wholly
different. Here the parties must either be inmates, or must
commit the act by open violence. It is difficult for a man
€ven to set fire to his own house without detection. Not so
in the case of farm produce and buildings ; where there is
no trace, no clue, nothing to lead to detection, if the perpe-
trator be alone and hold his tongue ; and that perpetrator
may be your own servant \ And who are to be your ser-
vants ! Why, in Hampshire and Wiltshire particularly, the
father, the son, the brother, the uncle, the nephew, the
cousin, or the friend of some one who has been hanged,
transported, or manacled, by you or by some one connected
with you. The loan-monger, or Jew, or Scotch feelosopher
brute may call the labourers of England peasantry ; the
insolent vagabonds who live on their labour may call them
ignorant', calumniate while they starve them ; talk of their
want of education. They want no education ; they under-
stand their business well ; they are not ignorant, they know
their rig'hts, and the wrongs that are done them ; they are
tender parents and dutiful, loving children ; they are obe-
■dient and faithful servants, and kind and good neighbours *
they are unassuming, modest, content in their state of life;
but they will hot, and I thank God that they will not, live
on damned potatoes while the barns are full of corn, the
-cowns covered with sheep, and the yards full of hogs created
L'y their labour. Above all things they are affectionate ;
the parents love their children, and the children the parents,
with more ardour than is to be met with among the richer
1st February, 1831. 181
tribes : the constant participation in each other's hardships
and toils tends to bind them more firmly to one another : if
you commit an act of injustice towards one, the whole vil-
lage feels it individually and collectively. Even the vil-
lages themselves are connected with one another ; and thus a
, whole coOnty or district is imbued with one .and the same
vengeful feeling. Is_ any man so stupid as to imagine that
there is a single soul in Pewsey, man, woman, or child, who
will not remember the transportation of eleven men of that
village? ^
It is a great mistake to suppose that the farming-stock is
all collected in the homesteads. If it were, it would not,
that I know of, add to the security. I have a barn, for in-
stance, now, at Barn Elm, one of the largest that I ever saw
in my life. It was crammed full of corn in the summer, trod-
den down in the mows by oxen. Four men have been
thrashing there constantly from that day to this, and they
will be at it some tiipe longer. There is no soul living in
the farm-house, and there is no house within more than a
quarter of a mile, the barn is at all times assailable from the .
bank of the Thames, which is very close, and the whole has
been uninsured all the time. Now, what protection had I
for this, between three and four hundred pounds Avorth of
corn, and, at one time, seven hundred pounds worth of seeds
into the bargain ? AVhy» I had the protection of the good
will of the working people, my neighbours, who never were
wronged or oppressed by me, and on v/hose good- will there-
fore I had reason to rely. To numbers of them I have oc-
-casionally given pretty good scoldings and angry words; but
I never did them any injury, gave them no ground for re-
venge, and I. can truly say that I never had a moment of
inquietude with regard to the safety of my property. Yet^
there has not been one single night during the last three
months and a half, when the whole of this property might
182 Two-penny Trash ;
not have been destroyed, barn and house and all, without a
possibility of detecting the offender, if he had gone alone
and held his tongue ; and, if I had been generally hated in
the neighbourhood 5 where was I to have found watchmen,
and how was 1 to have prevented the watchman from setting
fire himself?
I pray you to observe^ that to go into a rick-yard or home-
stead at all ; it is only a trespass at the utmost, punishable
to be sure v^dthout trial by jury. Suppose a man to be
found in a rick-yard or in a barn without breaking in, with a
pipe in his mouth and matches in his pocket, he is merely a
trespasser. He must actually set the fire before he incurs
the guilt of committing the crime; and 'in all human pro-
bability this species of reconnoitre ing always takes place.
Besides, every labourer in the neighbourhood knows every
one who lives in the house ; and the labourers having been
driven from the farm-houses, there is seldom any male in
the farm-house except the master and his sons, if he have
any, and a sort of a groom. These are all away from
home together very frequently ; so that in fact there is no
protection at all other than the good -will of the neighbour-
hood.
But, how many hundreds of thousands of wheat-ricks
and oat-ricks and barley-ricks are not only built out in the
fields, but at a distance from all dwxlling-houses whatsoever I
How many thousands upon thousands of ricks of clover
\ipland grass and saintfoin are built out in the middle of im-
mense fields, to be given to the sheep while they are eating
off the turnips in winter ! These can have no earthly pro-
tection but that of the general good-will and common con-
sent of the labouring people. I have seen thousands of
stacks (in one single ride of mine) of wheat and barley, as
well as of hay, standing out at from a quarter of a mile to a
mile distant from any house^tree^ or hedge. What in all the
1st February, 1831. 183
world is there but a sense of moral right and wrong, to pre-
vent the destruction of property thus situated, if upon
coming up to a rick thus situated, a man finds it guarded
he turns about and goes away, that 's all ? In short, to shut
out the rooks from a pea-field of a hundred acres is just as
easy as to preserve this species of property without the good-
will of the labourers ; or at least, in defiance of their venge-
ful feelings. The exposition of the law, as Scott Eldon
called it, has taught them the danger of Ellenborough's
Act, and of the softened code of George the Fourth : but
it has not taught them to be content with potatoes and
water.
Besides these dangers to barns and stacks, are there no
dangers to Jieldsoi corn ? A gentleman mentioned this to
me the other day as the greatest danger of all. A piece of
wheat, barley, rye, or oats, fit for the sickle or the scythe,
set fire to on the windward side, would be demolished in a
twinkling ; and here the facility of execution and the safety
of the perpetrator are so complete. Almost every- where there
are foot-paths, or roads of some sort ; and if there be not, and
if the perpetrator be found out of the road, a trespass is his
ofience at the most. Here detection, except by a man's own
confession, seems to be absolutely impossible. And you the
king's ministers should be informed, that farmers are talking
of this every-where. I know nothing of the immediate
means of setting fire in this way ; Samson did it by tying
brands of fire to the tails of young foxes ; our fellows would,
most likely, not do the thing in so open a manner, though
as yet there is, I believe, no law making it felony. I think
it is only a trespass, subjecting the party to action of da-
mages. It is a deed, which, if done maliciously, and with-
out monstrous- provocation, ought to be punished with
death; but, the truth is, that until the hellish workings of
loan-mongers came into the world, law-givers never imagined
184 Two-penny Trash;
the existence of a state of society in which such laws would
be necessary : they never imagined the existence of a state
of society when the whole body of the labourers would be
the deadly enemies of the occupiers of the land ; a state of
society which it is impossible should exist for any length of
time without producing something very like the dissolution
of that society.
Now, king's ministers, if you be convinced, as I hope
you are, that the fires have been set by the labourers with-
out instigation from any-body ; that the means of terror or
of punishment are not calculated to put an end to the fires ;
and that the fires^ unless effectually put a stop to, may be-
come far more extensive than they hitherto have been; if
you be convinced of these truths, as I hope you are, it only
remains for me to point out to you what I deem the proper
and effectual means of putting a stop to these fires; and
these means are as follows :
1. To issue a proclamation pardoning all the offenders of
every description, whether tried or not, upon their entering
into sureties to keep the peace for a year, and bringing back
those who have already been sent away, and including them
in the pardon on the lik^ terms. Oh I Gentlemen, think of
the joy, think of the happiness wdth which you thus fill all
the bosoms in all the villages in these beautiful counties !
And thiij^k of the gratitude with which you would fill those
bosoms towards yourselves ; and above all things think of
the blessings which, coming from the hearts of fathers and
mothers and children and brothers and sisters, you would
bring down upon the head of your royal master !
2. To repeal Sturges Bourne's two bills, and thereby
restore to the rate-payers their rights, restore the power of
the native overseers, and restore to the justices of the peace
their former power of ordering relief, without which the
indigent poor can have no sure protection.
1st February, 1831. 185
3. To pass an act, making it a misdemeanour punishable
with heavy fine and imprisonment, for any overset:ir or other
person in parochial authority, to subject the indigent poor
to work Uke beasts of burden, to put them up at auction, or
otherwise wajitonly to degrade^them, taking as the preamble
of the bill thgct text of holy writ which says, *' Oppress
not the poor because he is poor/' - .
4. To repeal all the acts which have been passed relative
to the game since the late king George the Third mounted
the throne, and particularly that act which punishes poach-
ing with transportation, which act has filled the county jails
with prisoners, which has trebled the county rates, v^hich
has thrown a burden on all the people in order to preserve
>
the sports of the rich, which has filled the breasts of all the
villagers of England with vindictive feelings, which has
been the cause of endless affrays between poachers and
keepers, and which, in conjunction with EllenborougVs act,
has brought scores of men to the gallows.
5. To pass an act to repeal and utterly abolish Ellen-
borough's act, which, by marking it a capital felony to strike
a man wiUi a heavy instrument without killing him, or to
use deadly weapons in your ow^n defence against a game-
keeper, though without killing him, puts the striker in the
one case, and the defender in the other, upon a level with
the wilful, premeditating, cool, and cruel murderer, tends
to confound all notions of discrimination in crime, tends to
harden men's hearts, and weaken in them every sense of
justice and humanity.
Now, Gentlemen, these are, in my firm conviction, the
only effectual means of putting a stop to the fires, which
BO^ terrify and disgrace this once great and happy Eng-
land. That they are easy of execution and speedy and quiet
you.know well ; for, you know that they could all be accom-
plished in about forty-eight hours after the meeting of par-
I
1^6 Two-PEVNY Trash;
liameot ; and you know that the proclamation may be issued
to-morrow, and that is the great thing of all. The four
Acts of Parliament would be passed amidst the shouts of the
whole kingdom. I propose to you nothing new, be it ob-
served ; not only nothing revolutionary, but nothing new do
I propose ; nothing but a return in four apparently unim-
portant particulars to the long-established laws of the land.
Nothing do I propose touching the property of any body of
persons ; nothing to meddle with any institution of the
country, even so far as to correct its acknowledged abuses ;
but I simply propose an act of graciousness and goodness
which would reflect eternal honour on yourselves and on the
King, the love of whose people to him it is your first duty to
^preserve ; and I propose to you the repeal of four Acts which
you yourselves, upon reflection, must lament to see in the
statute-book. f
And, Gentlemen, if youbeliev e that these measures would
extinguish the fires, you will not, I am sure, sufifer false
pride to restrain you from the performance of a duty so sa-
cred. There is no remedy but that which goes to^.the root
of the evil. That root is in the iiearts of the people : you
must extract the root, or tear out the heart, or the evil must
remain. 1 meddle not, in this case, with the rate of wages,
or with any other detail : restore the law ; restore protection
to the labourer, and he and his employer will speedily come
to an equitable adjustment of their respective claims. If
you have even a misgiviHg upon your minds upon the iub-
ject, disdain me, I pray you, as much asyou please; but do
not disdain the advice which I have respectfully tendered
you, and which I press upon you with all the earnestness
and anxiety that the heart of man is capable of entertain-
ing. Thus, at any rate, I have done what I deemed to be
my duty ; to you I must noy leave the latter, with this as-
surance, however, that, if you follow this advice, amongst all
1st February, 1831/ 187
the millions in whose heart you will create feelings of grati-
tude, in no one will you create more than in that of
Wm. COBBETT.
TO THE
LABOURERS OF ENGLAND, ON THEIR DUTIES
AND THEIR RIGHTS.
Kensington^ 24:th January y 1831.
Dear Fellow-countrymen,
You have always been dear to me, whose greatest pride
it is, that I was born and bred amongst you ; who has, in
his travels about the world, never seen any people so in-
dustrious, so sincere, so virtuous, parents so tender, children
so afifectionate, servants so willingly obedient, friends so steady
and so true. Your character and your conduct have always
made you dear to me ; no time, no distance, has weakened my
regard for, or my anxiety for, your welfare ; from across the
seas I addressed you ; through the walls of a prison you
heard my voice ; my heart has always been gladdened by
your happiness, a.nd saddened by your calamities ; but,
f you have always been dear to me, you are doubhj dear to
we now, when your afflictions are so great and so various,
and when I am cheered with the hope of seeing you once
more the happy people that our grandfathers and grand-
mothers were.
In this important crisis, pray hear me patiently, while I
speak to you of your duties as will as of your rights : for,
n demanding the latter, you ought not to forget the former ;
duties and rights go together ; and he who refuses to per-
form the first, tacitly abandons his right to the last. Good
food, raiment, and all the necessaries of life, the labourer has
a right to ; but that right is founded on his performing the
duty of labouring ; or on his being willing to perform it.
It is of great importance that you understand this matter
clearly * and I will now endeavour to enable you to do it.
188 Two-penny Trash ;
There was a time when, in every country in the world,
there were no laws, and no such thing as property. The
people used the earth and all its produce as they pleased ;
that is to say, each man took whatever he wanted, if his
strength or cunning would allow him to do it. No one ac-
. knowledged the superiority of any other : might gave right ;
strength and wisdom were superior to weakness and folly:
and there was no other superiority or inferiority acknowledged
amongst men. This was called living under the law of na-
ture. When God put it into the hearts of men to change
this state of things, and to make rules and laws for the ob-
servance of the whole, they agreed that the whole of the
community, or body of people, should enforce these laws
against any one or more that broke them. The great law of
all was this ; that, in future, every man should keep to him-
self; should call his own; should be able to apply to his
own use solely ; that which he had got by his labour. For
instance, John Stiles, when living under the law of nature,
' might take a piece of land, and cultivate it, and have a crop
of wheat growing on it ; but, when fit for sickle, Tom Nokes,
a great deal stronger man than Stiles, might come and cut
the wheat and carry it away and let Stiles have none of it.
It is not likely that men would be so villanously unjust as
this, or that the rest of the people would be so base as to
stand by and to see Stiles thus bereft of his wheat, and
iiave nothing left to exist upon, perhaps, but a few wheel-
barrows full of damned potatoes ; this is not likely ; but it
might happen, and sometimes -did happen, perhaps, and,
therefore, all the people agreed to enter into a society, to
make rules that should give Stiles an exclusive right to his
crop, and that should punish such a fellow as Nokes as a
robber if he came to take the crop away.
Here, my friends, you see the origin oi property, which
word means a thing which belongs to a person's self, and a
thing that nobody else has any right to. But observe. Stiles
1st Febuuary, 183^1. 189
had no property in the crop till he created it by his labour ;
and that, therefore, labour, and labour only, is the sole
foundation for any property whatsoever. Man's first duty,
then, is to labour in some way or other in order to raise his
means of living. If his father, for instance, have laboured
before him, and has given or left him the fruit of his labour,
he has as good a right to that as if it were the fruit of hisi
own labour ; a man's next duty is, to refrain from taking by
force or by fraud, the property of another man ; for,- to pro-
tect men in the enjoyment of their property was the great
end in forming civil society. Perhaps it would not be diffi-
cult to prove, that men who are compelled to work for their
bread, are, provided they earn a sufficiency of food and of
raiment and other necessaries of life, as happy and even
happier than those who are not compelled to work for their
bread ; b\it at any rate, such is the nature of things, such is'
the "order of the world, that there always have been and
always must be some very rich and some very poor, and
great multitudes not rich; but in a just state of things, there
nev^er will be great multitudes steeped in poverty. The
order of the world demands that some shall think while
»
others work ; that some shall make and execute the laws
to which all are to yield obedience. Poverty, therefore,
even in its extreme state, gives no man a right to view his
rich neighbour with an evil eye, much less to do him mis-
chief on account of his riches. If the laws be impartial in
themselves, and be executed with impartiality, every man's
conscience will tell him, that it is his bounden duty to
yield them a cheerful obedience, and further, to yield re-
spect and honqur to those who are charged with the execa-
tion oi^the laws. '
Such are the great duties of all men in civil society ; and
God forbid that these principles should ever be rooted out
of the hearts of the very best and most virtuous of all man-
Jcind, the agricultural labourera of this land, so favoured by
190 Two-PEXNY Trash;
God Almighty, and for so many ages the freest and hap-
piest country in the world. But, my friends, men did not
enter into civil society for the purpose of bringing upon
themselves duties only : they had another object ; namely,
thatof creating and enjoying ri^f^^s. Just, indeed, as we
have seen in the case of John Stiles, who had his crop of
wheat taken away by the stronger man Nokes, who left him
nothing but a few wheel-barrows full of accursed potatoes,
and all their natural consequences, poverty of blood, leprosy,
scrofula, pottle belly, and swelled heels ! Now, whenever
civil society produces such a state of things; when a laborious
man Jike John Stiles is treated in the same way that Nokes
treated him, that civil society has not answered its purpose.
Labour, as we have seen, was the foundation of all property,
and must always be the foundation of property. The
labourer, therefore, has a property in his labour ; and, as
St. James says in his Epistle, and as Moses and his Apostles
and Jesus Christ himself say, to rob the labourer of his hire,
that is to say, to take from him or to withhold from him the
due reward of his labour, is the greatest crime that man can
commit against God.
The rights of the labourer, first to have food, raiment,
fuel, lodging, medical and spiritual comfort, in return for his
labour, and all these, too, in quantity and quality sufficient
for the preservation of his life, health, and vigour. Next,
if he be unable to work, unable to earn a sufficiency for his
family, or unable to obtain work so as to obtain that suf-
ficiency ; in either of these cases, he and his family have a
right to have a sufficiency supplied out of the superfluities
of those to whom the law of civil society has secured more
than they want. This claim of the poor man is, as Judge
Blackstone states, founded in the very first principle of civil
society ; for it cannot be believed that men can have as-
sented to enter civil society for any purpose other than that
of the benefit of the whole ; it cannot be believed that a
1st February, 1831. 191
million of men for instance, entered into civil society in
order that a couple of thousand should have all the meat
and all the bread and all the good clothing, and that all the
rest should live upon potatoes and go covered with miserable
rags. No man upon earth, unless he be one who lives upon
the labour of others, will pretend to believe that men entered
into civil society, in order that those who did no w^ork, that
led idle lives, that created nothing, should have bread and
ilour and beer and clothing and all sorts of good things a
hundred^ times more than they wanted; while those that
laboured and made all the^se things, were compelled to live
upon a miserable watery root or die with starvation.
Such are* the duties and such the rights of labouring
men. Our forefathers, who well understood those duties
and those rights, cheerfully performed the one and amply
enjoyed the other. They had an abundance of meat, of bread,
and of all the fruits of the earth ; they were clothed through-
out in good w^oollen and linen ; they had great store of
household goods and of every-thing to make life easy and
pleasant; and when old age or widowhood, or the orphan
state, or accident, or any circumstance producing indigence,
befel them, the priest of the parish maintained them out of
the tithes, administering to their wants as the law enjoined,
" with his own hands in charity, humility, and mercy."
And this, observe, was a RIGHT which they enjoyed, and
that^ too, a right as perfect as that of any man to his house
or his land. When our country was bereft, by means which
I have not now the room to describe, of that species of pro-
tection for the poor, the poor-law was passed to supply the
place of that protection ; to parochial relief, therefore, the
aged, the w^idow, the orphan, the infirm, amongst the
labouring people, have just the same right as their fore-
fathers had to that w^hich was administered to them in so
just and kind and Christian -like a manner.
That the ministers and the Parliament may be pleased to
192 Two-PENj^Y Trash; 1st February, 1831.
«
listen to the advice which I have so respectfully tendered to
them in the foregoing letter ; that you may live as happy
lives as our forefathers lived, and that we may all see
harmony once more restored in England, is the sincere
prayer of Your faithful Friend,
' Wm. COBBETT.
TO THE
LABOUIUNG PEOPLE OF BOTLEY.
Kensington, [t^4th January y 1831.
Ix Ts^o. IV. of this work, I addressed you on the subject
of FLEMING'S (Willis) speech, made against me, al a
dinner at Botley^ where one of the keen Warners was
in the chair at one end of the table. They EXULTED
at the circumstances that drove vie from Botley, In a
few weeks afterwards we read of an attack on the homestead
of Willis (Fleming) ; and no\V, in the weekly paper of yester-
day, we read the following: — ''^ A most alarming fire
*' broke outlast night at the seat of J. Fleming, Esq. (one of
^' the members for this county), at Stoneham Park, four miles
*' from this place, which threatened destruction to the man-
^^ sion, but by the Vv'ind changing, this disastrous fire was con-
^' lined to the two wings, which w'ere com'pletely gxUted,
'* No lives we're lost, and the property, we believe, was in-
'* sured. It has been ascertained beyond doubt, that the
^' fire originated in the apartments appropriated to the ser-
'' vants, therefore it is not to he considered as the work of
'^ an incendiary , but the pure result of accident'* What !
the tico wings take fire by accident at one and the same
time ! This paragraph is, apparently, taken from the paper
of the very villain, at Southampton who published the at-
tack on me by Willis and the Grasp alls and their
crew. They have, seemingly, something else to do noiOy
than to utter slanders on me. It will be curious to hear
what they will have to say, when Fleming gives the Grasp-
alls the next guttle and guzzle. In the meanw^hile I haVe
.the pleasure to tell vou, that I sleep as soundly as you do.
Wm. COBBETT.
1^. B. — Any of the former Ncs. may be had, in any quantity. — If
more than 300 be ttrken, at lis. a hundred : less, 12s. 4d. a» hun-
dred.— Any bookseller will send to London for them.
CPrintecl by Wm. Cobbett, Johnson's Court, Fleet Street.]
No. IX.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of March, 1831; .
Puhlished monthly i sold at \2s, Orf. ahundredy and for 300, taken
at once, lis.
TO THE
LABOURERS OF ENGLAND,
Particularly tho^e of Kent ^ Sussex, Hants, Wilts, Dorset,
Berks, Norfolk, and Suffolk,
On the scheme now on foot for getting part of them away
out of their native country.
Kensington, 1st March, 1831.
My Friends,
There is a bill brought into Parliament by a man who
is called Lord Howick^ and who is the son of Lord Grey,
who is now the First Lord of the Treasury, and the King's
Prime Minister. The object of this bill, which is not yet
become a law, and which I hope will not, is to get a part
of you to go away out of your country ; and it is my ob-
ject to make you understand all this matter clearly ; and to
show you what the consequences would be to you, and to
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street^
and sold by all Booksellers,
K
194 , Two-penny Trash •
the wives and children of such of you as have wives and
children, if you were to consent to be sent away. But first
of all, let us ask what reason there can be for sending you
away out of your native country. It is not intended abso-
lutely to force you to go, as men who are transported are
forced to go ; but it is intended to get you to give your con-
sent to be sent away ; and let us then ask, how it comes to
pass that the government of the country, that the Lords and
the rich men who sit in Parliament, should wish to get rid
of a part of the people. You have read in the Holy Scri{>-
tures, that amongst the greatest blessings which God has
promised to an obedient and good people is, a multiplication
of their numbers, an increase of them on the face of the earth ;
and, until now, it has been a great thing to boast of by kings
and governments, that the number of the people living un-
der them increased. Nay, our own Government, only thirty
years ago, stated in its public documents, that the number
of the people of England had increased under it, and that
this was a proof of the goodness of the government. Nay,
further, in the year 1796, Mr. Pitt, the then Minister, pro-
posed to give rewards to the labouring people in proportion
to the number of children that they brought up.
How comes it, then, my good friends, you, the laborious,
virtuous, excellent labourers of England, that this same Go-
vernment now wants to get rid of part of you ? How come*
it that this same Government, which only thirty years ago
boasted of your increase in numbers as a prc^f of its good-
ness, now regards this increase of its numbers as a great
evil, and is devising means of getting you away from your
native land ? Before I speak to you upon the terrible dangers
which will assail you if you consent to be sent away, let me
explain to you the reason of this change in the language,
views, and conduct of the Government ; let me explain to
you why it is that it now wishes to get rid of you. It wants
1st March, 1831. 195
to get you away because you make so large a demand upou
the poor-rates ; because you are all become what they call
paupers; because, in that character, you take away so much
from the farmers, the gentlemen and others, who own and
occupy the land ; and they think 'that if they can make you
smaller in number, they shall have less to give you. But
they do not stop to inquire what it is that has made you
paupers ; what it is that has brought you into this miserable
and degraded state of poverty ; or, indeed, they need not in-
quire, for they must know the cause very well : they must
know thp,t it is the taxes and the present application of the
tithes, and not any fault of yours, not any over-increase of
your numbers, that have brought you into that state of pau-
perism which makes you so burdensome to their house and
land. All of you who are sixty years of age can recollect
that bread and meat, and not wretched potatoes, were the
food of the labouring people : you can recollect that every
industrious, labouring man brewed his own beer, and drank-
it by his own fire-side ; you can recollect that, at every wed*
ding, and every christening, such labouring man had a barrel
of ale in the house provided for the occasion ; you can recol-
lect when the young people were able to provide money before
they were married, to purchase decent furniture for a house,
and had no need to go to the parish to furnish them with a
miserable nest to creep into ; you can recollect when a bas-
tard child was a rarity in a village, and when husbands and
wives came together without the disgrace of being forced
together by parish officers and the magistrates; you can
recollect when ev^y sober and industrious labourer, that
was a married man, had his Sunday-coat, and took his wife
and children to church all in decent apparel ; you can recol-
lect when the young men did not shirk about on a Sunday
in ragged smock-frocks, with unshaven faces, with a shirt
not washed for a month, and with their toes peeping out of
k2
196 Two-penny Trash;
their shoes, and when a young man was pointed at if he
had not, on a Sunday, a decent coat upon his back, a good
hat on his head, a clean shirt, with silk handkerchief round
his neck, leather breeches without a spot, whole worsted
stockings tied under the knee with a red garter, a pair of
handsome Sunday shoes, which it was deemed almost a
disgrace not to have fastened on his feet by silver buckles.
There were always some exceptions to this ; some lazy, some
drunken, some improvident young men ; but I appeal to all
those of you who are sixty years of age, w^hether this be not
a tnae description of the state of the labourers of England
when they were boys.
"Well, then, my friends, why is it not so now ? What
has been the cause of the horrible change ? We must ascer-
tain this cause first ; and then contemplate the project for
sending a part of you out of the country. ") Now, mark well
what I am going to say : it is the taxes and the misappli"
cation of the tithes, that have produced this terrible
change. Fifty years ago ; nay, only forty years ago, the
whole of the taxes for a year, amounted to fifteen millions
of pounds. They now amount to upwards of sixty miU
lions of pounds. These taxes take away so much from the
owners and occupiers of land and houses, and from all per-
sons carrying on trade, manufactures, or commerce, that
they have not enough left to pay the working people a suffi-
ciency of wages. Then again, when a working man gets his
wao-es, he has to pay, on his beer, his hops, his malt, his
soap, his candles, his tobacco, his tea, his sugar, on the
calico that he wears in his shirt, and that his wife wears in
her gown, twice as much, on an average, as he would have
to pay for them if it were not for these taxes. For in-
stance, the sugar which costs seven-pence a pound, he
would have for three-pence ; the tea which costs him ^\q
shillings a pound, he would have for eighteen-pence, if not
1st March, 183U 197
for a shilling. This is the cause of the great change in the
circumstances of the labouring people of England, and the
country people have been further greatly injured by that
misapplication of the tithes of which I shall speak more by-
and-by, and which is one of the crying sins of this nation.
Now, the working people, being thus borne down by the
taxes and misapplication of the tithes ; being, in the first
place, deprived of the wages which they would receive if it
were not for the taxes laid upon their employers ; and hav-
ing, in the next place, to give one half of the wages which
they get to the tax-gatherer, in one shape or another ; being
thus borne down, I say, by the taxes and the tithes, they
are reduced to this choice ; to lie down and die with star-
vation, or to obtain something out of the poor-rates. By
degrees, they have been stripped of the nice little furniture
of their houses ; by degrees, they have been brought down
to have their bodies covered with miserable rags ; by de-
grees, they have been reduced to the necessity of living
upon miserable potatoes, instead of having their bellies
filled with bread and with meat as their forefathers had ;
by degrees, they have been brought down to this low and
wretched state 3 that, according to the reports laid before
Parliament, the honest labouring man is allowed less to live
on than is allowed to a felon in the jails ; but still, they must'
live, or else there would be nobody to do the w^ork ; and
without their work, the land is worth nothing. Scheme
after scheme has been tried, to make them lire upon less
and less ; till, at last, the bow has been strained so tightly,
that there was danger of its breaking. It never seems to
have occurred to those who have had the making of the
laws, that it w^ould be better to take off the taxes, and to
make a new application of the tithes. This never seems to
have come into their heads. They have seen the poor in-
crease, in proportion as the taxes increased ; and yet they
198 Two-penny Trash;
never seem to have thought, that, to reduce the taxes, was
the natural and effectual way of putting a stop to the in-
creasing poverty. On the contrary, they have gone on in-
creasing the taxes ; they have gone on increasing the number
of the soldiers and sailors, though in time of profound peace;
of the placemen, the pensioners, the sinecure people ; the
half-pay people; they have increased these to numbers pro-
digious; they seem to grudge them nothing; while the amount
of the poor-rates seems to alarm them beyond all description:
Last spring, my labourers at ^arn-EIm in Surrey, having
heard of this project for sending a part of the working people
out of the country, presented an humble petition to the two
Houses of Parliament upon the subject, a copy of which pe-
tition I here insert, begging you to read it with the greatest
attention. It was presented to the House of Commons by
Mr. Pallmer, the membe^ for the county of Surrey: that
which was their case, is the case of you all : therefore, read
this petition with attention.
To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled.
The petition of the undersigned Labourers at Barn-Elm Farm,
in the parish of Barnes, in the county of Surrey,
Most humbly showeth ;
That your petitioners have perceived that there is a proposition
before your honourable House, for mortgaging the poor-rates, and
for imposing taxes, in order to raise money for the purpose of send-
ing a part of the working people out of the country, upon the
ground, that, owing to their excessive numbers, they cause a charge
upon the land so great as to threaten to swallow up the whole of
the rents.
That your petitioners have heard, and they believe, that, out of
about eleven thousand parishes, in England and Wales, there are
one thousand and four, the population of which is, on an average,
under a hundred souls to a parish ; and that they know, that you
have, in the evidence given before your committees, the state-
ments of experienced farmers, that there are not too many work-
people to cultivate the land properly, but that the taxes take from
the farmer the means of giving the work-people wages sufficient
for their proper maintenance ; and that from this cause the land
is not cultivated so well as it used to be, and does not yield so much
0s it used to yield, while the labourers are compelled to resort to
parish relief.
1st March, 1831. 199
That, deducting the amount of the county-rates, militia-charges,
highway-rates, church-rates, and the law expenses, the poor-rates,
that is to say, the money actually paid in the way of relief to tha
poor, does not, especially if we deduct the salaries paid to hired
overseers, amount to six millions of pounds in the year ; while the
other taxes, imposed by the Parliament and collected by the
Government, amount to about sixty millions a year; and that,
therefore, your petitioners cannot but think it strange, that your
honourable House should be alarmed at the prospect of seeing the
rents absorbed by these six millions, while you appear to be under
no apprehension at all of those rents being absorbed by the sixty
millions^ especially as they cannot for the life of them imagine how
it is that your honourable House can fad to perceive, that it is th©
burden of the sixty millions, which is the real and evident cause
of the necessity of raising the six millions ; day-light not being
more evident than the fact, that it is the enormous taxes which
disable the farmer and trader and manufacturer to pay sufficient
wages to his work-people.
That your petitioners have been told, that of late years, one mil-
lion and six hundred thousand poiyids, or thereabouts, have been
voted by your honourable House, out of the taxes, for the relief of
the poor clergy of the church of England ; that they have just seea
millions upon millions voted by you for the support of half-pay
people and their widows and children ; that they have been told,
that there are numberless women and children as well as men,
maintained as pensioners and sinecurists ; that there are many of
these men (who have no pretence to have rendered any service to
the country), each of whom receives more, every year, than would
be sufficient to maintain two or three hundred labourers and their
families ; and that, while all these are all supported in part on the
fruit of our labour, while all these, who do not work at all, have
our dinners, in fact, handed over to them by the acts of your
honourable House, we cannot very patiently hear of projects for
sending us out of our native land, on the ground that we threatea
to swallow up the whole of the rental.
That your petitioners have recently observed, that many great
sums of the money, part of which we pay, have been voted to be givea
to persons who render no services to the country ; some of whicli
sums we will mention here ; that the sum of 94,900/. has been
voted for disbanded foreign officers, their widows and children^
that your petitioners know, that ever since the peace, this charge
has been annually made; that it has been on an average, 110,000/.
a year, and that, of course, this band of foreigners have actually
taken away out of England, since the peace, one million and seven
hundred thousand pounds, partly taken from the fruit of our
labour; and if our dinners were actually taken from our tables
and carried over to Hanover, the process could not be to our
eyes more visible than it now is ; and we are astonished that those
who fear that we, who make the land bring forth crops, and who
make the clothing and the houses, shall swallow up the rental,
appear to think nothing at all of the swallo wings of these Hano-
200 Two-penny Trash;
verian men, women, and children, who may continue thus to
swallow for half a century to come.
That the advocates of the project for sending us out of our coun-
try to the rocks and snows of Nova Scotia, and the swamps and
Tvilds of Canada, have insisted on the necessity of checking mar^
riages amongst us, in order to cause a decrease in our numbers j
that, however, while this is insisted on in your honourable House,
•we perceive a part of our own earnings voted away to encourage
marriage amongst those who do no work, and who live at our ex-
pense ; that 145,267/. has just been voted as the year's pensions for
vndows of officers of the army ; and that your petitioners cannot
but know, that while this is the case, few officers will die without
leaving widows, especially as the children too are pensioned until
of a certain age; that herein is a high premium given for mar-
riage, and for the increase of the numbers of those who do not
"work ; that for this purpose more than two millions of pounds sterling
have been voted since the peace, out of those taxes more than the
due share of which your petitioners hare had to pay; that to all ap-
pearance, their children's children will have to pay in a similar man-
ner for the encouragement and support of similar idlers ; and that to
your petitioners it does seem most wonderful, that there should be
persons to fear that we, the labourers, shall, on account of our num-
bers, swallow up the rental, while they actually vote away our food
and raiment to increase the numbers of those who never have pro-
duced and never will produce any thing useful to man.
But that, as appertaining to this matter of check marriages and
the ki'eeding of children^ the vote, recently passed, of 20,986/. for
the year, for the Royal Military Asylum, is worthy of particular
attention ; that this Asylum is a place for bringing up the children
of soldiers : that soldiers are thus encouraged and invited to marry,
or, at least, to have children; that while our marrying and the
children proceeding from us are regarded as evils, we are compelled
to pay taxes for encouraging soldiers to marry, and for the support
and education of their children ; and that while we are compelled,
out of the fruit of our hard work, to pay for the good lodging,
clothing, and feeding of the children of soldiers, our own poor
children are, in consequence of the taxes, clad in rags, half-starved,
and insulted with the degrading name of paupers; that, since the
peace, half a million of pounds sterling have been voted out of the
taxes for this purpose ; that, as far as your petitioners have learned,
none of your honourable members have ever expressed their fear
that this description of persons would assist to swallow up the
rental ; and that they do not now learn, that there is on foot any
project for sending out of the country these costly children of
soldiers.
That your petitioners know that more than one-half of the
■whole of their wages is taken from them by the taxes ; that these
taxes go chiefly into the hands of idlers ; that your petitioners are
the bees, and that the tax-receivers are the drones ; and they know,
further, that while there is a project for sending ihe^ bees out of
the country, no one proposes to send away the drones ; but that
1st March, 1831. < 201
your petitioners hope to see the clay when the checking of the in-
crease of the drones, and not of the bees, will be the object of au
English Parliament.
That, in consequence of taxes, your petitioners pay sixpence for
a pot of worse beer than they could make for one penny ; that
they pay ten shillings for a pair of shoes that they could have for
five shillings ; that they pay seven-pence for a pound of soap or
candles that they could have for three-pence ; that they pay
seven-pence for a pound of sugar that they could have for three-
pence ; that they pay six shillings for a pound of tea that they
could have for two shillings ; that they pay double for their bread
and meat, of what they would have to pay, if there were no idlers
to be kept out of the taxes ; that, therefore, it is the taxes that
make their wages insufficient for their support, and that compel
them to apply for aid to the poor-rates ; that knowing these things,
they feel indignant at hearing themselves described as paupers,
while so many thousands of idlers, for whose support they pay
taxes, are called Noble Lords and Ladies, Honourable Gentlemen^
Masters, and Misses; that they feel indignant at hearing them-
selves described as a nuisance to be gotten rid of, while the idlers
who live upon their earnings are upheld, caressed, and cherished,
as if they were the sole support of the country.
That your petitioners know that, according to the holy Scrip-
tures, even the ox is not to be muzzled as he treadeth out the corn ;
that God has slid that the labourer is worthy of his hire ; that the
poor shall not be oppressed ; that they shall be fed out of the
abundance of the land.
That according to the laws of the Christian church in England,
according to the canon law, according to the statute law, the poor
of every parish were to be relieved out of the tithes ; that they
ought to be relieved now; that, at any rate, the lavTs of England
say, that no one shall perish from want ; that, if unable to work,
or to obtain work, a sufficiency of food and raiment and other
necessaries of life shall be furnished to the indigent person by the
parish ; and that, therefore, your petitioners have, in case of need,
as clear and good a right to parish relief as the landlord has to the
rent of his land ; and that, if your honourable House choose to
continue to take the sixty millions a year in taxes ; if you choose
to cause the working people to be made poor in this way ; if you
choose to reduce us in this manner to appeal to the parish-rates to
support our lives ; if you choose to continue to compel us to give
more than the half of our wages to the tax-gatherers ; if this be
your decision, we hope that you will not blame us for pressing ou
the rates and the rental.
That your petitioners are constantly liable to be called out to
serve in the militia; that they are compelled to give in their
names to the parish constable in order that they may be called out
whenever the Government may choose ; that they are thus liable
to lose their time in the prime of life; to quit their homes, their
aged parents, their wives, and helpless children ; and to submit
to military command, military law, military punishmeot, and, if
k5
202 Two-penny Trash;
need be, loss of limb or loss of life in fighting ; that they are thus
compelled to serve and to suffer on the ground that it is necessary
either to the defence of the country against foreign foes, or to the
security of property against internal commotion ; but that w,e
possess no property but in our labour, which no foe, foreign or
domestic, can take from us; and that, if we be to be regarded as
having no right to a maintenance out of the laud in exchange for
our labour, if we be to be looked upon as a nuisance to be gotten
rid of, is it just, we would ask, that we should be torn from our
homes, and compelled to waste the prime of our lives, subjected
to military command and military punishment,.for the purpose of
defending that land ?
That, about twelve years ago, an Act was passed by your
honourable House changing the mode of voting in parish vestries,
and another Act, about eleven years ago, establishing select ves-
tries ; that,, by these two Acts, your petitioners were deprived of
a great part of their rights ; that, by the latter Act, hired overseerSy
strangers to the parish, were introduced with salaries, to be paid
out of the rates destined for our relief ; that these overseers are
gencFally paid inuch in proportion as they give little in relief;
that hence have come oppressions and insults on us without end ;
that, in some cases, the labourers wanting relief have been com-
pelled to draw carts and wagons like beasts of burden ; in others
they have been compelled to carry large stones backwards and
forwards in a field, merely to give them pain and to degrade them ;
in others they have been shut up in the parish-pounds, and, in
short, they have been fed and treated far worse than the dogs of
those who live in luxury on those taxes, a large part of which are
wrung from the sweat of your petitioners; and that at last, we
have seen a bill passed by your honourable House, authorising
these overseers to dispose of our dead bodies for the purpose of
being cut up by the surgeons, thereby inflicting on poverty the
ignominy due to the murderer.
That while we know that we have a clear right to relief, in
case of need we wish not to be compelled to apply for that relief;
we desire not to hear the degrading name of pauper; we wish to
keep our wages for our own use, and not to have them taken away
to be given to idlers ; we wish to be well fed and clad, and to carry
our heads erect, as was the case with our happy forefathers ; we
are resolved, at any rate, not to be treated like beasts of burden,
and not to be driven from our country; and, therefore, we pray
that your honourable House will repeal the two Acts above-men-
tioned; that you will take from our shoulders and from those of our
employers, the grievous burden of taxes ; and that you will be
pleased to begin forthwith by relieving us from the taxes on malt,
hops, leather, soap and candles.
And your petitioners will ever pray.
Now, my friends, this is your case, and I advise you to
draw up petitions in the same or similar words, and to give
1st March, 1831. 203
them to the members of your different counties to be pre-
sented to the Parliament. Having placed all these matters
clearly before you, let me next describe to you the nature
of the bill or law which it is now proposed to pass, in
order to get you to go out of the country. When I have
done that. I shall explain to you the perfect right that you
have to remain here, and to have a good living here, in your
native country ; provided you honestly labour, you have as
much right to this as any lord or other man has to his es-
tate ; and that in case of your inability to labour suffi-
ciently for the ♦maintenance of your family, you have as
much right to relief out of the poor-rates as any man has to
the rent of his estate or profits of his trade or calling. Then
I shall conclude with describing to you the natural conse-
quences which will arise to you, if you consent to be sent
away out of your country ; and here I shall speak of the
different countries to which it may be intended to send you.
These three subjects, then, I have to request you to hear
me remark on with all the attention of which you are mas-
ters; for, on your due attention to them may depend your
future happiness or misery.
FiRst, what is the nature of the bill or law intended to
get you out of the country of your birth ? It is, that a part
of you shall be induced to give your assent to be sent away ;
to be put on board of ships ; to be carried to a foreign land ;
and that, after being landed in that foreign land, if you
ever return to England again, you are to be cut off from
all relief from the poor-rates; and, of course, are to be
left to starve on the highway or under the hedges if you
should be unable to provide for yourselves ; or if you
should not be able to find any t)ne willing to relieve
you voluntarily out of his own purse. So that you see the
dreadful penalty, in case you return ; you see that, if you
be induced to go, you abandon England and parents and
204 Two-PENNT Trash 5
brethren and friends, for ever ! In order to raise the money
to hire the ships, to put you on board of them, and to land
you in those foreign parts of which I shall have to speak
more particularly by-and-by, it is proposed to MORT-
GAGE THE POOR-RATES ! That is to say, to 'enable
the parish-officers to borrow money of some of the rich peo-
ple who receive vast sums out of the taxes. It is intended
to authorize the parish-officers to borrow money of these peo-
ple, and to pay the interest and principal out of the poor-
rates. That is to say, it is proposed to put in pawn the
Tvhole of the land and houses of England, in order to raise
money to hire ships to carry the working people out of the
country ; yes, my friends, to carry away those without whose
labour the houses could not be kept up for ten years, and
without whose labour the land is worth not a straw. Atid
observe, my good friends, while the Government is making
this proposition, it makes no proposition for sending away
one single soul of those who live upon the taxes and the
tithes, and whose monstrous haviijgs it is that are the cause
of these very poor-rates which the Government proposes to
send you away in order to diminish.
The SECOND great point to which I have to beg your at-
tention is this, that you have a right to live in England;
that, if you labour honestly, you have a right to have, in
exchange for your labour, a sufficiency out of the produce of
the earth, to maintain yourself and family well; and, if you
be unable to labour, or, if you cannot obtain labour, you
have a right to a maintenance out of the produce of the land ;
and that these rights are as complete in you as the right
which the land-owner has to the use of his land. Be-
fore men entered into civil society, the earth and all upon
the earth, belonged to them all in common. Every one took,
according to his strength or his skill, that which he needed.
When men entered into civil society, and subjected them-
\
%
1st March, 1831. 205
selves to laws, then property arose, and the laws protected
the weak against the strong ; but were never intended to
favour the strong at the expense of the weak. Certain
portions of the land became the property of certain persons ;
but still the right of enjoying life was not taken from any body:
the right of starving thousands never was given to scores of
men. Men entered into society to better their lot, and not to
make it worse, not to put it into the power of the few to starve
the many, or to make them lead miserable lives. Accordingly,
as long as England consisted of lords and vassals ; that is to
say, of great proprietors of the land, and of people renting or
working under them, the lords naturally took care that the vas-
sals should not suffer from want. -When Christianity was intro-
duced into England, a new mode of taking care of the work-
ing people was established. A tenth part of the produce of
the earth, together with large parcels of land, w^as given to
the clergy. But not for them to consume themselves ; but
it was given in trust to them for these purposes : JiJ^st, for
the relief of the poor, the aged, the infirm, the widow, and
the orphan ; second, for the building and repairing of the
churches, and furnishing every- thing necessary for baptisms,
burials, and the other rites and ceremonies of the church ;
third, to provide the priest of the parish with a maintenance
for himself and his relations, if he had any, and for the pur-
pose of keeping hospitality and relieving strangers within his
gates. This was the law and this the practice in happy
England for nine hundred years. At last, when the Catholic
religion, which had raised all our churches and cathedrals,
and under which our fathers had lived so happy, and had
seen their country so great ; w- hen this religion was destroyed
and the present established in its stead, a large part of the
church lands and other revenues w^as taken by the nobility,
and the rest given to parsons, who, being allowed to marry,
took the whole of the tithes to themselves, leaving the neces-
206 Two-penny Trash;
sitous poor to starve, or to be relieved by mere casual cha-
rity. Our fathers rose in rebellion against this alteration.
Long and bloody was the strife, till, at last, a law was made
to provide for the indigent poor (some of whom there must
be in all countries), by an assessment ort the houses and the
land ; and a law was also made to compel the people, instead
of the parsons, to build and repair and provide for the
churches. Hence, my friends, arose the poor-rates and the
church-rates ; and hence arose the hateful and degrading
name of pauper, the sound of which our free and happy
fathers never heard. They, whose ashes swell up the earth
in the church-yards, had the happiness to die before the
name oi pauper was heard in their countr3\
Such is the history of the poor-laws, from which you
will clearly see that the relief which they give is your right,
in case of necessity, in exchange for that which was taken
from you by the above-mentioned transfer of the revenues of
the church. And it must also be tlear to you, that your
rights to relief out of the poor- rates is as perfect as that of
any man to the fruits of his estate. All the houses and all
the land in England and Wales are charged with the poor-
rates, as much as any m.an's estate can be charged with a
mortgage or an annuity. Nay, the very measure which this
imbecile ministry now propose, and which I have described
to you above, clearly shows, that a part of every real
estate belongs to the poor ; for they propose to mortgage
all those estates ; and for what, and for whom ? Why,
for your use ; for you! They propose to borrow money on all
the land and houses in England, in order to furnish the means
of your going to live in some other country. Let them not,
after this, deny that you have a lien upon the land. Let
them not, after this, deny that you are part proprietors of
the houses and the land. It is, therefore, a right, an im-
prescriptible and indefeasible right that you have, in case of
1st March, 1831. 207
necessity, to a maintenance out of the poor-rates. It is not
alms that is given you out of these rates ; it is not as beg-
gars that you apply for relief in place of need. It is as men
having a right to what you ask for, and as having legal re-
dress if your application be refused. And as to the amount j
I-
if you require much, let those who manage the affairs of the
country, so manage them as for you to require less. They
complain, there are men insolent enough to complain, that
you make this great demand in consequence of your '^ early
marriages,'' and your having so many children. They for-
get, that when you are married, you join the parson and the
clerk in prayer that your wives may bring forth numerous
children, and that the parson reads to you that beautiful
passage of the Scripture^ which says that *' little children
" are as arrows in the hands of the giant, and that blessed
" is the man that hath his quiver yw/Z ofthemJ^ They for-
get this ; they forget, too, that youth and not age is the season
for love and for marriage ; and that it is to treat you as brutes,
as mere brute beasts, to prescribe to you when you shall love
or when you shall marry. To indulge this passion, to perform
this act, is amongst the rights of nature herself; and the
man,- let him be who he may, who would attempt to take
away or attempt to restrain you in the enjoyment of these
rights, is amongst the blackest and most hated of tyrants.
The THIRD great point or matter on which I wish to fix
your attention, is, the country, or countries, to which it may
probably be intended to send you, and the dangers which will
attend you, if you suffer yourselves to be sent away. In the
first place, you quit parents, brethren, and friends, jfor ever;
you will observe that it is intended to be for ever, if, as I
understand the proposition, you are not to return without being
exposed to starvation. Even if you be a single man, a sea
voyage and the necessary hard treatment on board of ship,
are not things to be thought little of. If you have wife and
208 Two-penny Trash ;
children, or children without wife, or wife without children,
the hardship is still greater. I, who have crossed the Atlan-
tic six times, know well what poor people suffer in sea voy-
ages. The moment you step your foot on board of ship,
the captain of that ship is your master ; he can imprison
you or corporally punish you, if he chooses. At any rate^
you have to live upon the allowance that he allots you,
and it is not to be supposed, that men who are called pau^
pers before they go away, will be treated with any extraor-
dinary degree of humanity and gentleness. In spite of all
this, however, if you could have security for the Government
causing you to be carried to the UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA (pray mark the name of the country; pray re-
member it well); if the Government would cause you to be
taken there to live under that free government, where there
are neither taxes nor tithes; where men earn a dollar
(that is to say, four and sixpence) a day ; where there is no
tax on malt, on hops, on sugar, on tea, on candles, on to-
bacco ; where there are neither paupers nor beggars; where
there are no aristocrats to tread men under foot 5 where there
are no parsons and no priests, except such as men choose to
pay of their own accord ; if the Government will have you
carried to that country which has a fine climate, fine fruits,
corn and cattle, and where the poorest creature of a la-
bouring man eats meat if he chooses it four times a day;
if the Government will have you carried to that country
where masters and mistresses w^ill thank you to have your
children put to them at five or six years of age, to be reared
by them until they are twelve or fourteen, are bound to
teach them to read and to write during those years, and to
fit them out with clothes, and to give them each fifty pounds
a-piece at the end of the time ; if the Government will take
you to that blessed country where every man of twenty-one
years of age has a vote in the choosing of members for the
1st March, 1831. 209
Houses of Assembly ; if the Government will send you to
that country, then I say GO,
But, alas ! they appear to have far other intentions ; they
appear to have Australia (as they call it) ; or, Nova Scotia,
New Brunswick, or Canada, in their minds. Now, mark me,
this Australia is part of a great wild country in the South Seas,
to get to which, requires nine months or twelve months of
sea passage ; to survive-^such a voyage is quite enough for a
young and stout man ; and, as to women and children, how
are they to survive it, crowded together in the hold of a ship,
that ship knocked about by storms and tempests, the ears
dinned with the rattling of the thunder, and the soul terrified
by the dreadful flashes of lightning. Besides, have you not
read of the dismal fate of the poor creatures who have gone
to that country 5 is not that enough to make you cling even
to your beggarly hovels and your potatoes, rather than ex-
pose wives and children that you love to sufferings like
those? Australia^ or Swan River as it is sometimes
called, or Botany Bay, or Van Diemens Land^ which are
all different parts of the same horrid country. To none of
those will any man go who is plainly told what they are, and
who has common sense left in his mind.
With respect to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Ca«
nada, which all join together, and a part of which latter joina
on the United States of America. In my Emigrant's Guide,
speaking of these countries, in comparison with the United
States, I have described them thus : Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick, and Canada, are the horns, the head, the neck,
the shins, and the hoofs of the ox, and the United States are
the ribs, the surloin, the kidneys, and the rest of the body.
I myself, when in the army, lived in Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick eight years. They are one great heap of rocks,
covered with fir-trees, with here and there a little strip of
land capable of cultivation, by the sides of the rivers. What
210 T\vo-PENNY Trash;
these countries are you may judge from the following facts ;
that almost all the meat and all the flour consumed in them, is
carried from the United States ; that green peas are carried
into those countries from the United States, and even cab-
bages ; that, as to fruits, cherries, apples, pears, all go from
the United States, though at a distance of hundreds of
miles, just as gooseberries are sent from Middlesex and
Surrey to Scotland. In short, the most barren, the most
villanous piece of waste land ; the thin shell upon the top
of a gravel pit in England, compared with the fat meadows
and the gardens in the Medway, or the beautiful valleys in
Wiltshire, is precisely what Nova Scotia and New Bruns-
wick are to the United States of America. A small part of
Canada is rather better, when it approaches near to tl^e
United States ; but here all the good land has been given
away long ago to officers of the army and parsons and other
persons in office, w^ho swarm in that country. And in these
countries, observe, there are church parsons ; so that if you
- go there, you will not lose this blessing, at any rate.
In these cbuntries, the English governor is the chief ma-
gistrate, and he is not chosen by the people as those in the
United States are. This governor is appointed by the Mi-
nistry in England. Then there is an English army there
under his command ; so that you have still the same sort of
government as if you remained here. Then, the horrible
climate ; the land covered with snow seven months of the
. year ; the danger of death if any man be lost in the snow for
only ten minutes. Thousands of deaths take place every
year from people being what is called frost-bitten. I told you
before that I had to live myself eight years in these wretched
Countries, I was in the army. It was my duty to mount
guard. The men going on guard were wrapped up ia
great cloth coats lined with flannel, their head covered with
caps of the same sort, leaving only an opening for the eyes
1st March, 1831. 211
and the nose. They used to come out and range themselves
at about fifty yards from the room out of which I went to
them; and though they had only just run out of their bar-
rack-rooms, I have seen half a dozen men at a time with
their noses frost-bitten, which you perceive the moment you
see them, by their having become white. The remedy is
instantly to rub with snow the part affected ; but, very
frequently, if this be delayed only for half an hour, morti-
fication takes place ; and there are thousands of men in those
countries with their hands or feet cut off in order to
save their lives. But, my friends, rest not on my word
alone for those facts. In my Emigrant's Guide there are
letters from John Watson, the son of Stephen Watson of
the village af Sedlescomb, near Battle, in Sussex. This
John Watson was sent out to America at the expense of the
parish; but he thought he was going to the United States
of America, when he found himself landed in that miserable
country New Brunswick. He had land given him within a
few miles of the spot where I lived for the better part of four
years. But he found his situation so wretched that he took
his family, a wife and several children, and dragged them
along through an extent of country three thousand miles in
length in order to get out of that country. He went all
through Lower and Upper Canada, from which last he got
into the United States of America, and then, under that
cheap Government, and amidst that kind people, he began to
labour, to thrive, to prosper, and his last letter tells his father
(whom I sao^v last October at Battle), that he, John Watson,
who was a parish pauper in Sussex, is now a farmer of his
own farm, in the midst of abundance of all sorts, and want-
ing nothing to make him happy but the presence of his and
his wife's fathers and mothers. These letters of the Sussex
emigrants bespeak the character of the labourers of England,
and ought to make shame be painted upon the cheeks of
212 Two-penny Trash;
those who entertain projects for sending them away out of
their country. If I understand rightly the words of the man
who has brought forward the project for sending you away
from your native country, the rich fellows who have en-
grossed the lands in Australia (as they call it) have offered
to bear part ,of the expense of sending you aw^ay to them.
I pray you mark well my w^ords here. Have offered to bear
part of the expense of sending you there, if YOUR SER-
VICES CAN BE SECURED TO THEM FOR A
LIMITED TIME ! That is to say, if the Government
will compel you to serve them for a certain time ; or if it can
persuade you to agree to do it ! Pray mark this well ; for, if
you be thus compelled, you are SLAVES for that length of
time ; and if you thus agree, you are bondsmen, and bonds-
women, and bondschildren, for that length of time!
There, my friends, you now have my account of this
matter ; and you shall now have my advice in a few words.
Eesolve to go to no country but the United States of Ame-
rica; and resolve not to go even to that country unless you
go in an American ship ! Mark my words, you are quite
free to refuse to leave your country ; and I beseech you not
to stir one inch till you be certain that the ship is an Ame-
rican ship, and that she is bound to the United States of
America. Remember these words, write these words down,
if you can write, listen to no one that gives you advice con-
trary to this. Tell what I now tell you to all your friends
and all your neighbours round about. If any attempt be
made tQ force you away, that attempt is a crime against the
laws. You have as much right to live in England as the
lords and the parsons and the squires have, and as the king
himself has. If you be refused parochial relief unless you
will go away, go to a magistrate. If he will not hear you,
send a petition to the Parliament to be presented by Mr.
Hume or Mr. Sadler. Stir not from your homes, I ad-
1st March, 1831. 213!
vise you, one inch, unless you be certain that you are going
into an American ship, and that that ship is bound to the
United States of America.
But, after all, WHY SHOULD YOU GO ANY
WHITHER! This is your native land ; I have shown you
how complete your rights are in this land ; if there be too
many people in it, let those go who live upon the fruit of
your labour, and who do no work themselves. You have a
right to live well here, not only to live, but to love, to marry,
and have all human enjoyments. Besides, you are in the
"way of improvement : you have lived better this winter than
you did the last : you now get some bread and some meat.
Wait for a further and greater change in your circum-
stances: quit not your native land, after having endured so
much and for so long a time ; after having lived upon pota-
toes for so many years, quit it not at the moment when you
are beginning to taste of bread and of meat.
Now, my friends, pay attention, 1 pray you, to all that I
have said ; next to my own happiness and that of my own
kin, your happiness is nearest to my heart: I love my
country as a whole : I have a due regard for every class in
it : I honour the king and the laws : I wish for the peace
and the happiness of all ranks of men, and that justice may
be done to all ; but I am always mindful of that promise of
God, " Blessed is he that plead eth the cause of the poor
** and the needy, his enemies shall not prevail against him ;
^' I will make all his bed on the day of his sickness."
• I am
Your Friend,
WM. COBBETT.
It was my intention to address a letter. to the people of
Preston on the conduct of their ^' Cock ;" but, the foregoing
subject was too important and too captivating to leave me
214 Two-Penny Trash; '
room for it this time. It would have been a shame to
curtail my matter on that subject for the purpose of bestow-
ing ridicule on this poor thing. I must, however, insert two
articles respecting Iiim, which I have published before. He
seems to be very much afraid that the Honourable House
will swallow him up, as the children do the gingerbread
cocks^and-breeches !
HUNT.
The hackerings,the stammerings, the bogglings, the blun-
derings, and the cowerings down of this famous Cock I should
Dot have noticed^ though they have given a shrug to the
shoulders, and a lifting of the hands and the eyes, of all
-those who expected any- thing from him; but the following
paragraph, which I find in the Morning Herald of to-day,
given as the report of a speech of his made in the House of
Commons last nio;ht, has made me determine to bestow a
few words upon him, after inserting the paragraph as fol-
lows :
*' The honourable member also presented a petition from a
*' meeting- at the Rotunrla, Blackfriars, against the prosecution
'^ instituted ag-ainst Mr. O'Connell. He was convinced that pro-
*^ secutions of this kind did not tend to check the opinions against
• *' which they were instituted, and unless the Government should
** get a packed jury in Dublin, Mr. O'Connell would be acquitted.
** He could not help adverting to an expression which fell from
*^ Lord Althorp last night respecting civil war. He must, say,
** it was a cold-blooded expression, and ought not to have fallen
*' froni any member of the Government. He disclaimed all con-
** nexion with Messrs. Carlile, Taylor, Jones, and COBBETT,
*' at the Rotunda meetings.*'
With regard to his disclaimer of all connexion with me,
every one will congratulate me upon that, after the exhibi-
tion which he has made in parliament. No man knows
better than himself that T have never had the smallest con-
nexion in the world with either Messrs. Carlile, Taylor, or
Jones, the first of whom I never saw but five times, the lat-
ter but once, and the second never in my life that I know of.
But, the shaft at me is merely venomous ; in the other cases
it is base beyond description. I can defend myself. But
they, he well knows, cannot defend themselves ; and one of
them whom for years he called his friend; he knows to be
1st March, 1831. 215
shut up in a prison under a sentence which has made even
the most intolerant of the people shudder. For myself, I •
would have thanked him for thus dragging in neck and
heels, and apropos of nothing, a disclaimer of me -, I should
have interpreted it as an act of justice due to me; but, as
for them, it is perhaps, though that is saying a great deal,
the foulest thing that ever escaped a pair of lips even in that
house.
Is this the use to which he means to turn the power which
the people of Preston have put into his hands ? Was it for
this that the good and sincere and generous people of Pres-
ton sent him to the parliament house ? I have not room for
more at present, except this, that if the reporter have mis-
represented him, these remarks do not apply to his conduct ;
but, let me be understood, that a recantation with regard to
myself only, would not diminish, in my eye, but rather aug-
ment, the baseness of this unprovoked, this uncalled-for, this
ferocious attack, this at- once cowardly and ferocious attack,
on three men, neither of whom is in a situation to defend
himself nor to call him to account, and one of whom is
doomed to sufferings, the thought of which w^ould soften the
heart of a tiger. If he shall oe able to disclaim the whole,
I shall, for the honour of human nature, be happy to promul-
gate the disclaimer; if not, I shall show him up in thenext
Two-penny Trash,
PRESTON COCK.
The Parliamentary report, in the Morning Herald of
the 15th instant, contains the following passage: *' RO-
'' TUNDA MEETINGS.— Mr. HUNT, in presenting a
*^ petition from certain persons meeting at the Rotunday
" said that it complained of the conduct of the judges on
*^ the late commission.. He felt himself called upon to
*' observe that he had been threatened and denounced by
" the party to which the petitioners belonged^ solely because
*' he had on a previous occasion disclaimed in that House
" all connexion with them^ or participation in their
" views. So far, however, from being intimidated by
" these threats, he now reiterated his former assertion,
'* and shoifld the House not protect him, he knew very
" well how to protect himself— (a LAUGH)." This
216 Two-penny Trash; Ist March, 1831.
" laugh " was, as I am told by a gentleman who was
present, not a ^orse-laugh nor a merry laugh, but a sort of
ha! laugh, uttered with the chin twisted, the lips lifted,
and the nose drawn up, as if the olfactory, as well as the
risible, nerves had been affected. This report may be a fa-
brication on the part of the reportherSy for any-thing that I
know to the contrary ; but I find the thing published ^ and, as
a publication, I remark on it. What ! the Preston Cock call
for the protection of others, and those others that very body
too whom he so becalled and so expressed his contempt of,
when on his progress from Preston to London ! It can never
be ! It must be an invention of the reporther ! What! he,
w^ho is called the *' Preston Cocky' because, in that town,
his flags represented him as a red game cocky clapping his
wings and crowing, while Stanley was, upon the same
flags, represented as a yellow dunghill cocky running
away, HE call on the House for protectiojil But, then,
as to the feasibility of the thing called for, how is the House
to protect him againstthe tongues or pens of those whom
he, or his reporther, chooses, by name, to stigmatize in pub-
lications, being, or purporting to be, reports of speeches made
in that House? He is-not ^^ intimidated^' (ooh! oohwho-o-ose
afraid!), and he knows '' very well how to defend him*
self J' Nobody says the contrary ; but I do remember that, at
county meeting at Winchester, in 1817, there was a good-for-
nothing saucy fellow, under the Grand Jury chamber-window,
who, as soon as he began to open his mouth, held up a
long wand with a white feather tied on at the end of it;
and I did not see any body able '^ to protect'^ him against
that. I did not see any punishment inflicted, or attempted
to be inflicted for that daring breach of privilege. As to
his disclaiming all connexion with these petitioners^ and
all participation in their viewSy I leave them and him to
settle that matter between them^ until, at least, I know what
their petition contained ; and this I beg some one or other
of them to have the goodness to let me know as soon as
possible, as I shall want it for my ** Letter to the people
of Presfony* which will be published on the 1st of April,
in No, 10 of the Twopeniiy Trash,
Wm. cobbett.
CPrinted by Wm. Cubbett, Johnson's Court, Fleet Strtet.J
No. X.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of April, 1831.
Published monthly, sold at I2s* Od, a hundred, and /or 300, tahe7i
at once, lis.
TO THE
LABOURERS OF ENGLAND,
!• Observations to Labourers, on the subject of Far*
liamentary Reform,
2. Instructions to Labourers for raising Cobbett's Corn.
3. About Truck'Sy stern and about Preston Cock.
Kensington, 1st Jpril, 1831.
My Friends,
I address myself to the labourers of the whole kingdom ;
but I am particularly desirous that this paper should be read
by those of you who live in the beautiful valleys of the south
of Wiltshire, and in the little hard parishes, as I call them,
in the north of Hampshire, beginning at the lower end of
Surrey and sweeping along over the little dips in the high
lands till you come to Stockbridge, southward, and to Wey-
hill and Coombe, northward. I wish to see you all well off;
but those of you who inhabit these parts of the country have
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet- street,
and sold by all Booksellers.
218 Two-penny Trash 5
Keen, as far as ray observation has gone, the most hardly
treated; and, therefore, I am the more desirous to render
you service. Again ; of the numerous parishes in these
counties I select as objects of my still more particular regard,
the inhabitants of the little bunch of hard parishes in Hamp-
shire, consisting of East Stratton, West Stratton, Mitchel- .
dever, Weston, Wonston, Sutton Scotney, Bullington, Bar-
ton Stacey, Hunton, and Stoke- Charity. The reasons vi'hy
I have this very particular regard for the working people of
these parishes, I shall have an opportunity of more fully
stating anoth^ time ; but I cannot pass over the present
occasion without declaring in this public manner, that my
partiality in this case arises from the circumstance of
Joseph and Robert Mason, of Bullington, having been
transported for life, after having been condemned to
death. To relate the whole of the story of these two ex-
cellent labourers, will, when I come to discharge, as I shall
one of these days, that sacred duty, due to defenceless vir-
tue and to truth ; the whole of their story, together with
that of poor Cooke, of Mitcheldever, whosey^neraZ will be
remembered in that parish for ages yet to come ; the whole
of this story, together with all the interesting circumstances
belonging to it, will demand a hook ; which book, if it shall
please God to preserve my life and give me health, I will
WTite and'publish.
For the present suffice it to observe, that the two Masons,
Joseph, aged thirty-two years, having a wife and one
child, and Robert, aged twenty-four, unmarried, were both
natives of Bullington, where they had lived all their lives.
They have a mother who has been many years a widow,
whom they always maintained and kept from the parish by
their labour. They rented a cottage and three acres and a
half of land at ten pounds a year. They kept a cow, raised
potatoes, turnip seed, and used to have a little bit of wheat.
1st April, 1831. 219
This they cultivated themselves. They worked for the neigh-
bouring farmers ; earned their money by very hard labour ;
were perfectly sober and honest men, and an example in
these respects to the v^hole country round about ; but, it was
proved that they read Cobbett's Register, and Cob-
bett's History of the Protestant Reformation;
and they were condemned to death, Joseph for being
present, as one of a mob who received two sovereigns from
Thomas Dowden, of Mitcheldever ; and Robert for
being present in the mob who received five shillings from the
Parson at Barton Stacey. This is all that I shall say rela-
tive to these aiBfairs at present, except that J vouch for the
truth of the facts here stated ; that, when I was in Hamp-
shire the other day^ I went to see the poor wido^% their
mother; that I found that Joseph's child was living with
her; that Joseph's wife was gone to live at service at
Barton Farm, Bishop Stocke; and that the widow was
likely to keep the cottage, her cow, and piece of ground,
owing to the goodness of the owner, whom I understood to
be Mr. Edward Twinham, of Witchurch; and here, in
these 'circumstances, you have the foundation of my most
particular anxiety for the well-being of the labouring people,
including the makers of the ploughs, and the makers of the
cloths, and the makers of the buildings, as well as the tillers
of the land in this little bunch of flinty parishes.
My friends, the working people of England, whether you
actually turn up the land or make the implements for doing
it with ; whether you cut down the corn or the wood, or
make the tools necessary for the purpose, or weave or make
up the clothing necessary for those who do the work : to the
whole of you I now announce Vvith feelings of great joy that
we are now about to have THAT reform of parliament, for
which Joseph Mason carried a petition to the king, from
Bullington to Brighton, signed by about two hundred of the
l2
220 Two-PEXNY Trash ;
labourers of those little bard parishes, which petition the
king did not receive ; and I will here add my opinion that,
if the king had not been advised not to receive it, but to
receive it graciously, there never would have been a riot in
those little hard parishes. In that petition, drawn up by
Joseph Mason^ himself, the king would have seen the
true state of the labourers of England. However, the past
cannot be recalled : we cannot bring back yesterday ; and,
though the two Masons, and many others, may be, and I
trust will be, brought back to their parents, their wives and
their children, let us, in the mean time, make the most of
the good which, through the means of the king and his
ministers, we are now about to obtain.
As long as the parliament remained unreformed, there
was no hope of better days for the labourer ; the farmer was
unable to give him a sufficiency of wages without ruin to
himself, owing to the enormous burthens which he had to
bear. The reform of parliament will, and must diminish
these burthens. It was useless for men to be industrious,
sober, and frugal, while misery was still their lot in spite of
the constant practice of these virtues. They laboured ia
despair ; and therefore when idleness was as well rewarded
as industry, w^hy should they labour? Things will now be
changed : we shall have encouragement to practise care and
frugality. I am about to teach you how each of you who
has a little piece of ground in his hands may greatly add to
his well being ; but even this I ^was discouraged from
doing as long as the parliament remained unreformed. I,
some years ago, wrote a little book called ^^ Cottage
Economy," of which book scores of thousands of copies
have been sold. It teaches the brewing of beer, the making
of bread, the rearing of pigs and poultry, the keeping of a
cow, the curing of bacon ; and, in short, every-thing neces-
sary to teach a small family how to make the most of a little
1st April, 1831. 221
bit of ground, and how to live well by good management.
Particularly how to dispense with the everlasting pot hung
over the fire to cook the soul-degrading potatoes. But, even
when I wrote that book, I told the reader that it would be
of little use in general without a reform of the parlia- .
ment.
It may be asked_, will a reform of the parliament give the
labouring man a cow or a pig ; will it put bread and cheese
into his satchel, instead of infernal cold potatoes ; will it give
him a bottle of beer to carry to the field, instead of making
him lie down upon his belly to drink out of the brook ; will
it put upon his back a Sunday coat and send him to church,
instead of leaving him to stand lounging about shivering,
with an unshaven face and a carcase half covered with a rag-
ged smock-frock, with a filthy cotton shirt beneath it as yellow
as a kite's foot ? Will parliamentary reform put an end to
the harnessing of men and women by a hired overseer to
draw carts like beasts of burthen ; will it put an end to the
practice of putting up labourers to auction like negroes in
Carolina or Jamaica ; will it put an end to the system which
caused the honest labourer to be fed worse than the felons
in the gaols; will it put an end to the system which
caused almost the whole of the young women to incur the
indelible disgrace of being on the point of being mothers be-
fore they were married, owing to that degrading poverty
which prevented the fathers themselves from obtaining the
means of paying the parson and the clerk; will parliamen-
tary reform put an end to the foul, the beastly, the nasty
practice of separating men from their wives by force, and
committing to the hired overseer the bestial superintendence
of their persons day and night ; will parhamentary reform
put an end to this which was amongst the basest acts which
the Roman tyrants committed towards their slaves ? The
enemies of reform jeeringly ask us, whether reform w^ould do
222 Two-PENNY Trash;
these tbings for us ; and I answer distinctly that IT WOULD
DO THEM ALL.
But there are two things which we ought to be upon our
guard against: the first is, a notion that all these things will
be done at once and immediately: and the other 'is the
notion that w^e can all be equally rich, and all live in the
same sort of way. With regard to the first of these, it would
be to show very little good sense, to suppose that such a
mass of evils and abuses is wholly to be removed in a day.
Lord Grey, who is the king's chief minister, and who is
the real and sole author of this reform, has never had any
hand in ayiy of those measures which have caused our suf-
ferings ; but it is impossible for him, even him, to restore
things to a proper state in a day or even in a year. We want
the thing done; but we want it done peaceably, and without
the creating of any more suffering than strict justice demands,
and than is necessary to the happiness and honour of our
country. There must be, you will understand, suffering;
there must be distress created amongst others, in consequence
of doing bare justice to the industrious classes. Reform:
will create nothing, except that it will cause the labourers
of the country to be more productive : it will not (except in
this comparatively trifling degree) add to the quantity of ^
bread and meat and other things in the country. Generally
speaking, it will create nothing that is good to man ; but it
will cause a different distribution of every^thing that is good.
There are millions, yea, millions, who now live luxuriously
in idleness, while those who do the work are, or at least have
been ; half star^'^ed. Reform will take from the idlers and
restore to the laborious. But a peaceable reform, that which
we all desire, will not do this all at once. From this new
distribution the idlers must suffer; and though the new
distribution will be perfectly just, justice will demand from
us that w^e make the suffering as supportable as is consistent
1st April, 1831. 223
with our own well-being and with the safety, honour, and
welfare of our country. For instance, now, suppose there
to be in the ten little hard parishes above-mentioned, some
pensioner,dead-weightman,sineCure-holder,pluralist-pai:6on
loan-monger, or any other person living upon the labour of
the people; and suppose it to be strictly just, that laws should
be passed that would take from him all that he has to live
on, it would not be morally just in us to demand such a law,
because common humanity would forbid it: We, therefore,
who have been suffering forty, nay more than torty years,
or fifty, ought now to be patient for a little longer. We see
land- and it would be foolish indeed to jump into the sea
of confusion and anarchy to reach it, when we know, that,
by quietly remaining on board, the ship would bring us to it
and land us in safety. By the unnatural, the monstrous
system of debts and taxes, the riches and the food and the
raiment of the country have been drawn together mto great
masses. " Where the carcase is, there will the eagles be
gathered together." The people have followed the masses
of riches, of food and of raiment. The million and a
half of human beings assembled in and around London :
the swarms got together at Bath, Brighton, Chelten-
ham, and various other places, are maintained there
by the money, food and raiment drawn from the
productive parts of the country. When the reformed par-
liament shall have diminished the taxes to their proper
standard, the money, the food, and the raiment, will remain
with those who own and cultivate the land, and who make
the clothing, and the houses, and the tools. The swarms be-
fore-mentioned will and must suffer from this restoration of
goods to their right owners ; and as men when assembled
in great bodies make more noise than when they are thinly
scattered, the outcry of the sufferers will be dreadful, and
especially if the suffering be pushed to its extreme all at
once. Reform will be reviled as the cause of all this suf-
224 Two-PEVNY Trash ;
fering; the revilers not considering that the beggaring of the
one fat penj^ioner, puts a flitch of bacon on the rack of two
or three hundred labourers. It will be the duty of the go-
vernment to do the thing, and it will be our duty to stand
by that government in the doing of it ; but when the actual
dispersion of whole masses of people must be the unavoidable
consequence, it would neither be politically wise nor morally
just, even if the government had the power to effect it
peaceably, to do the thing all at^ once. Therefore, my
friends, let us be patient: Reform is merely the instru-
ment with which to do the good ; and if we have but a little
patience, the whole of the good will come. Be patient
therefore now, prove to those who have insolently called you
peasantry and lower orders, that you have sense and mode-
ration and humanity and love of country, ifj they have
none.
With regard to the other topic ; namely, the notion that
all men ought to be equally rich and live in the same sort
of way, it is not necessary for me to say much, or indeed,
any-thing, to the far greater part of you ; and it would not
have been necessary to say one word to any of you on the
subject, had it not been for the stupid industry of those who
have been living on your labours, to give you what they call
education j that is to say, book-knowledge, which they have
been cramming down your throats by the means of their
schools and their tracts, all having one and the same ten-
dency ; namely, to make you live contentedly upon pota-
toes, while their tables were covered with the best of bread
and of meat, and some of them eating strawberries at a
guinea an ounce. In this work of educating, however, they
have, without intending it, produced a pretty prevalent opi-
nion that there ought to be an equal distribution of riches
as well as of knowledge ; and that all men ought to live in
the same sort of way. This, a bare survey of the world
wijl convince you, never can be. If there were no rich
1st April, 1831. 225
farmer, there could be no store of corn or of meat in the
country ; if there were no gentlemen to be magistrates, there
could be neither peace nor property ; if there were no legis-
lators of great integrity and knowledge, the country must
be torn to pieces for want of laws ; if there were no men of
great learning and experience, there could be no judges to
execute the laws ; if there were no statesmen, there could
be no state, and the nation would have no means of pro-
viding for its independence and safety. If all men were
upon an equality in point of means, England would become
what the wilds of America are, inhabited by wild men, no-
body would work except just to provide food and raiment
for the day ; and our country would become the most beg-
garly upon the earth, instead of being what it formerly was
(and I hope and trust will be again) the pride of its own
people and the envy of the world.
Besides, my friends ; besides this impossibility ; besides
that this inequality in point of riches is contrary to the
order of the world and the decrees of God ; besides this, I
beseech you not to overlook the advantages which the
labouring man has over his rich neighbour. The latter has
diet and drink and fuel and clothing and bedding, which the
former would not look at with longing eyes if he knew the
cares and anxieties with which they are attended. What
would the lord or the squire, sitting in his carpeted room,
and half a score dishes before him, give for that appetite
with which the ploughman eats his bread and cheese, curled
up under the shelter of a hedge, or with which, sitting on
his brick floor, he eats the bit of bacon and pudding after his
return, dividing the last mouthful with his children ! And,
oh ! what would either of them give, when getting into his
bed of down, for that sleep which the labourer enjoys when
he tumbles down upon his bed or upon a bench too weary
to pull off his clothes ! We must set oriQ thing against the
L 5
^26 Two-penny Trash ;
other. The labourer knows nothing of the curse of ambition ;
he has nobody to grudge him his earnings ; there is no hellish
envy at work to calumniate him, pull him down, or supplant
him. His children, destined to tread the same path which
he has trodden, he has always with him or near him. I
have always remarked that the labouring people are the most
affectionate parents and children ; and if there were no
more than this, this alone is more than an over-balance for
all the advantages that riches and high-life can bestow.
For my own part, though enjoying all the blessings that
constant sobriety, resolute abstinence, and consequent un-
interrupted health can give, I have often, after very serious
reflection upon the matter, come to the determination that I
should have been still happier than I have been, though I
have been a very happy man, if I had remained (with a just
and sufficient reward for my labour) a labouring man all
the days of my life.
But, though I thus preach content, far from me the
villanous thought of recommending to those who labour
truly and honestly to be content without receiving a suffi-
ciency of food and of raiment for their labour. And, of all
the detestable villains ever fostered by tyranny and corrup-
tion, the canting wretches, called Methodist teachers, appear
to me to be the worst. These are the true blasphemers ;
for they represent the Almighty as willing and even wishing
the people should live in a half-starving state ; that they
should be fed upon garbage or potatoes ; and that this is
conducive to their eternal salvation. Read that Bible, my
friends, about which these canting hypocrites talk so much,
read it; only read it, and you will find that, from one end
to the other, the promise of good living is made to those who
shall do well, and the threat of hunger to those who shall
do ill. You will find the precept, that those who will not
work shall not eat. You will find a long string of bitter
1st April, 1831. 227
curses on those who defraud the labourer of his hire. Yoa
will find that even the ox is not to be muzzled as he treadeth.
out the corn. You will find that the labourer, when he has
-discharged his task, is not to be sent away empty handed,
but is to receive freely, from the granary, the flock, and the
wine-press, of the master. And yet, in the face of all this,
these canting Methodist ruffians, well crammed with meat
and ale themselves, preach to the people that, to live upon
potatoes, or to lie down and die quietly with starvation, is
a mark of grace, and a sure means of securing eternal salva-
tion. Of all the tools of the boroughmongers these have
been the most choice. For forty years they were labouring
to induce the labouring people of England to live upon
potatoes; while they, by defrauding them of a part of the
few pennies that they got, were livdng in luxury.
Far from me to inculcate content with potatoes in ex-
change for hard labour. Such labour merits a sufficiency
of bread, of meat, of beer, good fuel, good clothing, good
lodging ; and if the man who labours honestly and truly at
whatever sort of work, do not obtain a sufficiency of these
for himself and his family too, I despise him for being con-
tent ; I despise him for being quiet ; I despise him for lying
clown and starving with the hope of salvation for his reward.
Such a man is a worm made to be devoured by the fowls of
the air, or to be trodden on and squeezed to death. For
many, many years, and especially since the union with Ire-
land, endeavours have been making to induce the English
labourers to live upon potatoes. Had it not been for that
accursed, that soul-degrading, that man-enslaving root; the
people of Ireland never could have been brought to their
present miserable state. All manner of means have
been resorted to to bring the English to their pre-
sent miserable state. Thank God Almighty, the at-
tempts have failed ; a^nd I do not know that I ever expe-
228 * Two-penny Trash;
rienced more pleasure in all my life than I did upon findicg
that the working people in the bunch of little flinty parishes
in Hampshire, now get a sufficiency of bacon and bread*
The whole of my journey into Hampshire, all the circun>-
stances considered, was the pleasantest I ever tookJ[in my
life. The havoc made in those parishes amongst the la-
bourers has been dreadful ; the victims have been nume-
rous ; but those who remain have bacon and bread and
beer; and never will they again go to the fields with cold
potatoes in their satchels. Mr. Dedams, shoe-maker, of
Sutton Scotney, told me that the labourers were well off
and contented ; that the farmers adhered faithfully to their
promises, and that harmony reigned in the villages such as
he had never known before, " Do they get bacon and
bread V I said ; and when he told me that they did, I said,
*' That is enough."
Now, my friends, this bacon being the standard with me,
I am about to give you instructions how to get more bacon
than you would be able to get without those instructions.
T am not conceited enough to think that I can tell you any-
thing useful concerning those things w^hich you have been
accustomed to from your infancy ; but I am going |to tell
you about something that you cannot know any-thing about.
I am going to tell you how to get the means of fatting a pig
of ten score, without peas, beans, barley, or oats. God for-
give you if ybu think I am going to recommend the everlast-
ing pot-boiling potatoes, which, as you well know, make
a sort of stuff* that boils half away in the pot, and the re-
mainder of which is only fit to grease wheels;;with. I am
going to tell you how to get bacon as solid and as sweet as
that fatted upon barley-meal, and that too, without going
to either farmer or miller ; that is to say, if you have from
ten to twenty rods of ground, and mWlstrictly follow my
directions.
1st April, 1831. 229
»»►
Instructions to Labourers for raising Cobbett's
Corn.
I will first describe this corn to you. It is that which is
sometimes called Indian corn ; and sometimes people call
it Indian wheat. It is that sort of corn which the disciples
ate as they were going up to Jerusalem on the Sabbath-day.
They gathered it in the fields as they went along and ate it
green, they being " an hungered/' for which, you know,
th^ were reproved by the pharisees. I have written a trea-
tise on this corn, in a book, which I sell for two and six-
pence, giving a minute account of the qualities, the culture,
the harvesting, and the various uses of this corn ; but I
shall here confine myself to what is necessary for a labourer
to know about it, so that he may be induced to raise, and
may be enabled to raise enough of it in his garden to fat a
pig of ten score.
There are a great many sorts of this corn. They all
come from countries which are hotter than England. This
sort, which my eldest son brought into England, is a dwarf
kind, and is the only kind that I have known to ripen in
this country : and I know that it will ripen in this country in
any summer ; for, I had a large field of it in 1828 and 1829 ;
and last year (my lease at my farm being out at Michael-
mas, and this corn not ripening till late in October) I had
about two acres in my garden at Kensington. Within the
memory of man there have not been three summers so cold
as the last, one after another ; and no one so cold as the
last. Yet my corn ripened perfectly well, and this you
will be satisfiod of if you be amongst the men to whom this
corn is given from me. You will see that it i^ in the shape
of the cone of a spruce fir ; you will see that the grains are
fixed round a stalk which is called the cob. These stalks
or ears come out of the side of the plant which has leaves
230 Two-penny Trash;
like a flag, which plant grows to about three feet high, and
has two or three, and sometimes more, of these ears Or
bunches of grain. Out of the top of the plant comes the
tassel, which resembles the plumes of feathers upon a
hearse ; and this is the flower of the plant.
The grain is, as you wdll see, about the size of a large
pea, and there are from two to three hundred of these grains
upon the ear^ or cob. In my treatise I have shown that, in
America, all the hogs and pigs, all the poultry of every sort,
the greater part of the oxen, and a considerable part of the
sheep, are fatted upon this corn ; that it is the best food for
horses; and that, w^hen ground and dressed in various ways,
it is used in bread, in puddings, in several other ways in fa-
milies ; and that, in short, it is the real staff of life, in all
the countries where it is in common culture, and where the
climate is hot. When used for poultry, the grain is rubbed
off the cob. Horses, sheep, and pigs, bite the grain off, and
leave the cob; but horned cattle eat cob and all.
I am to speak of it to you, however, only as a thing to
make you some bacon, for which use it surpasses all other
grain whatsoever. When the grain is in the whole ear, it is
called corn in the ear ; w^hen it is rubbed off the cob, it is
called shelled corn. Now, obser^^e, ten bushels of shelled
corn are equal, in the fatting of a pig, to fifteen bushels of
barley ; and fifteen bushels of barley, if properly ground and
managed, will make a pig of ten score, if he be not too poor
when you begin to fat him. Observe that every body who
has been in America knows, that the finest hogs in the world
are fatted in that country ; and no man ever saw a hog
fatted in that country in any other way than tossing the ears
of corn over to him in the sty, leaving him to bite it off the
ear, and deal with it according to his pleasure. The finest
and solidest bacon in the world is produced in this way.
Now, then, I know, that a bushel of shelled corn may be
1st April, 1831. 2J1
grown upon one single rood of ground, sixteen feet and a
half each way. I have grown more than that this last
summer ; and any of you may do the same if you will strictly
follow the instructions which I am now about to give you.
1. Late in March (I am doing it now), or in the first
fortnight of April, dig your ground up very deep, and let it
lie rough till between the seventh and fifteenth of May.
2. Then, (in dry weather, if possible,) dig up the ground
again, and make it smooth at top. Draw drills with a line
two feet apart, just as you do drills for peas 5 rub the grains
oflf the cob ; put a little very rotten and fine manure along
the bottom of the drill ; lay the grains along upon that six
inches apart ; cover the grain over with fine earth, so that
there be about an inch and a half on the top of the grain ;
pat the earth down a little with the back of a hoe to make
it lie solid on the grain.
3. If there be any danger of slugs, you must kill them
before the corn comes up if possible ; and the best way to
do this is to put a little hot lime in a bag, and go very early
''in the morning, and shake the bag all round the edges of the
ground and over the ground. Doing this three or four times
very early in a dewy morning or just after a shower, will
destroy all the slugs : and this ought to be done for all other,
crops as well as for that of corn.
4. When the corn comes up, you must take care to keep
all birds off till it is two or three inches high ; for the spear
is so sweet, that the birds of all sorts are very apt to peck it
off, particularly the doves and the larks and pigeons. As
soon as it is fairly above ground, give the whole of the ground
{in dry w^eather) a flat hoeing, and be«sure to move all the
ground close round the plants. When the weeds begin to
appear again, give the ground another hoeing, but always ia
dry weather. When the plants get to be about a foot high
232 . Two-penny Trash;
or a little more, dig the ground between the rows, and work
the earth up a little against the stems of the plants.
5. About the middle of August you will see the tassel
springing up out of the middle of the plant, and the
ears coming out of the sides. If weeds appear in the
ground hoe it again to kill the weeds, so that the
ground may be always kept clean. About the middle of
September you will find the grains of the ears to be full of
milk, just in the state that the ears were at Jerusalem when
the disciples cropped them to eat. From this milky state
they, like the grains of wheat, grow hard ; and as soon as
the grains begin to be hard, you should cut oflf the tops of
the corn and the long flaggy leaves, and leave the ears to
ripen upon the stalk or stem. If it be a warm summer, they
will be fit to harvest by the last of October ; but it does not
signify if they remain out until the middle of November or
even later. The longer they stay out the harder the grain
will be.
6. Each ear is covered in a very curious manner with a
husk. The best way for you will be when you gather in
your crop to strip off the husks, to tie the ears in bunches of
six or eight or ten, and to hang them up to nails in the walls,
or against the beams of your house ; for there is so much
Hioisture in the cob that the ears are apt to heat if put
together in great parcels. The room in which I write in
. London is now hung all round with bunches of this corn.
The bunches may be hung up in a shed or stable for a while,
and, when perfectly dry, they may be put into bags.
7. * Now, as to the mode of using the corn : if for poultry,
you must rub the grains off the cob ; but if for pigs, give
them the v/hole ears. You will find some of the ears in
Vv'hich the grain is still soft. Give these to your pig first;
and keep the hardest to the last. You will soon see how
1st April, 1831. 233
much the pig will require in a day, because pigs, more de-
cent than many rich men, never eat any more than is neces-
sary to them. You will thus have a pig ; you will have two
flitches of bacon, two pig's cheeks, one set of souse, two gris-
kins, two spair-iibs, from both which. I trust in God you will
keep the jaws of the Methodist parson ; and if, while you
are drinking a mug of yoiir own ale, after having dined upon
one of these, you drink my health, you may be sure that it
will give you more merit in the sight of God as well as of
man, than you would acquire by groaning the soul out of
your body in responses to the blasphemous cant of the sleek-
headed Methodist thief that would persuade you to live upon
potatoes.
* You must be quite sensible that I cannot have any mo-
tive but your good in giving you this advice, other than the
delight which I take and the pleasure w'hich I derive from
doing that good. You are all personally unknown to me :
in all human probability not one man in a thousand will
€ver see me. You have no more polver to show your grati-
tude to me than you have to cause me to live for a hundred
years. I do not desire that you should deem this a favour
received from me. The thing is worth your trying at any
rate.
I am now preparing bags of ears of this corn to be sent to
the following gentlemen, in number as stated against their
names respectively. I request them to give them to such
labouring men as they may choose, and to each labouring
man a copy of this number of my little work, along with the
Indian corn. To Mr. Dedams, of Sutton Scotney, I
have to make this request, namely, that if I do i^ot send him
enough for the labourers of that little bunch of hard pa-
rishes, he will write to me for more ; for I have a particular
desire to show my regard for those parishes. I was once
going on horseback across the country, through the villages
234 Two-Penny Trash;
from Winchester to Burghclere, and they having displeased
me at the inn at Winchester, I had gone olF, I and my little
boy, without breakfast ; when I came to Stoke-Charity, I
was in the true English mood of hunger and anger, and had
just spoken in such an angry tone to him, that I was
ashamed of myself the moment after. Going by a labour-
er's house in the outskirts of the village, I asked a woman
with a child in her arms w^hether she could give me a crust
of bread. She brought me out all that they had, about a
pound of bread and a quarter x)f a pound of cheese, and
wanted me to take it as a gift. I took it with great eager*
ness, giving her, of course, the means of buying something
more; but, as I was dividing the bread and the cheese be-
tween Richard and me, I could not help reflecting on the
sufiferings of those poor people, and on what a shame it was
for me, who lived in such abundance, to be out of temper
merely on account of that momentary want of food, whea
the contents of every inn and every public-house were at my
command. If I could discover that labourer whose wife
gave me the bread and cheese, he should have corn enough to
plant half an acre of ground. To save postage, and, also, to
save the trouble of writing to Mr. Djbdams, of Sutton Scot-
ney, I request him to get a stout man or two to dig up im-
mediately, very deep and clean, the whole of the piece of
ground at the back of the cottage of the widow Mason,
and to beg her to let it lie rough dug (not smoothed at top%
and to assure her that I will go down to BuUington, at the
proper season, and plant the corn myself. I will carry
down seed. Mr. Dedams will please to give the men that
dig the ground, half-a-crown a day each of them for their
work, each of them also a pint of beer ; but they must have
good long spades, take thin spits, and go deep. They
should leave the ground rough ; and dig each of them six
rods a day. I beg him to pay them, and I will pay him
1st April, 1831.
235
again ; but the ground ought to be dug up as soon as possi*
ble. Some of the ears of corn will be found to have lost
eome of their grains, which has been owing to their having
been knocked about in the bags, or in the granary ; but a few
will be enough to begin with.
The following is the list of the gentlemen, to whom T,
agreeably to the promise contained in my Register of I9th
March, shall send parcels of the corn, accompanied, as be-
fore observed, with this number of my little work.
BERKSHIRE.
Wm. Budd, Esq., Newbury.
Mr. Jamks Tubb, Sillingford
near Wallin^ford.
•BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
^Rev. a. D. Morrice, Great
Brickhill.
Mr. Joseph Hull, High Wy-
combe.
CAMBRIDGESHIRE.
' Mr. N. Walker, Wisbeach.
Mr. Daniel Frier, Chatteris.
ESSEX.
Osborne Butcher, Esq. Maiden
V GLOUCESTERSHIRE.
Mr. Iles, Fairford.
Daniel Croome, Esq;Berkeley
Mr. Gomme, Bookseller, Glou-
cester.
HAMPSHIRE.
Mr. Bigwood, No. 40, Queen-
street, Portsea.
Mr. Fielder, BoUey, South-
ampton,
Mr. James King, Havant.
Mr. Richard Smith, Langard
Brading", Isle of Wight.
Mr. George Gray, Alton.
V. Earl, Esq., Winchester.
Joseph Blount, Esq., Uphurst-
bourne, Andover.
Mr. Ends Dedams, Sutton Scot-
ney, Winchester.
Mr. John Templer, Lymington
HUNTINGDONSHIRE.
Mr. Wm. Toller, St. Neots.
Mr. William BiRD,HuQtingdon
KENT.
Mr. Fish, Brewer, Earls-street,
Maidstone.
Mr. Kipping, Cora Dealer,
Tonbridge.
Mr. Marti N,Grocer,Seven Oaks
Mr. Reeve, Cranbrook.
LINCOLNSHIRE.
Mr. Snaith, Surgeon, Boston.
Mr. Richard Paddison, Solici-
tor, Lowth.
Joshua Plaskit, Esq., Great
Grimsby.
Mr. Matthew Coats, Gains-
borough.
Mr.W. Bedford, Sen., Lincoln.'
Norfolk.
Sir Thomas Beevor, Bart.,
Hargham.
Mr. James Keed, Lynn,
Mr. Georoe Wright, Book-
seller, Norwich.
Wm. Withers, Esq., Holt,
SUFFOLK.
Mr. Cobbing, Shoemaker, Bury
James Gudgeon, Esq., Stow-
market.
Mr. Clouting, Farmer, near
Eye.
Mr. Childs, Bungay.
SURREY,
Mr. Pym, Reigate.
MR.RowLAND,Chilworth,Guild-
ford.
Mr. Whitlaw, Brewer, Comp-
ton, Guildford.
MR.THOMAsCoBBETTjFamhanx
236 Two-penny Trash;
WILTSHIRE.
Mr. Barling, Fisherton, Salis-
bury.
Mr. Strong Pkwsey, down the
valley towards Amesbury.
jAMEsCROWDY,Esq.Hi^hworth.
Mr. Pike, Publican, Cricklade.
Mr. WiLCOXON, Preston, Lan-
cashire.
SUSSEX.
Mr. Brazier, Worth Lodge
Farm, Crawley.
Mr. Grove, Battle.
Mr. James Gray, Butcher,
Chichester.
Mr. George Robinson, Lewes
Arms, Lewes.
Mr. Hurst, Innkeeper, East-
bourne.
I shall send all these parcels off on Tuesday next. There I
are some of the gentlemen who will, perhaps, not like the" |
trouble that I am thus imposing upon them ; but, as I shall |
faij the carriage of all the parcels, they will only have to ;i
throw the corn to their chickens, or pigs, and put the patn- i
phlets into the fire. If only a hundred labourers, or onlysii
one, get a fat hog every year from what 1 am doing, it will ,
be a great deal more than the worth of a thousand times the i
trouble that I have taken.
PRESTON COCK. * .,
This is the name given to Hunt, in consequence of his
having put upon his j^a^r, at Preston, the picture of a red
game-cock, clapping his wings and crowing, while Stan-
ley, his opponent, is represented as a dunghilUcock, run-
ning away. This great ignorant and itnpudent oaf, with
regard to whose character and qualities and actions and
views, the good people of Preston were completely deceived,
having done every-thing in his power to prevent the re-
form bill from passing, I made a/wZZ exposure of his con-
duct, in my Register of the 12th instant. In revenge for
this, he has brought a petition before the House of Com-
mons, pretended to be from men who had worked lor me,
and whom I had paid in provisions. I will first insert the
report from the Morning Herald, and then show the
1st April, 1831. 237
good people of Preston what disgrace they have been de-
luded to bring upon themselves ^nd their town. The trans-
action took place on the 20th of March,
Mr. Hunt said he had another petition to present, of which he
had given notice. It showed the evils of the truck system, and
was drawn up some twelve months ago, when the hou. Member
for Staffordshire brought in his Bill to compel the payment of
labourers' wages in money. The petition was taken muud to as
many as eight or nine Members of that House soon after it was
drawn up, but they had all objections to presenting it, for some rea-
son or other— but, as petitioners conceived, because it alluded to
an individual — one Cobbett — who had some publication of which
those honourable Members were in dread. The petition was
brought to him (Mr. Hunt) at this time, to s6e whether he could
recommend the petitioners to whom they should apply to present it;
and, upon being told that so many members had refused, he said,
*' if he were in Parliament, and knew the statements in it to be
true, he should have no hesitation in presenting it.'* When he
(Mr. Hunt) became a Member of that House the petitioners re»
minded him of his former declaration, and called on him to fulfil it:
and, in accordance with the pledge so given, he now presented the
petition. The honourable Member then proceeded to read the
statements contained in the petition, which was as follows : —
To the honourable the Commons of the tJnited Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, in Earliament assembled,
'The humble petition of the undersigned labourers of the parish
of Kensington, in the county of Middlesex, and of Barnes,
in the county of Surrey,
Most humbly Showeth;
That your petitioners belong to a class of the community who
are destined by PROVIDENCE to earn their daily bread by the
sweat of their brow.
That for some time past, previous to the winter of 1827 and the
spring of 1828, your petitioners have been enabled to command,
as wages for garden and other labour, from 2s. 6d. to 3s. a day ;
that with such wages, scanty and insufficient as they are to pur-
chase any-thing other than the necessaries of life, your humble
petitioners have been, nevertheless, able to support themselves,
their families, and their children.
That owing to the pressure of the times, consequent upon the enor-
mous taxes with which this country is burdened, and which fall so
heavily upon the labouring classes of the community, your peti-
tioners have greatly experienced the want of employment ; but,
being naturally anxious to embrace it whenever it offered itself,
your humble petitioners were compelled, by that necessity which
arises from the increasing wants of their families, to accept of em-
ploy under one William Cobbett, a nurseryman and a seedsman,
residing at Kensington, in the county of Middlesex, and also occu*
238 Two-penny Trash;
pying what he calls an " Indian corn farm," at Barn Elms, in the
county of Surrey, upon the following terras — namely, 21bs. of meat,
141b. of bread, and ^Ib. of cheese p"er day for each man! That the
said William Cobbett assigned to your petitioners, as a reason for
this sort of payment of wages, *' his great desire to keep your peti-
tioners from the cursed chandler's shop and the big brewer ; and
also that every man who worked for him should have in his belly
some bread, meat, and cheese."
These were the motives assigned by the said William Cobbett for
thus employing your humble petitioners ; but moi^e false or more
Tiypocintical motives never were assigned, as will be seen, and of
Which your honourable House will be perfectly convinced, by the
following statement of facts : to wit, the meat, consisting of the
tvorst part of had mutton, or cheap pickled porky might have been
bought by your humble petitioners at bd. a pound retail ; the bread,
composed of coarse black Jilthy Indian corn meal and rye flour, at
a penny a pound, and stinking cheese at Ad. a pound, making the
wages of your petitioners to consist of food of the following value
—namely,
For mutton or pork 21b. at bd. . . lOrf.
For bread 1^ at 1 .. If
For cheese § at 4 , . 2
Total Is. \yi. a day. :
Thus paying your humble petitioners, in lieu of 3s. or 25. ^d. a day
iu money, paying them in such disgusting food, to the utmost not
worth more than thirteen-pence halfpenny {hangman's wages),
-while the prime cost of it, to the said William Cobbett, could not
possibly exceed sixpence three farthings.
Your honourable House, therefore, will readily perceive, from
the foregoing premises, the true cause and selfish motives which
induced the said William Cobbett to adopt the infamous 'practice of
paying your humble petitioners in meat and meal, instead of the
current coin of the realm.
With such payment of wages your petitioners were left with no
means whatever to purchase clothes, fuel, beer, soap, candles,
lodging, or even tobacco, now rendered so necessary by the habits
of their lives ; and, in short, your humble petitioners were deprived
of the necessaries of life, or compelled ^o sell, at an immense loss,
a great portion of their hard-earned, coarse, and unwholesome
food, such as the hogs of the said PFilliam Cobbett have been fre-
quently known to refuse, in order to purchase s'ome one of the arti-
cles just above enumerated. -^
Your petitioners, therefore, most earnestly implore that your S
honourable House will interpose between your humble petitioners '?
and all such persons who may be disposed to imitate the fatal and
abominable example of the s'aid W illiam Cobbett, and pass a law
as will in future protect them from becoming the dupes of such
low cunning, as also from the additional misery and degradation
of their station in life, by preserving them from the payment of
wages in food.
I
1st April, 1831. 239
And your petitioners further pray, that they may be permitted
to prove all and every allegation contained in their humble petitioa
at the bar of your honourable House.
And your petitioners will ever pray.
The honourable Member proceeded to observe that a grosser
instance of the evils arising from the truck system, perhaps, had
never been brought before the House ; and he hoped the system
Avould soon be put an end to. The individual referred to (Cobbett)
liad been attacking him (Mr. Hunt) in his publications; but he
assured the House he was not instigated to present the petition from,
that circumstance, — He had pledged himself to present the petition
many months ago, before those attacks had taken place.
I must have more room, and it must be a- time of less
public interest, for me to give the history of this man. As
to the petition the facts are these : — That it was not my
practice to pay men in provisions; that I kept always eight
men and boys in house on a farm of 88 acres ; that the men,
paid in food, were men who had no w^ork, and who, in dead
of winter, mind, told me they were starving; that food was
given them, that their wives and children might get a part
of the food ; that it was an act of mere charity on my
part; that the meat was bought of Mr. Scales and Mr.
Mathews by the whole carcase, and the pork of Mr.
Akerman, and was the best that could be had, at least the
fattest, as those gentlemen will testify ; that it is impossi-
ble that the men could have sold the food, if it had been so
had that my hogs refused it. In short, it is a string of
lies from beginning to end. But how came there to be
such a petition, and who signed it, and when was it
signed? Now, my friends, prepare yourselves for real
" matchless black,'' In revenge for my resolution
taken about eighteen months ago, to have nothing more
to do with him, he hatched a conspiracy, the detail of
which will, whenever it shall come forth, astound even
those most accustomed to contemplate deeds of villany.
Having failed in that, he resorted to this petition ; and
now, look at his stuff, taken from the Herald, and then
240 Two-penny Trash; 1st April, 1831.
take these facts ; that he (being unable to compose a sen-
tence himself fit for the press) HAD THE PETITION
DRAWN UP IN HIS OWN HOUSE; that HE DIC-
TATED THE WHOLE OF IT ; that HE SENT IT TO
GET SIGNED BY A PARCEL OF IRISH PEOPLE,
who had DRINK GIVEN THExM FOR SIGNING IT;
that he then CAUSED IT TO BE CARRIED TO SE-
VERAL MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT, OF WHOM
MR. HOBHOUSE WAS ONE; and that all of them
refused to have any-thing to do with it ; and that I pledge
myself for the truth c?f these facts. There, my good fellows
of Preston : that's yonr cock ^ that's your "DARLING,"
as Mitchell called him at Manchester ! A greater fool
you might have chosen, for there were the lunatic hospitals
for you to go to to. get a representative ; if real life afforded
you no one equal to him as bulhj and coward, Shakspeare
or Ben Jonson might, perhaps^ have given you his match
in Pistol or Bobadil ; but as LIAR, your choice sets at
defiance all approach towards equality, whether in real life,
or in fiction. The/ault of the choice is, however, not yours ;
you were deceived ; you have done good, however ; for you
have lifted the senseless and malignant thing up, that he
might be seen by ally and that was what was wanted. Such
a thing can live only amidst troubles and strife. Instinct
teaches it this ; and therefore, this horrible thing, which
really ought not to be called a man, by whose presence in it
your beautiful town will never again be disgraced, is raving
mad at the prospect of a state of justice ai^d of harmony y
which the reform bill is so manifestly calculated to produce.
Wm. cobbett.
Printed by "Wm. Cobbett, Johnson's Court, Fleet Street.
No. XI.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of May, 1831.
Published monthly, sold at 12s. Od. a hundred, and for 300, taken,
at once, lis.
TO THE
WORKING PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE KINGDOM,
ON THE EFFECTS WHICH A PARLIAMENT-
ARY REFORM WILL HAVE WITH REGARD
TO THEM.
Kensington, 1st May, 1831.
My Friends,
What good will a Reform of the Parliament do you!
This is the question, incessantly put to you by the Borough-
mongers and their tools. A very pertinent question it is, if
put with a view of obtaining a considerate answer ; but this
is not the case ; the question means to assert that it will do
you no good. It implies that it may do somebody else some
good; but that it will do you no good. Now, I am for no
"idsionary, no fanciful, no refined benefit; no mental advan-
tage ; nothing so very fine that we can neither see, hear,
feel, nor touch, it ; and, if it could be proved to me that this
reform would bring no real, substantial, aye, and bodily,
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street j
and sold hy all Booksellers,
M
242 Two-penny Trash ;
good to the millions of the people, I should say, at once,
that it was good for nothing. The words rights, liberty,
freedom, and the like ; the mere words, are not worth a
straw ; and very frequently they serve as a cheat. What
is the sound of liberty to a man who is compelled to work
constantly, and who is still, in spite of his toil, his vigilance,
his frugality, half naked and half starved ! In such a case
the word liberty is abused : such a man is a slave, whatever
he may call himself: the name of liberty given to his state,
only, by amusing him, tends to perpetuate his slavery: none
are slaves so degraded as those who are slaves in fact under
the name of freedom.
Therefore, if this Reform were to produce nothing but a
mere transfer of the powers of choosing members of Parlia-
ment from the Boroughmongers to the people ; if it were
to produce nothing but this, it would be of no use at all ; it
would be a mere delusion, played off by knaves, or very ig-
norant pretenders, to amuse and impose upon fools. To vote
for members of Parliament, or any persons in public power,
is apolitical right ; but that right is of no real value, un-
less men are better off in consequence of possessing it.
It is the same with every other endowment. We hear
a vast boasting about the light which we possess now-a-
days compared with that which was possessed by our fore-
fathers ; we see a great fuss about what is called improving
the minds of the working people ; but of what use is this
new light in the minds of the working people, unless it add
to their bodily enjoyment ; unless it give them better food,
better clothing, and, of course, make them more contented
and less exposed to crime ? The first thing necessary to man
is food, next raiment, next lodging and fuel.' If we have
all these in sufficient quantity and of good quality, he is
seldom led into legal crime, and is much less liable to the
commission of ihoral offences, than if he were steeped in po-
Ist.May, J83J..T 243
yerty, which is the fruitful parent of misery and crime, and
has always been such in every country in the world.
A great deal of deception has been practised upon the
working people under the pretence of giving them edu-
cation, by which the parties practising it choose always to
mean, learning from books. Now, if this education-work
produced real benefit to the working people, it would be a
thing to be praised ; but the fact is, that, since this work
was begun, the people have regularly become poorer and
poorer, crimes have regularly increased, till it now cost$
more to punish and transport felons than the whole of the
maintenance of the poor cost seventy years ago. Do I want
the working people to be " ignorant V No: but when I
see that the education, as it is impudently called, and that
misery and crimes all go on increasing together ; when I
see that the people have become more miserable, and less
good in exact proportion as the educating work has ex-
tended, I must regard this work as a despicable cheat.
Besides, what is " ignorance V^ There is a great deal of
talk about it; but what is it'i Is the literary man to call
a labourer ignorant because the latter can neither write nor
read, and because he does not know A from B ? Well,
then, is not the labourer to call the literary man ignorant,
because he cannot hold plough or make a hurdle, and be-
cause he does not know oats from barley when they are six
inches high ? Is the carpenter to call the shoe-maker igno-
rant, because he cannot make a chest of drawers; or the shoe*
maker the carpenter, because he cannot make a pair of
shoes? The truth is this, this talk about education of the
people is a piece of insolence arising out of the stupid pride
of idlers whose knowledge consists in books, or the contents
of books. Learning means knowledge; and a hedger that
understands hedging perfectly is learned in his profession.
The pride or vanity of literature despises all knowledge but
H 2
244 Two-Penny Trash;
that which belongs to itself; and you shall frequently hear
a miserable fribble of a wretch, who could hardly disen-
tangle his carcase if clasped by a couple of stout brambles,
and who hardly knows a rough sheep-dog from a sheep,
speaking of the " peasantry " as if they were creatures
born without brains ! • '^^
Oh ! no, my friends. This education-work is generally a
sort of cheatery, and, when not, it is a despicable folly;
Reading and writing cannot teach a labouring man how to
perform any of his duties of life. His business is the cultiva-
tion of the land, and of all belonging to the land. By these he
must live ; and all that is wanting is a sufficiency of food
and raiment, and of all the other things that make life easy
and happy. If the education-work gave him these, indeed;
but we have seen that it does not; and, therefore, nothing is
it worth to the working man. Oh ! but the people are not
superstitious as they used to be. And what of that ? Sup-
posing it to be so, what of that ? The question is, not what
iihoughts they have passing in their minds, but whether they
be as well fed. and well clothed, and well lodged as they
used to be ? Superstition is, in itself, a despicable thing ; it
is by no means necessary to give them good food and good
clothing ; but, ifit were, I should say, let them be super-
stitious again and for ever. In short, and to state the matter
plainly, I would rather that the people should believe in
witchcraft^ and have plenty of bread and meat and good
Sunday coats, than that they should laugh at witchcraft,
and be fed on potatoes and covered with rags.
And, now, my friends, if I were of opinion that this re-
form would make your food, and clothing, and lodging,
worse than they are now, though in the smallest possible
degree, I should say '^ Curse the despicable delusion V*
Rotten boroughs are very odious things it is quite mon-
strous that a place with no inhabitants at all should send
: i 1st May, 1831. T 245
tw0 members to Parliament, while half a million of men
assembled together send none at all, and that these mem-
bers should be called representatives of the people ; this is
monstrous. This is an insult to the understandings of the
people ; this is something calling for a nation's loud and ge-
neral resentment; but, notwithstanding this, if I believed
that the abolition of those boroughs would take one single
ounce of bread from the whole of you, I should say let them
remain untouched for ever; and, if I were not convinced
that the abolition of these rotten boroughs would add to
your food, your raiment, and to those other things which
tend to your comfort and happiness, I would not step over
the sill of the door to cause their abolition ; but, it is be-
cause I know that this change will make you better off; it
is because I know that it will make an addition to the re-
ward that you receive for your labour, that I have so long
endeavoured to cause it to be adopted ; . and it shall now be
my endeavour to prove to you that it will naturally produce
this good effect.
• What is it that has stripped you of your Sunday clothes ?
What is it that has brought you down to live upon pota-
toes? "What is it that has produced this sad, this dis-
graceful change in England ? This is what we must first
inquire into : we must first see the cause of your misery,
and then inquire whether the reform will remove that cause.
As to the reality of the misery, we need say nothing
about that at present ; that is now notorious. You are
better off than you were ; but, even this little better cannot
continue without producing utter ruin amongst your em-
ployers. We must look, therefore, now to the cause of your
being so poor and so badly dressed ; and, then, as I said
before, inquire whether Parliamentary Reform will remove
that dreadful cause. The cause, then, is, the WEIGHT
OF TAXATION. You are often told that you pay no
246 Two-PENNY Trash ;
taxes: there are men impudent enough to tell you this J ■
there are so many hundreds of thousands, who, directly or •
indirectly, live upon the taxes, that there never will b«'
wanting somebody to tell this brazen lie to the people. But^
if there were no tax upon the malt and the hops, you would {
have good ale for a penny a quart of your own brewing;'
You would have sugar for two-pence halfpenny a pound'
instead of seven -pence. You would have as much tobacco
for a penny, as you have now for a shilling. Aye, say the
tax-eaters, but then wages would be lower. Certainly they*
might be something lower ; but not a tenth part would be
taken off from them, while more than one-half would be
taken off from the burdens that you bear. Besides this,
there is no tax that can be laid upon your employers that
does not affect you. In order that you may be convinced
of this great truth, that taxation, in whatsoever degree it
may exist, makes every-body poorer except the tax-eaters,*
I offer you the following observations, to which I beg you to
attend.
Suppose, now, that the Isle of Wight, for instance, had
nobody living in it but farmers, smiths, wheelwrights, other
working people, and farmers and their servants. Suppose-
that they turned their wool and their flax and their hides into
wearing apparel, and neither had commerce nor communi-
cation with the rest of the world. In this case all would be
employed ; one would be raising food, another making
clothes, another making or mending houses, and so on.
Suppose there to be perpetual peace and harmony, and that
no expense of government was at all required. Such a state
of things can never exist beyond the extent of a family or
two ; but suppose it could be so. Then suppose that, from
some cause or another, some man should become more
powerful than any other twenty or thirty men. Suppose, in
short, that by gathering some violent men about him, and
1st May, 1831. 247
preparing some arms for the purpose, he should be able to
compel the rest of the inhabitants to keep him in idleness,
him and the whole of his band. Is it not manifest that all
the industrious people of the Isle of Wight must be worse off
than they were before I Must not they be the poorer ia
exact proportion to the quantity of their substance takea
away by this man and his band? He might call that
which he took away taxes, or call it by some other name ;
but still it would be taking away a part of what was en-
joyed before^by those who worked in some way or other.
To make the matter plainer if possible, suppose a little
community, consisting of ten men, each having a wife, each
three children, and all equally healthy, equally sober^ and
equally virtuous. Suppose them all to be employed in pro-
viding food and other things for one another; and all of
them to have a sufficiency, arising from their work, to keep
them well. Suppose this little community to be so abomi-*
nably foolish^ as to make one of the number a gentleman,
and to have him and his family to go swaggering about
doing no work ; and to keep him in this state by contribu-
tions levied upon themselves. What would the consequence
of this foolish step be ? why, a part of the earnings of each
of the other nine must be taken to be given to him ; and,
to be sure, the other nine would have less of food and of rai-
Baent than they had before. To make the matter as simple
as possible, suppose there to be no money in the community ;
yet they must give him and his family victuals and drink,
and clothing, ai^ lodging, and, in whatever proportion they
gave them to hini, they must have so much the less of them
themselves. Is it not, therefore, clear as day-light, that taxes,
in whatever shape raised, must take from those who pay the
taxes and who receive none of them ?
When I was born, the taxes in this country amounted to
about eight millions a year. They now amount to sixty
248 Two-penny Trash;
millions a year: and, as the poor-rates then amounted to
a little more than a million a year, they now amount to
seven millions and a half a year ; so that the working peo-
ple of England have become seven times as poor as they
were when I was born. At that time it was a rare thing for
a person to go to the parish for rehef. Mr. Gawler, in a
parish lying under Weyhill, in Hampshire, told me that his
father could remember when there were only seven persons
chargeable to that parish; and, at the time when Mr.
Gawler told me this, there were only seven working men
in the whole parish who were not on the parish-book. But,
is it not clear as daylight, that if one man come and take
away another man's dinner, the latter must be the poorer
for it ?
Now, whence have these taxes come? Every one of them
by act of Parliament : every one of them has been imposed
by an act of Parliament. No matter how they are expended,
we know that they impoverish the people. No matter, for
the argument, how they are expended ; but a great matter
it is for the fact, and, in order to show that a reform of the
Parliament will, and must, make these taxes cease to exist
in any amount beyond that which is absolutely necessary to
the support of the Government; that is to say, to the main-
tenance of the peace, to the protection of property and life,
and to the maintenance of the just rights of the kingdom.
For these purposes it is the duty, and indeed the interest, of
all to contribute a share of our incomes or our earnings in
proportion to our ability to contribute. But, for no pur-
poses beyond these ; and for no purpose beyond these will
a reformed Parliament compel us to contribute ; for, if it
were, the Reform would be a thing to be despised instead
of being sought for w^ith all the zeal and all the energy
that are now in motion for the attainment of that great
object.
1st May, 183L 249
. . The great business of Government is to provide for the
happiness of the people that live under that government. If
it do provide for that happiness ; if it take care that every
man shall quietly enjoy the fruits of his labour ; if it take
care that industry shall have its due reward ; that the idle
shall not fatten upon the toil of the industrious ; and that,
in short, all good people have as easy and comfortable lives
as they can enjoy ; if it do these things, it is of very little
consequence what name the government bears, what is the
form of it, or what it be called by any body that chooses to
speak of it. If, as I said above, a parliament with rottea
boroughs, w^ould cause these excellent effects to take place,
I should say nothing against rotten boroughs ; but we have
seen that it produces the contrary effects ; we have seen that
it produces misery unspeakable ; therefore, we wish it to be
changed : therefore, we want that which is justly called a
Reform of the Parliament.
It is said by many persons that nojie of the taxes can be
taken off. Nay, the present ministers seem to say as
much themselves ; or, they say, at least, that if some taxes
be taken off, others must be put on ; that, if the tax be takea
off the candles, there must be a tax put upon steam-boats,
or upon something else. If the people believed this, not a
hand or tongue would they stir for Parliamentary Reform.
Mr. Alderman Wood, how.ever, declared, the other day,
in the Guildhall of London, that two millions out of three
might be saved in the expenses of the civil department of
the Government. Let me state an instance of expenditure
to you. There was a pension given to one Burke in the
year 1795. The amount was two thousand five hundred
pounds a year, for which he had never done any- thing. This
pension was granted for his life, and for three other lives,
one of which was then a very young life indeed ; so that,
when he died, which was thirty-one years ago, he left this
250 Two-penny Trash;
pension to relations^ and it has since been paid to his exe-
cutors, or their descendants, and is so paid to this hour.
This pension, which, observe, is paid out of the taxes, ea«^
abled this Burke to bequeath a portion of the taxes to
Jiis relations ! On account of this pension, about ninety-
seven thousand pounds have aheady been paid out of the
taxes, and, in great part, paid by the labouring people, in
the tax on their malt, hops, soap, candles, and tobacco, and
all other necessaries of life. Two of the lives for which thid
pension was granted still exist; namely. Lord Althorp
and Lord Grey's brother, the Dean ; so that this pension
may continue to be paid out of the labour of the people for
thirty years to come !
Now, my friends, will a reformed Parliament ever vote, even
for one single year, the money wherewith to pay this pension ?
If I thought it would, I should say, ^^ Curse the miserable
delusion of Parliamentary Reform !'^ I give you this merely
as a specimen, merely as a sample, merely as one grain of
a whole sack of the same sort. No other piece of expendi-
ture is precisely like this, to be sure ; but millions upon mil-
lions and tens of millions expended upon grounds not a bit
more just than this; and this is my settled opinion after
having the subject before me for nearly thirty years.
Then, again, as to country matters. Is it to be believed
that a reformed Parliament will adopt no measure with
regard to tithes ? Is it to be believed that it will pay no at-
tention to the arguments offered by me in Two-penny Trash,
No. 7 ? Is it to be believed that it will suffer the income
of three or four livings to be swallowed up by one man,
taken away out of the parishes, and spent in London, or
very likely at Paris or at Rome, while the religious duties
of the parish are left to be performed by a miserable curate ?
Is this to be believed ? If I believed it, I should despise th^
man that talked to me of Parliamentary Reform. I should
1st May, 1831. 251
call such a man an impostor; and, if he were a minister, I
should say that he had conjured up the miserable delusion
in order to keep his own place, and to have an opportunity of
pillaging the people ; I should say that he was still mare
hateful than the owner of a rotten borough, and should an-
ticipate with delight the hour of his overthrow, instead of
thanking him for his plans of reform.
Oh^ no, my friends. A reformed Parliament will produce
great changes indeed : it will look into the several items of
expenditure ; it will soon discover that which the present
ministers have been unable as yet to discover ^ namely, that
the present taxes are not required, and that they need not
be granted : it will soon discover that an army of a hun-
dred thousand men can never be necessary in a time of pro-
found peace ; and, in short, it will discover the means of re-
ducing the expenditure to that amount at which it stood
when I was a boy. The very mention of this, while it will
make you gay in the anticipation of a return of meat and
bread, instead of potatoes, will make those who live upon
the taxes, those endless swarms of idlers, who live upon the
labour of others, tremble in their shoes ; for, to those who
have been accustomed to live upon the labour of others, no
thought is so horrible as that of their being compelled to
work for their own living. Such people look upon the in-
dustrious part of mankind as having been made to work for
them ; just as we look upon dogs as having been made to
keep our sheep, and upon horses as having been made to
draw our wagons or carts. These insolent 'wretches call
you ^^ the peasantry y* or the " 'population ;" they never
call you the people. The word people is quite out of use
with them. They always speak of you as we speak of the
stock upon a farm, which we think ourselves justified in
treating in any manner that we please. A reform of the
Parliament, by compelling these people to earn their own
252 Two-penny Trash ;
bread in some way or another, will make them cease to talk
about peasantry and 'population. They will once more
discover that you are people ; and when they begin to^sweat
a little themselves, they will discover that hard labour is
worthy of good food and good raiment. If you could all of
you come to London, and see the fine carriages in Hyde
Park of a fine Sunday; if you could see the beautiful
horseSj the finely- dressed coachmen and footmen, pannels of
the carriages shining enough to put your eyes out ; if you
could come and see all these, how surprised you would be ;
how little you would seem to yourselves ! with silks and
cambrics in your eyes, you would be ashamed to look down
upon your own bodies, covered with your miserable smock-
frocks. If any of the gods or goddesses who sit within the
carriages were to condescend to cast a look at you, how
ready you would be to snatch oflf your hats ! Now, my good
fellows, do see this matter in its true light. Nineteen twen-
tieths, and perhaps ninety-nine hundredths, of all this daz-
zling finery has been taken out of your labour ; for, even
those of you who have been making hedges and ditches
have been paying the taxes, which, being given to these
people, enable them to purchase all these fineries ; and,
perhaps, one single equipage, amongst the many that you
behold, has been the cause of filling a hamlet or a \illage
with beggary and misery.
It is the great business, it is the greatest of all the affairs
of a government, to prevent this cruel inequality. Out of
this inequality arise all the suffering?, all the immoralities,
all the crimes, that now disgrace this country. And am I to
believe that a reformed Parliament will suffer this great and
crying evil to remain uncorrected ? If I cculd believe this
possible, I should think myself the greatest of deceivers in
calling upon you to support this reform. I have observed
before, and I beseech you to attend to it, that the words
. 1st May, 183]. 2.53
liberty, freedom, rights, and the rest of the catalogue,
which hypocritical knaves send rolling off the tongue, are
worth nothing at all : it is things that we want. Those
men who make a fuss about sorts of government, and who
tell us about the good things which arise from the repub*
^ican government of America, deceive themselves, or deceive
others. It is not because the government is republican, but
because it is cheap ; and it is cheap, not because it is re-
publican, but because the people choose those who make the
laws and vote the taxes. If the President of America were
called King of America, instead of being called President,
it w^ould be of no consequence to the people, if the King
cost no more than the President now costs. Nothing is
worth looking after; nothing is worth talking about but the
cost ; because it is this that comes and takes the dinner from
the labourer, and that takes the coat from his back.
We have had, during this last winter, a clear proof that
we never can have relief except through the means of a Re-
form in Parliament. During the winter before. Sir James
Graham proved that 113 of the aristocracy of England
received out of the taxes six hundred and fifty thousand
pounds a year, a sum equal in amount to a years poor-
rates of the five counties of Bedford, Berks, BuckSy
Cambridge^ and Cumberland! Think of that, working
people of England ! Think of that ! I have taken the first
five counties on the alphabetical list. What a noise, what
a worrying, what bitter complainings do we hear from this
aristocracy about the '^ drain'' which the poor-rates cause
from their estates! What an everlasting outcry about the
weight of these poor-rates ! Select Vestries, assistant over-
seers, Sturges Bourne's Bills, checking of marriages
amongst the working people, one tyrant forbidding them to
marry till after they are thirty years of age, others causing
husbands to be kept from their waives to prevent them from
254 Two-penny Trash;
breeding, and there comes the young and lofty Northumbrian,
with a plan for getting the working-people out of the coun-
try in order to lessen their numbers and in order to lower
the monstrous amount of the poor-rates : all this going for-
ward while 113 of this aristocracy swallow up more thaa
is given to relieve the poor of five counties of England, in-
cluding church-rates, highway-rates, and county-rates!
These hundred and thirteen men receive out of the taxes
a sum equal to the RENT, not the rates, but the rent, of
all the lands, houses, roads, canals, and every-thing else in
either of the counties of Berks, Bucks, Cambridge, Dorset,
Hereford, or Hertford ; and they receive as much as the
amount of the rental of Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire
put together, and as much as the rental of the three
counties of Monmouth, Rutland, and Westmorland I Here is
a monstrous thing ! Here are 113 men swallowing up all this
rental, which amount is taken out of the taxes, mind ; yet
no one proposes a law to put an end to this enormous evil.
But, Sir J A M ES G R A H A M is now a Cabinet Minis ter ! He
has surely proposed some law to put an end to this I Not a
word about the matter ! Not a syllable about the matter I
There are the hundred and thirteen pretty aristocrats, with
their six hundred andjfifty thousand pounds a year'paid out of
the fruit of the labour of the people, and Sir James Gra-
ham, who received so many scores of addresses thanking him
for this exposure, comes into power, pockets his salary as
First Lord of the Admiralty, and says not a single word about
the one hundred and thirteen men who receive the six
hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year. Tbe English
Bishops receive more probably than the poor-rates of four
counties first upon the alphabetical list. Now, if a reformed
Parliament can be thought capable of leaving these things
untouched, a reformed Parliament would be the greatest
delusion that ever was palmed upon mankind. No, my
1st Mat, 1831. 255
friends, a reformed Parliament will put these matters to
rights; and, therefore, it is the duty of us all to labour
earnestly for the obtaining of such a Parliament. Such a
Parliament would, in a short time, suffer us to brew our beer
'with malt and hops not taxed ; suffer us to have our sugar
•at half the present price ; suffer us, in short, to be well off,
and suffer us to remain quietly in our country without pes-
tering us with projects to get us into a foreign land. There-
fore, every exertion in our power, whatever the extent of
that power may be, and, in whatever way it can legally be
employed, ought to be made use of in order to cause this
reform to be effected. Every man, however poor, may pos-
sess some degree of influence, and be that influence what it
may, he ought to exert it. If a man have not a vote him-
self^ some relation may have a vote, or some friend ; and he
should interfere with these as far as he lawfully can, and
urge them to vote for nobody who will not vote for a Parlia-
mentary Reform. •
This is my advice to you, my friends : there is no hope of
seeing any amendment in the country imtil this reform be
effected: no change short of this can do any good. The
time for making exertions will soon be gone by ; and let no
man have to reproach himself with having neglected his
duty.
With the most anxious wishes for your welfare, and with
great hopes of seeing you once more well off,
' I remain your faithful friend,
Wm. COBBETT.
LIBERAL WHIG PROSECUTION.
29th yfyrzL
When this prosecution was commenced against me by
the sly mode of a Bill of Indictment at the Old Bailey,
where the Grand Jury cannot, from the nature af things,
256 Two-penny Trash ;
inquire into any- thing further than the fact of publication^
there was hardly a man amongst the public who had the
smallest idea that this prosecution, and particularly by such
an indirect course, had been instituted by the Government,
Though mightily well-disposed, from long experience, to
suspect every-thing done by the Whigs, I myself did not be-
lieve that such a thing could have originated with men exercis-
ing the powers of the Government ; and I expressed myself
to this eflfect at the time. I soon found, however, that we
were all deceived in this respect ; and that the prosecution
had been commenced by the Government very soon after
the attack made upon me by Trevor in the House of Com-
mons. The prosecuting steps have regularly proceeded
on ; and since I wrote the former part of this paper y
and, indeed, this very moment (Wednesday evening), I have
received regular notice of trial for the sittings after term ;
and therefore, as the sittings begin on the 11th of May, the
trial will take place on the llth^ 12th, or 13th of that
month, in the Court of King's Bench at Guildhall, in the
City of London, on w^hich occasion, God granting me life
and health, I will meet, before the Chief Justice and a
Special Jury, which will be called for by the Attorney-
General; I will meet the Attorney -General and all his sup-
porters and abettors. It was not, therefore, without reason
that I, in my last Register, dissented from the opinion
of Dr. Black, that to vote for the opponents of this
Ministry, was to '^ vote against the liberty of the press. ^^
Just twenty years I have been wTiting and publishing under
a series of Tory Ministers and Tory Attorney- Generals, the
much-complained-of Scarlett not excepted : during these
twenty years I have never heard even the whisper of a
Government prosecution against me ; but a Whig Ministry
had not been in power much more than twenty days,
before such prosecution began to be plotted, and under
1st May, 1831. 257
what circumstances, in what manner, and with what mani-
fest motives, I shall, I trust, be able amply to show in my
defence upon this trial ; for defence it shall be, without the
retracting, or endeavouring to soften, one single word or
syllable. I am conscious that I bave done nothing but my
bare duty ; for doing that, the destruction of my mind or
body, or both, is now meditated ; but, with the blessing of
God, and with the integrity of my countrymen to support
me, I trust that, in this case, as well as in the former, those
who premeditate my destruction will fail in their object. It
was during the general blaze of the illuminations of last
night (I am writing this on Thursday morning) that I
received this notice of trial, while I was sitting in a room
behind the curtains drawn to weaken the blaze of the illu-
mination of my own windows. It was at this moment,
and while I heard the rejoicings in the street, that this
proof of Ministerial malignity was put into my hand.
•* What!'' exclaimed I to myself, ^* can these men, who
** well know that I have done more towards the prddu-
" cing this event than they have ; that I have done more thaa
any hundred or thousand men to produce this event, his
Majesty only excepted ; can these men really rejoice in
*^ their hearts at this event!'* However, T will not pur-
sue these observations further at present : but I caunot refrain
from observing, that the accusations against Peei for his
sentiment on ^^ Journalism-/* that these attacks upon him
on this account, ought to be a little moderated by those who
call upon us to vote in favour of this liberal Ministry. I
cannot help observing, too, that this present Attorney-Gene-
ral, my prosecutor, talked the other night about the tyranny
of the press ; so that, while we adhere to the bill, while we
adhere to the cause of the people, let us be careful how we
sing up the praises of those who make this sort of display of
what is called their liberaUty. The Attorney-General will
€1
258 Two-penny Trash ;
have to present himself, in a few days, before the people of
Nottingham as the friend of liberty ^ as the advocate of a
free press, as the advocate of Parliamentary Reform, at
the very moment when he will be noting his brief,
perhaps, the fee upon which brief the people of Notting-
ham and I myself shall have to pay a part, and
which brief will contain the regularly -laid plan for the
destruction of the man to whom the nation ascribes, in great
part, the measure for the accomplishment of which we are
now called upon to struggle. I will only add, that as I always
kave made, so I shall now make, my own private feelings yield
to what I deem the good of my country. It is just, it is ne-
cessary, it is every way proper, that my readers should be
informed of the proceedings manifestly aimed at my health
and life. These readers are numerous ; they are to be
found in every part of the kingdom ; they are warmly at-
tached to me ; they will boil with resentment at this pro-
ceeding ; but I most solemnly exhort them not to sufifer their
feelings on this account to slacken their efforts in the small-
est degree during the ensuing elections ; but to do every-
thing in their power in order to ensure success 16 the great
measure brought in by men who meditate my destruction.
Upon this principle I shall act myself. Compelled by this
proceeding to remain in London, I cannot do a tenth part of
what I could do, were it in my power to go into the country
at this time. I can only perform the duty of a liveryman
of London ; and, laying aside my great dislike to one of the
four Aldermen, I shall, if there be any opposition, vote for
the whole four, as 1 exhort every liveryman to do, be his
personal or political likings or dislikings what theymay. It
is the measure, and not the men, which I wish to support.
So that the measure be carried, I care not who is the in-
strument ; and this has been my tone from the beginning of
this discussion to the present hour ; but I never can hold my
. J ST May, 1831. 259
tongue, I never can lay down my pen, while we are called
upon to vote for these men in order to secure the liberty of
the press. When the public look at the thing which they call
a libel; when the public behold what publications they
suffer to pass without any notice at all ; they will be quite
astonished at this proceeding. And it will be my duty, a
duty which I will not fail to perform if I have life and
health, to remove this astonishment out of the minds of that
public. Here I quit the subject for the present, notifying
to my readers that I shall be quite ready to meet the
'* liberal " Whig Attorney- General when he shall retura
from his constituents of Nottingham, swelling with the de-
termination to destroy me in property, health or life, and,
as I dare say he hopes, in all three.
Wm, COBBETT.
Postscript.— It occurs to me to point out to my readers
that which they will deem very curious; They know that
this prosecution was, in fact, begun by Arthur Trevor,
in the House of Commons. There were speech after speech
spread all about the country, containing garbled extracts and
malignant interpretations. Now, this Trevor, who sat for
the borough of New Romney, vacated his seat to let in Sir
Roger Gresley, who could not return to Durham ; and
Trevor went to Durham himself, to get elected in Gres-
ley's place, supported in both places by the Marquis of Lon"-
donderry, and avowing his hostility to the Reform Bill,
The Ministers know this very well, yet these sincere reformers
are pushing on, with all their might, the prosecution begun
by this very Trevor. This is a very curious circumstance,
or rather combination of circumstances, and as such I leave
it to the reflections of my readers. At any rate, I am de*
termined to make a stand for the real liberty of the press.
260 Two-PENNy Trash;
TO THE ;^
CONDUCTORS OF THE PARIS JOURNALS. -
On the Prosecution now carrying on by theWhig Ministnj
of England against Mr. Cobbett. b
Kensingtoriy 1st May, 1831.
Gentlemex,
Whex you first heard of the above prosecution you
were surprised, and one or more of you observed, that yoii
should narrowly watch the progress of it ; for that it ap*^
peared to be a *^ very curious thing, that a REFORMING
^* Ministry should endeavour to crush the most able sup-*-
*' porter of the cause of Reform,*' How I laughed, and
how my readers laughed, when we read this ! How little,
alas! do you know of this '* reforming Ministiy ! " If I
were at Paris for a couple of days, and had you all assem-
bled together for three hours in each day, and you could un»;
derstand English (for in no other language could justice^.'
nor half justice, be done to the subject), I would give you
matter for laughter for the rest of your lives, by describing
to you the motives, the real conduct, and the present cruel
dilemma, of this " reforming Ministry J^ According to
our laws and usages, a man by whom a woman is in the
family way {enceinte) is, in certain cases, compelled to
marry her, and then he is said to be led to the church in a
halter. Yet, he, when in the church, promises and vows
that he will love and cherish the bride to the end of their
days ! Just such a marriage is now taking place between
the Whig Ministry and Reform ; / have very kindly fur^
nished the halter for the happy occasion : and they are
showing their gratitude by this prosecution, which will
now no longer appear to you so very surprising !
^Z^l 1st May, 1831. 261
The trial will take place, at the Guildhall of the City of
London, on the 11th, 12th, or 13th of this month. It is,
though the person prosecuted is a private individual, a
really important matter. It is not at all a question of
Ubelor no libel; but a question of motives of this Minis'^
try ; a question of character with them ; a question that
may affect the durability of their power, and, perhaps,
affect also the result of their present struggle against their
political opponents. I will take care that you shall have a
full account of all that shall take place at this trial, which,
before it be done with, will throw great light upon the
«tate in which we are as to political parties and their views.
In the meanwhile I beg you not to be deceived hy the puffs
in our newspapers about this " liheraV Ministry. They
are the mere instruments, against their will, of a measure
that must, in the end, give us real liberty of the press ; but
they are the very greatest enemies of that liberty, the most
bitter and . malignant enemies of it, that the country has
known for many years. Pray be not amused with names.
Do not believe that Lord Brougham is the friend of the
liberty of the press^ when you see him endeavouring to de*
stroy it. Do not believe this, though half a score bribed
newspapers say it. Judge of the man by his acts. The
Attorney-General is, observe, only a mere instrument
in the hands of Brougham and his brother Ministers.
You will not seethe Morning Chronicle, that" li^
beral " journal, find fault with this prosecution ; nay, you
need not be much surprised, if you see it endeavour to de*
fend it! This paper is now devoted to Brougham, md
would gladly lend its hand to reduce me to silence. I
pray you to have your eye upon these things. In due time,
I will place this Brougham and his colleagues before all
Europe in their proper light. Always, however, bear this
in mind ; that the gi^eat measure which they have pro-
262 Two-penny Trash; Imt May, 1831.
posed, they abhor in their hearts, and lliat while they are
receiving support, they curse their supporters. This is my
"firm conviction, a conviction in which the main part of well-
informed people fully participate ; and circumstances which
hare taken place since the dissolution of the Parliament,
and which circumstances will be universally known before it
be long, will make every man of common sense of the same
opinion. What a charming dilemma \ They are striving
with all their might, they are working as if for their lives,
to accomplish a thing which they abhor ! Such is a most
appropriate punishment of hypocrisy.
I am, Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servant,
Wm. COBBETT.
Mr, Cobbett's List of Books,
N. B. All the Books undermentioned , are published at No, 11, Bolt-
court. Fleet-street, London ; and are to he had of all the Book'
sellers in the Kingdom,
THE COBBZ:TT-X.IBZtAXtV.
1. BOOKS FOR TEACHING LANGUAGE.
"' COBBETT'S ENGLISH GRAMMAR. {Price 3^.)— This is a
book oi p'inciples, clearly laid down 3 and when once these are got
into the mind they never quit it.
COBBETT'S FRENCH GRAMMAR {Price 5s.) ; or, Plain
Instructions for the Learning 0/ French. — More young men have, I
dare say, learned French from it, than from all the other books
that have been published in English for the last fifty years.
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S ITALIAN GRAMMAR (Price 6s.) ;
or a Plain and Compendious Introduction to the Study of Italian.--^
I would pledge myself to take this book and to learn Italian from
it in three months.
2, DOMESTIC MANAGEMENT AND DUTIES.
COBBETT'S COTTAGE ECONOMY {Price 2s. 6d.) ; con-
taining information relative to the brewing of Beer, making of
Bread, keeping of Cows, Pigs, Bees, Ewes, Goats, Poultry, and
Rabbits, and relative to other matters.
COBBETT'S ADVICE TO YOUNG MEN, and (incidentally)
to Young Women, in the middle and higher Ranks of Life {Price bs.)
It was published in 14 numbers, and is now in one vol. complete, ,
^Mr. Cobbetfs List of Books. 263
COBBEIT'S SERMONS (Piice 3s, 6^.) —More of .these Sermons
have been sold than of the Sermons of all the Church-parsons put
together since mine were published.
COBBETFS EDITION OF TULL'S HUSBANDRY {Price
155.) : THE HORSE-HOEING HUSBANDRY; or, A Treatise
on the Principles of Tillage and Vegetation, wherein is taught a
Method of introducing a sort of Vineyard Culture into the Corn-
PiELDS, in order to increase their Product and diminish the corn-
mon Expense.
3. BOOKS ON RURAL AFFAIRS.
COBBETT S YEAR'S RESIDENCE IN AMERICA, WITH A
MAP {Price bs,) A book very necessary to all men of property
who emigrate to the United States.
'^ COBBE'rr'S ENGLISH GARDENER (Price 6s.} A complete
book of the kind.
COBBETT'S WOODLANDS {Price Us.) ; or, A Treatise oa
Forest Trees and Underwoods^ and the Manner of Collecting", Pre-
serving, and Sowing of the Seed.
COBbE^rr^S CORN-BOOK {Price 2s. 6d.) ; or, A Treatise
on Cobbett*s Corn : containing Instructions for Propagating and
Cultivating the Plant, and for Harvesting and Preserving the Crop;
and also an Account of the several Uses to which the Produce is
applied, with Minute Directions relative to each mode of Appli-
cation.— This edition I sell at 25. 6d,y that it may get into numerous
jMnds*
4. MANAGEMENT OF NATIONAL AFFAIRS
COBBETT'S PAPER AGAINST GOLD {Price bs.) ; or, the
History and Mystery of the Bank of England, of the Debt, of the
Stocks, of the Sinking Fund, and of all the other tricks and con-
trivances carried on by the means of Paper Money.
COBBETT'S RURAL RIDES. {Price bs,) If the members of
the Government had read these Rides, only just read them last
year, when they were collected and printed in a volume they
amid not have helped foreseeing all the violences that have now
taken place, and especially in these very counties ; and foreseein*'*
them, they must have been devils in reality if they had not done
something to prevent them.
COBBETT'S POOR MAN'S FRIEND {PHceM,)-, or, a De-
fence of the Rights of those who do the Work and fight the Battles.
— ^This is \a^ favourite work. I bestowed more labour upon it than
upon any large volume that I ever wrote.
COBBETT'S EMIGRANT'S GUIDE (2*. 6d.) ^ in Ten Letters
addressed to the Taxpayers of England. '
USURY LAWS {Price 2s, 6d,) 5 or. Lending at Interest*
also, the Exaction and Payment of certain Church-fees, such as
Pew-rents, Burial-fees, and the like, together with forestalling
Traffic ; all proved to be repugnant to the Divine and Ecclesiasti-
cal Law^ and destructive to Civil Society.
264 • Mr. Cobbett's List of Books.
5. HISTORY. '
l^^OBBE'IT'S HISTORY OF THE PROTESTANT REFOR-
MATION in England and Ireland (Price 4s. 6d.) ; showing hoir
that Event has impoverished and degraded the main Body of the
People in those Countries: PART II. [Price Ss. 6d.) ; contain-
ing a List of the Abbeys, Priories, Nunneries, Hospitals, and other
Religious Fouildations, in England and Wales, and in Ireland,
confiscated, seized on, or alienated, by the Protestant ** Reforma-
tion," Sovereigns, and Parliaments.
COBBETT'S ROMAN HISTORY, English and French,
{Price C)S.) ; Vol. I. from the Foundation of Rome to the Battle of
Actium. Vol, II. An Abridged History of the Emperors, ia
French and English : being a continuation of the History of
THE Roman Republic — This work is intended as an Exercise-book
to be used with my French Grammar ; and it is sold at a very low
price, to place it within the reach of young men in general.
COBBET'I'S HISTORY OF THE REGENCY AND REIGN
OF GEORGE IV.— This work is published in Nos. at ijd. each, and
shall do justice to the late *' 7nild and mercifuV^ I^'Oft*
LAFAYETTE'S LIFE {Price ^s.) A brief Account of the Life
of that brave and honest man, translated from the French, by Mr.
James Cobbett.
6. TRAVELS.
MR. JOHN COBBETrS LETTERS FROM FRANCE {Price
As, 6d.)
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S RIDE OF EIGHT HUNDRED
MILES IN FRANCE (the Third Edition, Price 2s, 6d.)
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S TOUR IN ITALY, and also in Part
of FRANCE and SWITZERLAND {Price 4s. 6d.)
7. LAW.
COBBETT'S TRANSLATION OF MARTENS'S LAW OF
NATIONS (Price 17 s.) ; being the Science of National Law,
Covenants, Power, &c.. Founded upon the Treaties and Customs
of Modern Nations in Europe.
MR. WM. COBBETT'S LAW OF TURNPIKES (Price 3s. 6d.)
8. MISCELLANEO^US POLITICS.
THE REGISTER, published Weekly, Price Is. 2d. Sixty-four
pages.
TWO-PENNY TRASH, published monthly, Price 2d., I2s.0d,
for a hundred, and \\s. a hundred if 300 or upwards.
This is the Library that I have created. It really makes a tole-
rable shelf of hooks; a man v,ho understands the contents of which
may be deemed a man of great information. In about every one
of these works 1 have pleaded tlie cause of the working people^ and
"I shall ncrw see that cause triumph, in spite of all that can be done
to prevent it.
c N. B. A whole set of these books at the above prices, amounts to
7/. Os. 2d. ; but, if a whole set be taken together, the price is 61,
And here is a stock of kriowledge sufficient for any young man in
the world .
[Printed by VVui. Cobbett, J ohnson's-court, Fleet-street.
No. XJI.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of Jane^ 1831.
Tubliiked monthly, sold at 12s. Od, a hundred, and for SOO, taken
at once, lis.
SURPLUS POPULATION:
A COMEDY,
IN THRKB ACTS.
BY WILLIAM COBBETT.
THE CHARACTERS.
MEN.
Sir Gripe Gkindum, of Grindum Hall, in the county of Grin-
duni, Baronet.
Peter Thimble, Esq., a ^reat Anti-Population Philosopher.
Farmer Stiles.
. Tom Stiles, Nephevr of Farmer Stiles.
Last, the Village Shoe-maker.
Dick Hazle, Servant to Stiles.
Barebone, Man-of-alUwork to Sir Gripe.
Tom Birch, Brother of Betsy Birch.
Jack Harrow, Ned Maple, and other Country Fellows.
Bludgeon, Guzzle, and Slang, three London Bullies.
^ Waiter, Boys, &c.
women,
Betsy Birch, going to be married to Dick Hazle.
Mrs. Birch, her Mother, who is a Widow.
Mrs. Stiles, Wife of the Farmer.
Patty Primrose, Mary Violet, and other Country Girls.
scene,
77ie Fillage of Nestbed, in the County of Grindum.
J^ONDON : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street,
and sold by all Booksellers. - . vf j i vi
^66 Tjy^ ^ -jy Two -PENNY Tkash;
ACT L
SCENE I. — Swioise : a Meadow and Cows in it, with a Lane on the
side of it: m Farm- House in the back- ground -. Betsy m the
Meadow with a mitking'jjaiL on her army aiidViCK, in a smock-
frock, coming along the. Lane..
Dick. (Singing.)
Soft's the note of yonder wood-lark ^ * ^^
Softer far my Betsy's voice : i. ' J.
Sweet's the dew in cups of cowslips ;
Sweeter something that's my choice.
Bet. (Behind the hedge listening.) — ^And pray what
may that be ?
Dick. (Starting, and then jumping over a gap in the
hedge.) — Why, the dew upon your lips, my lovely Betsy.
_Bet. — Come, come, now, let go my hands, do ; Mistress
scolds so when 1 get in late with the milk. But, Dick, when
are we to go to church ? You said it should be by May-
day, you know, and that's to-morrow ; and the banns are
out.
Dick. — It should be to-morrow, my love, if we had the
money ; but I have got only 40s. coming to me.
Bet. — But Mistress owes me 23s.
Dick. — That makes only 63s., and what is that to get
things wdth ?
Bet. — Mother says she'll lend us her bed, if she lie upon
straw. Now, do ; for the folks laugh at me so ; and Poll
Thorn jeered me yesterday, and said she'd have you yet.
Dick. — She !.,But here comes Master.
[He jumps into the lane.
Bet. (To herself^ — I see he's in the mind, and Fll
keep him to it now. \_She begins milking.
Farmer Stiles, coming up to Dick.
Stiles. — Here Dick, take this letter up to the Guixdtjk
Arms. 'Tis for one Squire Thimble, who is come down
from London by the night-coach, something about surplice
population, as they call it, and Sir Gripe Grindum
wants me to have him at my house, instead of going to
Grindum Hall.
Dick. — Yes, very kind of Sir Gripe^ to send his friends
to feed upon you. That's his old way !
Stiles. — Nevermind: he'd tura me out of my farrfl,
if I were to refuse ; and *tis but a bit of bacon and pudding
and a mug of beer But now, Dick, you don't use that girl
well ; the banns are out, and every-body's laughing at her j
and she's a right good girl, and comes of good kin ; and.. i7
Dick. — You need not tell me that, master; but we %^
so poor ; and suppose me to fall sick, Fd rather die than see
her begging a morsel of bread from the flint-hearted hired
Stiles .—Well, Dick, I tell you whai : T 'If a&Vance
you five pounds, and Vm sure her mistress will advance
50s. for Betsy, and you may live at the farm, for a montl^
or two. ■■ ■ ■"^■^'' -'' ' " ' ♦■''^*''' -^
Dick. — Well, then, God bless you both! F 11 keep my
word and be married to-morrow ; and F 11 go and speak to
the clerk directly. -^-^ 'V' ;* V ''' ; ' ;- '
Stiles.— But go andckfl^ tlie letter^fiV^tf 'ariffffelT. .'i':^
Dick. {Looking over the hedge.) — Petsy, B^tsj f
Weshallbe.... --'^"'^ -■->-' ^ ' ■ '' '
Stiles. — There, go along; do ; and let the girl ^et her
milking done. Tell the gentleman I shall be glad to ^e^
him as soon as he pleases. ..:.^::'wJi,- .Jijn;. ^
^ [ TAey go out, the Farmer towards Kis ' House, dnU
•'^ Dick towards the Inn,
SCENE II. — A Room at the Inn; Squire Thimble sittirig dt a
.^n"'>'^ Table i covered with written papers and jyamphlets.
Squire Thim. {Rising and going to the window.^ —
Oh, God ! Only look at that swarm of children ! Why,
this village of Nestbet) is properly enough named ; for it
really resembles an ant*s nest. It is all the fault of my
friend. Sir Gripe, and the other land-owners. But I won-»
der I do not hear from him in answer to my letter, which he
got by post yesterday. I know he i;5 at the Hall, for the
waiter saw him there last night. los'^oo p.vsv i/5
Enter Dick with the letter., which he gives to BguiRE Thimble.
Dick. — My master, Fariper Stiles, sent me with :this
letter, Sir, and to say that he ghgJi.be ,gJad . to jsee you at
his house as soon as you please.. .M'/f^^'i'i '^{[t p'^^^^ [Exit^
..-,Squ. THiM.f-^At his house I But (opening the letter)
here is a note from Sir Gripe, which doubtless will explaiii
the reason. {Reads.) '^ My dear Thimble, you know that
^' our great master. Parson Malthus, lays it down, that
** population always treads closely upon the heels of
*^ subsistence. Acting upon this principle, and fully
" agreeing with you, that the country is ruined by surplus
*^ population^ I deem it a duty to my beloved jcountry,
*' for the happiness and honour of which I have so long
*' been toiling and making so many sacrifices, to suffer no
*f ^subsistence to be in my house beyond a bare sufficiency
^ to keep body and soul together. I have, therefore, told
** J^armer Stiles to send this to you to-morrow morning, 0^4
n2
268 Two-penny T^ash;
*' provide you with bed, board, &c. and I will call on you
** at his house, about breakfast time/' Umph ! Body and
soul together ! Very laudable, to be sure, to check the
population in his house ; but I do not very clearly see how
my being entertained in it for a day or two could have
tended to increase the population in it. However {rings)y
I shall see how., , .(^/i^er Waiter.) Waiter, what a
clock is it ? ^^ y,f^^ . >: 3 (I
^.Waiter. — I *11 inquire, Sir. -0'^ bsinrAn v<\ [J^xit,
Squ. Thim. {Gathering up his papers,) — -These will
save the nation, and will be read with wonder long after
I am.. • .
Waiter. {Re-entering,) — It's half-past five, Sir.
Squ. Thim. — Here ; get me a man to bring this [port-
manteau after me down to Farmer Stiles's. [Exit,
Waiter. {Reading the name on the portmanteau,) —
*' Peter Thimble, Esquire." 'Squire, indeed ! I
should have taken him for a tailor, and a French tailor
too, for 'tis the swarthiest and ugliest devil I ever saw.
[Exit with portmanteau,
SCENE III. — j4 Cow-pen at the Farm : Dick antf Betsy. '
,vDiCK, — I have, I tell you. ;>'- - ' ^:^^y
: Bet. — What, spoke to the clefk?
Dick. — Yes, I say ; and he is to tell the parson of it as
soon as he gets up.
Bet. — Gets up ! What is*nt he up yet !
lifiDiCK. — Oh, no ! We work for him while he's asleep :
his pay always goes on.
Bet. — But, when is it to be ?
r. Dick. — At nine o'clock to-morrow morning.
Bet. — Oh! my dear Richard {taking hold of his^
hand) ; and is the time come at last ?
r 'Dick.- — Yes, it is, iny little love; and mistress says
that you may go and stay all day to-day and to night at
your mother's and get yourself ready against I come in the
morning. j , ••
Bet.— Bat you'll bVswre to come now!
-. ^ ■' . [Puts the corner of her apron to her eyes,
Dick. — What's the matter 1
tVBtr, — Nothing: Fm such a fool, I can't help it.
: Dick. — Be quiet now, there's a dear; for. . . .
Stiles. {In the yard.) — Dick! Dick!
Dick. — Coming! [Exit.
Bet.— Oh, dear ! I ought to be happy, Vm sure ; and
yet there's something that makes my heart sink. Now
1st Ju^i,, 1831. 269
what will become of the jeerings of Poll Thorn, and" of that
nasty slut, Nance Bramble, who said, t'other day, that
he'd never have me? I shall wear my bran new white bon-
net lined with pink, Richard wdll have his new coat, and
good old mistress (God Almighty bless her) says that we
fehall be the handsomest couple that have walked into Nest-
bed church these fifty years. Oh, lor ! I wish t'was over ;
for my heart does beat so, and sink so, that I can hardly
stand.
Squ. Thim. (^At the house-door.)— UaWoo \ Nobody at
home? ' '^ :^*^^
>: Bet. — Oh, dear ! I forgot the eggs that Mistress sent me
to get for the Squire's breakfast. [Exit.
SCENE l\ .—A small ParUur in the Farm-house : Squ. ThimBLE
sitting before the Jire: breakfast preparing,
Squ. Thim. {To himself.) — I don t much like his send-
ing me here, instead of receiving me. at the hall; but I dard>
say he will explain it when he comes. - — . ,-
Mrs. Stiles. {Entering. — Hope you will e?ccuse our
homely fare. Sir, but we'll give you the best weVe got.)
{Betsy, entering with the eggs, lets a couple of them roll
off the plate upon the floor.) What a deuce is the girl
about ! But {iurriing to Squire Thimble) I hope you'll look
over it. Sir : she's going to be married to-morrow, and her
head has been running upon that all the morning.
Squ. Thim.— Marnec?, did you say! Married I Tl\i2i,t
girl going to be married ! ^ " •
Mrs. Stiles. — Yes, Sir; they have been courting a
long while, and they be desperate fond of one another.
Squ. Thim. — Desperate in^^^di ! But do you encourage
such things, then ?
Mrs. Stiles. What things, Sir?
Squ. Thim. Why, the coupling together of these popr
creatures to fill the country with beggars and thieves. !ro'?
Mrs. Stiles. {With warmthJ) — Fm sure there isn't
a better young man in the parish than Richard Hazle, and
as for Betty Birch, young as she is, she shall make breads
butter, cheese, or beer, with any woman in the whole
county, let the next be who she will. Beggars and thieves,
indeed !
Squ. Thim. — Well, if these be good people, so much the
more reason to keep them from being plunged into misery ;
and
Mrs. Stiles. {Interrupting him.)-'-Mi$ery , Sir I -
27Q Two-Penny Trash;
Squ. Thim. — Yes, and from adding to that great nli-
tional disease, the surplus population.
Mrs. Stiles. — Never heard of that disease before, SirJ
we be'nt trouble with't in these parts: though we have the
small-pox and meazles terrible bad sometimes; and our
poor neighbour Chopstick lost four as fine children last
week as *
. Squ. Thim.— So much the better! So much the better!
'• Mrs. Stiles.— What, Sir!
Squ. Thim. — Yes 5 so much the better, I say, and
{aside) if it had taken you off too^ it would have been better
^tilL {To her.) Go, good woman, and tell the girl to come
and speak to me. . jl ; ^o 'hh
Mrs. Stiles. — She's going to her mother's to get ready
for her wedding; but I'll call her in for a minute. [Exit
Enter Betsy.
S^u. Thim. — So, young woman, you are going to be
married, I understand ?
Bet. — Yes, Sir.
T Squ, Thim. — How old are you?
( Bet. — I'm nineteen, Sir, come next Valentine's eve.
V Squ. Thim;— That is to say, you are eighteen! {Aside*)
jNo wonder the country is ruined !
: Squ. TniAr. — And your mother, now; how old is she?
Bet.-^I can't justly say, Sir, but I heard her say she Was
forty some time back. . x
. Squ. Thim.' — And how many (rf jou-has ' she brought
into the world ? - '"iU;i
x: JBet. — Only seventeen, Sir.
Squ. Thim. — Seventeen! On Zy seventeen!
9^'^Bet. — Seventeen now alive. Sir; she lost two, and had
two still born, and
Squ. Thim. — Hold^^ your tongue! Hold your tongue!
'^^{Aside,) It is quite monstrous! Nothing can save the
country but plague, pestilence, famine, and sudden death.
^Government ought to import a ship-l<jad of arsenic- {To her,)
IBut, young woman, cannot you impose on yourself " moral
^Yestraint^^ for ten or a dozen years?
c. Bet.— Pray what is that. Sir?
^' Squ. Thim. — Cannot you keep single till yoir are abofut
thirty years old ? ' -^'^'^
Mf)BET,— -Thirty years old. Sir ! {slifiing a laugh),-
; ViOciiii oHii Enter Sir Gripe Grisdum. ^J^ ii<^' - -
'Squ. Thim. {Rising.) — How do you, Sir Gripe; hopfe
I've the pleasure of seeing you welk
0-.
1st June, 1831. ^271
Sir G. — Very well, rery well ; but rather hungry. "
Squ. Tiiim. — Draw up, then; here are plenty of eggs
and butter.
Sir G. — Yes, they think nothing of Malthus here.
I: Squ. TiiiMk— So it seems, for this young hussey is going
to be married to-morrow, though she is only eighteen. Her
mother has had, it seems, only twenty-one children ; so
that you'll have your parish finely stocked.
Sir G. — Married ! {Aside) What a beautiful creature
it is!
Squ. Thim. — -Yes, married; and she laughs at the idea
of moral restraint.
Sir G. — I dare say she does. {Aside.) And so shall I,
too, if I can get her into my clutches.
Squ. Tiiim. — You may go, young woman ; for I find I
can do nothing with you. [Exit Betsy.
.' Sir G. {Aside.) — Bat / can do something with her, I
fancy. {To Thimble.) Yes, she may go for the present 5
but it is my duty, my bounden duty to my country, to pre-
vent this marriage. ?uj — .y^ yy^jvi .k^. .
Squ. Tiiim. — To be sure it is. It Is a ddty of inimanity
as well as of patriotism. But you must be quick ; for she
is to be married to-morrow morning.
r Sir G. — To-morrow morning !
; Squ, Thim. —Yes ; and the farmer's wife here approves
of the match ! Would it not be well 10 find the farmer and
talk to him about it. .1.^.. . ,
Sir G. — I shan't, but you may; and, in the meanwhile^
ril go home and dispatch some business, and be with you
again in an hour or so. "iV^ .-"Trj*] .-'> '—rx-i- [Exit,
Squ. Thim. — Business! wh^ii business ? He thinks I
did not perceive him staring at her. He has some scheme
ia his head* But, no matter : any-thing is better than her
having seventeen children. Why, ^tis littering, 'tis piggingy
'tis hatclring, 'tis swarming ; and if they are allowed to
proceed at this rate, there won't be room for them to stand
upright in the country. I'll go and find the farmer, and see
what I can make of himn^Jsd vm IWt Inbrb [Exit.
SCENE V. — Mrs. Birch's Cottage: Mtts.BittCH and Betsy, and
L . : several children of different ages,
.*; Betsy. — ^^Don't you think, mother, that these white bowa
are beautful ; and isn't my frock as white as a curd ; and
ilrtilsil't we Walk atiii in arm ttx church ? Oh! how that
Poll Thorn will be provoked! 1 shouldn't wonder if she
Was to fly at m e . ' t'i-'in *^ i t- i' ti — *• l: lh'i .j'^'C
1J72 Two-penny Trash;
Mrs. Birch. — How you do run on, child.
Bet — Patty Primrose and Mary Violet, my two brides-
maids, will be dressed all in white ; and uncle Stephen
says, that nobody but him shall give me away.
Mrs* Birch. — Ah! my dear, if your poor father had
-been alive, he
Bet. — Don't cry, mammy; let us be happy now.
Mrs. Birch. — And so I am, my dear child; but, talking
of your uncle put me in mind of Here comes
Barebone, Sir Gripe's footman: I wonder what he can
want.
Enter Barebone. >
Barebone. — Sir Gripe wants to speak to you, Mrs.
Birch, up at the hall, in about an hour's time.
Mrs. Birch. {Aside.) — Tis about the rent. {To
him,) My duty to him, and say that I shall be sure to wait
on him. [Exit Barebone,
Bet. — What can that nasty old skinny, greedy beast
want with you, mother?
Mrs. Birch. — Oh, child ! T owe him a year's rent up to
Lady- day, and I can't pay him till after the harvest, without
selling the cow ; and then what are the poor dear children
to do ?
Bet. — Well, I don't know how it is, but I have had a
misgiving in my mind all day that something bad was going
to happen.
Mrs. Birch, — Never mind, child; God will be our
protector.
^ Enter Dick.
/ Betsy.— Ob, Richard, I'm glad you're come ; for I was
so low-spirited.
Dick. — What about? Don't repent, do you 1
Bet. — How can you ask me that? But, there's that
pld beast, Sir Gripe, has just sent for mother about the , . .
Dick. — Sent for her! Why, he has sent for me, too,
and I'm going up to him.
Bex. — For you! As sure as death, there's something
brewing, and I didn't feel my heart sinking for nothing.
Dick. {Taking her hand,) — Come, come, don't be
foolish. What do you cry for ? Be quiet now ; and PU
go up to the old fellow, and call as I come back. lExit.
SCENE VI.— Farme?' Stiles's Parlour. Squire Thimblb, Stiles,
and Last, the Shoemaker of the village,
Squ. Thim. — But, farmer, don't you see what a brood,
. Uj June, 1831. ?73
what a litter, what a farrow, what a swarm, this couple will
briDg to eat up the country ?
Stiles. — Why, Sir, I dare say they will have plenty;
but God never sends mouths without sending meat.
Squ. Tmim, — Not for them, notybr them.
Last. — Whom does he send it for, then 1
Squ. Thim. — For those who can afiford to pay for it.
Last. — But if they pay for it out of the money that they
get from tithes and taxes, God does not send it for them,
but they take it by force from those who work ; and it does
seem strange, indeed. Sir, that you should seem to rejoice in
their increase, while you are so anxious to put a stop to the
breeding of those who do the work.
SiLEs. — Yes, Sir, as neighbour Last says, it is all as one
as if I were to put a stop to the breeding of my cart-mares
and breed nothing but nags and pleasure ponies.
Squ. Thim. (Aside,) — Oh! the devil I these fellows
have been reading Cobbett's pernicious Trash.
Last. — Aye, neighbour, all as one asif you, not having
corn enough to keep your nags and cart-horses too, were to
knock the cart-horses on the head.
Stiles. — And pretty crops I should have then.
Last. — And pretty payment Sir Gripe would get from
you at Michaelmas and Lady-day.
Squ. Thim. — But, Mr. Last, do you not know that there
is, in nature, a tendency, in every country, for the people to
increase faster than the food that they usually live on ?
Last. — I do not only not know that fact, but I know that,
besides its being contrary to reason and experience, it is
next to blasphemy to assert it. But, Sir, if there be in
nature this tendency, how comes it that it never was dis-
covered before ; and that never, until about twenty -seven
years ago, when that Scotch fellow, Malthus, wrote his
book, no man in England ever dreamed of our having too
many people ?
Squ. Thim. — The evil has not existed until of late years;
Last. — But, if it be vi nature, why did it not exist
before ?
Squ. Thim.— Why, I suppose that there used to be more
moral restraint, more prudence, as to marriage and having
children.
Last. — How could that be, when you say that the want
of moral restraint arises from want of education, and when
we have now fifty times as much of that nonsense as we
bsid when I was a boy?
ir5
fiTl Two-PTNN'Y TAa^h;
^' Squ. Thim. — But you will allow that there is a great
want of employment ? • X**^""**^ *
. lAS-r.^Yes. '> I ,ii» ,Xii^*— .'
Squ. Thim. — Then you allow tHt' mere "are too many
labourers? ■•
Stiles.— No/ft'^'; S?f rtdAf'TTttlg 'itidiieyinWMnd^ to
pay them duly for their labour. Plenty of work that ought
to be done, but not enough money to pay for it. .' •'^
« Squ. Thim. — That comes to the same thirig; for if you
liave not money to pay them all, there are too many of them.
Last. — By no means. Suppose Stiles, hiere, have 100?.
in his drawer, ready to pay for hoeing that he intends t(>
have done, and suppose a thief to co'me and steal the iiloney,
Stiles must leave the ground unhoed, and it must be over-
iha» with weeds> and the crop be one half what it woilld
have been, if his money had not been stolen.
' Squ. Thim.^ — You are supposing a case that can rarely
happen.
''<' Last. — Not at all; for money taken away liy the parson
s,nd the ta?{ -gatherer is taken ^way from Stiles as ej0Fectaally
as if taken away by thieves. " '^ . ""
Squ. Thim. — What, Sir; do you call the parson and
the tax-gatherer thieves ?
Last. — Oh, no! but, money taken away from' SfileS re
money deducted from his means of paying labourers, no
matter by whom, or under what pretence, the money is so
takenV '
Squ. Thim.— You must know, however, at any rate,
that the people of this country have greatly increased id
number. - ,
Last. — I neither know nor believe it ; for I's^i^ chilMies
built hundreds of years ag'o with scai'cely any parishioners^
I see mahy of them quite tumbled down; and I know that
they never would have been built if there had not been peo-
ple to go to them.^ ^ ^ . ^ . , _•
Squ. Thim. X'^^de.) — These feflbwis likve all been
If^^ding Cobbett, and, as my friends Trevor and Wilmox
say, nothing can stand, neither church nor sta^e, if that
wicked fellow be not put to silence. (7b them.) You think,
then, that the more the merrier, and the more paupers you
breed, the better it will be for you, and that, instead of
checking premature marriages, you ought (as indeed you
do) to offer a premium for breeding childrep, as we do fdt
breeding sheep, or planting trees. ' ''^'' ' 'lh ^
Last. — There needs no premium; for, whetn^r marlfed
; Heist June, 1831. §fg
6t not, country girls will have children ; but, since you talk
oi paupers and of a premium for breeding ^ pray what are
those who are on the pension and sinecure lists, men, wo- '
men, and children ? and, as to premiums for breeding,
what do you call the money that is given to poor parsons,
and to half-pay officers and their widows and children ? Are
not these premiums for breeding, and premiums too paid out
of taxes raised in part on these very labourers ? And what
are the military academies and asylums but premiums to
the rich and the soldiers to induce them to breed ? You find
no fault of these premiums for the breeding of idlers^ and
are alarmed only at the increase of those ^^Yio work, "7
Squ. Thim. — I am alarmed at the increase of the pau^
per^, ^vho already eat up the country. .t.jci. ,
Last. — Not they, indeed : it is your idlers that eat up the
Country : it is they that make the working-people so poor
that they are obliged to come to the parish or starve.
Squ. Thim. — Obliged to come and demand other peo^
pie's property to live on !
- Last. — It is not other people's property: it is their own
property : they inherit a right, both by nature and by law,
to subsistence out of the land, in exchange for their labour,
and if they be unable to labour, or can get no labour, they
have the right without the labour.
Enter Mrs. Stiles with a letter,
Squ. Thim. — Well, good morning, gentlemen. {They
go out.) Ah! (reading) he invites me to the hall! I
thought he would not let me remain here long {Reads) t
*•' My dear Thimble! the pleasure of your enlightened dis-i'
*' -course is always so great, that it was with the most acute
" pain that I quitted you this morning." O, oh ! this is some-
tiiinglike justice. '' Pray do me the honour to come up here;
*' and to bring with you your last admirable remedy against
*^ that .great national scourge, the procreation of the human
^ species. As they keep early hours at the farm, you will,
" most likely, have dined before this will reach you; if you
f* have not, you need not be in a hurry ; for, as ' population
^ treads close upon the heels of subsistence,' I take care to
\^ keep a short supply here." Well, well ; FH get a bit of
something here, and then I'll go up. :i , ;
' ACT. IL
SCENE I.— Mrs. Birch's Cfif^^flfo-e; Dick dw^ Betsy.
Betsy. — Didn't you meet mother ? ; *
Dick.— No : she went by the lane^ I suppose, and I came
Across the fields. '^-'"''' "'^ t^i-^-i fi «.' ^i'^^i laii^ij ,uid o) eA
276 Two«PENNY Tkash ;
Bet. — Well, what did the greedy old rogue want with
you?
Dick. — What do you think, now ? What do you think
that the skin-flint old rascal wanted me to do?
Bet. — God knows : to rob Mistress's pantry for him,
perhaps.
Dick. — Worse than that.
Bet. — Worse ! why, then, to take false oaths for him, as
his steward Scut does.
^ Dick. — Worse, a great deal worse than that.
Bet. — Poor father always said he was the devil : but
what was it, then I
Dick. — Why, he wanted me to be false to you !
Bet. — Oh! the old villain! False tome! And what
could the greedy old monster get by that ?
Dick. — Yes, and he told me he would get me a place at
London, in the King's guards, and have me made an oflicer,
if I would set off by the coach to-night.
Bet. — To-night !
Dick. — Yes, and when I refused, he got into a deuce of
a passion, and. . (seeing three men going by), . I wonder who
those rough-looking fellows are }
Bet. — Oh, they are some blackguards going up to the
Hall, I dare say. He never has any-body but such people
about him.
Dick. — ^Yes, as Mr. Last says, the Hall is more like a
robbers* den than a gentleman's house. But (looking up
at the sun) it is twelve o'clock: 1 must get home to feed
the oxen.
Bet. — Well, good -by ; but you'll come up this evening.
Dick. — Yes, yes, I'll be here about seven or eight, [Exit.
SCENE II. — j4 Room in Gripe Hall, cobwebs on the ceiling, a dirty
fioon', a dirty dtal table, and twofold chairs, on one of which SiR
Gripe is sitting.
Sir G. — Amongst those that I have lived with, there is
not one mother out of a score that would not, for a handful
of guineas, be the bawd in the seducing of her own daughter ;
and if this woman, who owes me a year's rent, and whom I
can strip to-morrow of every rag that she has, holds out
against me, it will be bad luck indeed. This is the most
beautiful girl I ever set my eyes on ; and am not 1 her lord ?
Is she not my property? And shall this fellow, who is also
my slave, take her from me 1 It will be better for them both,
too ; for they would soon begin to starve, and then to fight
like dog and cat. But, better or better not, Til have her.
As to sin, either there is a hell, or there ia not ; if not,
%
1st June, 1830. 277
there is, in this country, no loss of character for a maa
"who has forty thousand a-year ; and, if there be a hell, it is
already my lot ; so that 111 have my enjoyment in spite of
the devil ; and now for. . .
Enter Barebone.
Bare. — The widow Birch is come, Sir Gripe. ->,
Sir G. — Show her in. \^Exit Barebone.'] If I can't
prevail upon the mother to stop the marriage, I must get the
girl away to-night somehow or other, and get her to Londoa
too. There's nothing like that : old Mother Carbuncle,
the bawd, or Mother Lynx, the mad-house keeper, will re-
ceive her, and I can follow in a day or two. — But soft ! here
comes the mammal
Enter Mrs. Birch.
Mrs. Bir. — Your servant, Sir Gripe (curtsies) ; I'm
very sorry my rent is behindhand ; but
Sir G. — Oh! never mind, never mind the rent, Mrs.
Birch ; sit down, sit down. I'm not one of your proud fel-
lows; we're all flesh and blood.
Mrs. Bir. (Aside.) — How deceived folks are in him!
(To him,) I can stand, Sir, I thank you.
Sir G. — No, no; sit down, sit down, Mrs. Birch: Fm
glad to see you looking so well: I hope your children are
Well.
Mrs. Birch. — Purely well, I thank you. Sir.
Sir G. — How many of them have you got, Mrs. Birch ?
Mrs. Birch.-— Only seventeen alive. Sir.
Sir G. — Seventeen! Why you look young enough and
handsome enough to have seventeen more.
Mrs. Birch. (Smiling.) — Oh, dear, Sir.
Sir G. — And what do you do with them all, Mrs. Birch ?
Mrs. Birch. — Nine of them are out at service, one lives
with her aunt, and there are seven at home.
■ Sir G. — Are they boys or girls ?
Mrs. Birch. — Twelve boys and five girls, Sir, and,
though I say it, as good children they be as any in the
parish, and, thanks be to God, not a day's sickness have we
had in the house since their poor father died, and that was
three years ago last Friday as ever was; and they be so du-
tiful to me, and comes so kindly to see me every Sunday^
when they can be spared ; and they do so love one another •
and they all seem to do their best to make up for the loss of
their poor father, who, poor soul, used, when he came home
from his work, to have four or five of them upon his knees
^t once. Oh ! Sir, never was there such a father, and never
278 Tw6-PJBN.NY Trauh;
«uch a. . but. . but. . it pleased God to. . (wipes her €yes)Ci
pray, Sir, be so good as to excuse. jLitu^^uonl vJioi and cdv/
i'. Sir G. {Looking like SatanS) — Never mind, never mind,
Mrs. Birch. Any of them married, Mrs* Birch.? i .n i j Jii)
Mrs. Birch. — No, Sir, not. /
Sir G. — That's right, that's right: don't let them mirry
^ill they're thirty : only brings ruin and misery and starva-
tion and poaching and thieving and treadmills and trans-
portings and hangings. That's right, Mrs. Birch ; that's
right ; keep them single 'till they be thirty, and then they
will do well. If any of them were to marry young, I should
be very angry with you ; and. . '
Mrs. Birch. (Aside.)— Wh^t shall I do '? -o^
Sir.G.. — i\.nd should, in short, order my Steward, Mr.
Scut,-td.. V'*'^l!^.^f
Mrs. Birch;^^! beg your pardon. Sir Gripe, "but my
daughter Betsy is going to be. .
* Sfr G, (Angrily.) — What! not married, I hope?
Mrs. Birch. — They have courted so long, Sir, and they
nave been such constant lovers, and the banns have been g^ut
for these three weeks, and, . ^^
Sir G. — To tell you the truth, I have heard of this, Mrs.
Birch, and I have sent for you to talk to you about it. You
area sensible woman, Mrs. Birch, and I have a great regard
for you and your family, and wisii well particularly to this
young woman ; and, therefore,.' I '' ^"^"^ woH-^.
Mrs. Birch. — Thank you, Sir, God will bless you for
it, and Vm sure they'll both prove deserving of your good-
ness; for Richard Hazle is as good a young man as any ia
jthe whole country ; and he has lived with Farmer Stiles
ever since he was eight years old ; and they do so love one
another ; and Mrs. Stiles says they are the handsomest
couple that, , •''
^ Sir G. — Well, well ; never mind that now. You are
a sensible woman, and you know that this love, as they
call it, is all nonsense ; and that when poverty pomes in at
Ihe door, this love flies out of the window. ... ^'i.'
^ Mrs. Birch.— Not always. Sir; for I am sure that I
^nd my poor husband were poor enough, and. ...
<'^ Sife Gi— Well, well ; but, now, don't you think it would
jbe better to piit off this marriage for a year or two, 'till. .
' Mrs. BiRCH.-:-Lor, Sir, it would break poor Betsy^s
heart. ;: ' ' /' ' /
^' Sir G.— Oh, no! Women's hearts ar^ tougher thati
you think fof. (Aside.) I know that pretty welh^ .r^aoiJ^
^"Mfyjtri^E, 18517 4?^
jr^.Miis. Birch. — Not Betsy's, Sir; poor thing, she'd go
crazy, and so would Richard too. J
.^, Sir G.— Now, Til tell you what Til do, Mrs, Birch*:
1*11 make your daughter my house-keeper in London, and
Fll make Hazle my bailiff here, and give eacfe. ,of,them
'twenty pounds a year and their board.
Mrs. Birch. — Lor, Sir!
V^A'Y .11 >g
'« <iw
,v. Sir G.- — Will you propose it, to them ? hT ?fv
4yf- Mrs. Birch.— Pray don't ask me to do it, Sir. vr^;<i
Sir G. — Why, you can propose it, at any rate. ^^c. j
Mrs. Birch. — No, indeed, Sir, I cannot. They would
hate me for it. and how am I to endure the hatred of my
'Sir G.—i^Ayigfily.) — Better than you can endure to
jgtarve, as you wdll, if you don't do what L tell you to do.
Mrs. Birch.— By the blessing of God^ Sir, I have not
starved yet, and hope I shall not. . .., / , - • ->
Sir G,-^ And what. is God to dd~iof* fdii^ you perverse
fool! ^^^''^ ::iL'ov-::
Mrs. .Birch.— He says, *^ Cursed be he that oppresseth
the widow and the fatherless.'^
"Sir G. — And you, being the interpreter, apply that curse
to me, eh ! You impudent hag. ,
' Mrs. Birch. — No, indeed, Sir^ l5ut
Sir G.-T~Hold your tongue! go along; and call upon
rGod to save your rags, v/hen Mr. Scut comes^ to-morjow
morning, to bundle you into the road. ' "'"^Z ,
Mrs. Birch. — I will call upon God, Sir, and he will
"be my help in the time of need. [Exit,
Sir G. — Now, then, I know what I have to do. {Rings
)(hfi bell.)
nA:m./rfin ^nter Barebonk. ■^"<'«
Str G. — Is Squire Thimble come ? "'^.^ ''^
^ ""Bare.— Just come, Sir. ^- \ / ^ ^■^^-
^^' Sir G. — Show him into the be^fWom, and sa;f t 'WlTTJk
with him directly. (Exit BAREBo:NrE.) I can't trust this
fialf fool, Thimble; he'll have his qualms of conscience
if it be only out of vanity and conceit ; if it be only to
show his philosophy, as the fool calls it. I humour him
tvith his rubbishy stuff about mrplus population, -which
lias made him as tnad as the fellows that are trying to dis-
cover the longitude,. and he really thinks that I half starve
^y servants purely from the patriotic motive of insuring
their continence ! But I'll sound him a little about this
girl; at any rate, and see what he's made of. "-^ ^^^
r280 Two-PENNT Trash:
^ r f^ r Enter Bauebonb.
^'^ BxtiE. — The three men, Sir, say they are hungry and
' Sir G. — Send one of them to the inn for a gallon of beer
and a gallon of gin, and get a pound or two of cheap cheese
and a loaf. I may want them by-and-by. [^Exit Barebone,
SCENE III. The Best Room; the walls smoky ^ tvith torn papers ;
no fire, no curtains y old broken chairs y and a ragged carpet.
Squire Thimble sitting at a table with papers and pamphlets,
Squ. TniM. — Well (looking round him)y if this be the
best room, the worst must be some degrees worse than^ a. •
Enter Sir Gripe.
" *Squ. Thim. (Rising and bowing,) — I was just saying
to myself what a beautiful house this is, how tranquil, how
admirably calculated for study, and especially for that spe-
cies of study which I delight in ; for, you must know that
London does. . . .
Sir G. (Aside.) — Oh the devil!
Squ. Thim not favour the flow of ideas like this
quiet....
Sir G. (Aside,) — By they sha*nt flow here!
Squ. Thim place; and Pm resolved to finish
my treatise on checking population before I go back.
Sir G. — But, where's your Remedy against Breeding,
that I asked you to bring up with you ?
Squ. Thim. — Here 'tis. (Giving it to Sir G.)
Sir G. (Reads to himself, while Thimble sits and
looks eagerly at him) — Admirable, admirable ! Delight-
ful I Here are grammar, logic, philosophy, eloquence, ele-
gance, clearness, strength, and, in short. . • •
Squ. Thim. — Oh, no! The essay is well enough, but
nothing like equal to that which I have now in hand: Fll
read you a passage of it. . . .
Sir G. (Raising his voice.) — " Well enough," do
you call it ! I say, that the man that could write that
ought to be prime minister.
Squ. Thim. — Oh, no! you flatter me; but do, then,
Jet me read you a passage from my new work ; for, as you
will see,, • • • g-*
Sir G. — No: you sha'nt, you sha'nt: I won't hear a
word of it till it comes out : I'll hav't all together : a taste
beforehand would spoil my feast.
Squ. Thim.— Well, then, let us talk of what ought to
be done a« well as written.
Sir G. — Yes, I like doing.
. jjJsT June, 1831. 281
Squ. Thim. — These positions are clear: first, part of
the people must be sent out of the country ; or, second, the
jnillions must be made to live on potatoes, like the Irish ;
or, third, their breeding must be checked ; or, fourth, those
who live on tithes and taxes must be compelled to work for
their bread.
Sir G. — As to the first, they won't go; as to the se-
cond, they will burn up the country rather than submit to it ;
as to the fourth, it is not to be thought of ; and, therefore^
it must be the third.
Squ. Thim. — So say I, and, therefore, I am labouring,
first to persuade them not to marry, and next to teach them
how to avoid having live children, if they be married,
and. . . •
Sir G, (Aside.) — What a d fool it is!
Squ. Thim have we not, under our eyes, a proof
of the necessity of my labours ? For, look at this young
woman, who is going to be married to-morrow, and who,
|)robably, without my lessons, might breed twenty-one poor
creatures as her mother has done.
Sir G.— Ah ! a striking instance indeed, and all this
litter is to be kept, too, out of my estate, or my farms and
my woods are to be burnt !
Squ. Thim. — A man may as well have no property:
it is not property : you have your estate in common with
this devouring herd.
Sir G. — Aye, and they leave me here, you see, with
hardly a bit of bread to put in my mouth.
Squ. Thim. — It is not only your duty, then, but your
interest also, to aid me in my labours ; and, when my es-
say is finished, which in this tranquil abode will be in
about a month you will see that procreation will be effec-
tually checked.
^ Sir G. — No doubt ; but, in the meanwhile this brace of
breeders get together. Now, Tm a practical man ; I hold
that an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure ; and,
therefore, Tm for sending the girl away, and to-night too.
Squ. Thim. — To-night!
Sir G. — Yes, to-night, and I shall want your assist-
ance.
J. :Squ. Thim. — My assistance I
Sir G. — You know, my dear Thimble, what a regard
I have for you, and how sincerely I admire your talents.
You are fit for the highest posts in the state. You only
want to be in parliament to make your surprising talents
282 Tw6*i»ENNY Tra«h-
known; and when I am made a peer, you shall take my
place.
Squ. Thtm. {Getting up and taking him by the
hand,) — ^Thank you, thank you ; I always thought that
this would be the case ; but. ...
Sill G. — What I intend is this ; to get a post-chaise
and four horses over here at midnight ; clap her and you
into it, and let them carry you off like the wind, to London,,
where you can deposit her at my house at Pimp-place, un-
der the care of little Panber, who, you know, breathes
only through my nostrils.
1 Squ. Thim. — But, what would the world say '?
Sir G. — World ! Did you ever know the world find
"wrong any -thing done by a man with forty thousand a year
in land ?
'^ Squ. Thim. — But, I have not forty thousand a year,,
and should never dare show my face again ; for the news-
papers. ... . ";
Sir G. — A handful of guineas would liribe them all to
silence. However, if you do not choose to oblige me. . . .
Squ. Thim. — Pray do not put it in that way, I do choose
it; but, let us take a little time to think of it.
Sir G. — And they get to breeding in the meanwhilei.^^^
Squ. Tfiti^.— Besides I meant to stay here" to finish my
jessay.-''-^----- •-■••. "' '-.;"';' •;':;-
Sir G.-^That's out of the question, for I m^tt^'td sfHtA
the house tip to-morrow, and to go and live with my friends
a few days, till I go to London.^ 'I ^'^ ^-"^^"^^ -'"^
'i^-'^.QU. Thim. — ^You know, dear Sir Gripe, that it would
he violation, that it would be assault at the least ; and that
there would be such an outcry; and then. ...
' Sir G. — Very true, very true, yoii are right, and great as
will be the evil to my estate and to my country, I must,
tipon reflection, give up my intention, and let the devouring
4evils breed away.
fJ-'iJJ^QtT'.'TiiiM. — I hope you don't think, that. ...
• Sir G. — Oh, no, no, no, no! not at all, not at al?.
You're quite right; you're quite light; and I really am
■glad that you refused ; for I now see the danger. But,
how will you get back ? ^ '
Squ. Thim. — Oh! I shall go off by the mstil, which
istops hercj at the Grindum Arms. / Hi<^*^
' Sir G.— And what time shall you get info town ?
\ Squ, Thim. — Why, let me see, the mail comes aboAt
fette, and I shall get in about six« . ^'
. ,: 1st June, 1831. T 283^
Sir G. — Well, then, as I have a d"eal to do here, Til
send you a letter down to the farm, which, when you get
out of the coach in Piccadilly, you'll be so good as to carry
directly (it's in your way) to Pimp-place, and give it to
little Pander> But you 11 he Sure to deliver it without a
moment's delay. lo '^d: ijlijS i as rOd .?u >>:
Squ. Tiiim. — Certainly. (Rising and gathering up
his papers.) You'll send down the letter by ten or eleven
o'clock. {Pulls out his zvatch.) It is past eight now : your
servant, Sir Gripe. [Exit bowing.
Sir G. — {Looking contemptuously after him.) — Oh !
your servant, Mr* Stitch-louse ! Here's a pretty scoundrel !
-He has openly advised women to procure abortion, which
is murder ; and now he has his qualms of conscience ! As
Richard says of Buckingham, in the play, *' Til henceforth
deal with shorter-sighted villains." And here they are
at hand, in the three respectable personages that my friend.
Lord Rottenborough, has had down at his election, and
-who have dropped in as old acquaintances, on their way
back to London. They will have no scruples, Til warraikt
them: they would out the throats of their own mothers for
•a crown a head. [Exit^
i ml lai ici ACT ///.vorr u h^A — .era;
SCfiNE 1.— Mrs. Birch's C(?«cro-e: Mrs. Birch, Betsy,
.!■•;' and I>iCK, ' — "^ '-^
•Betsy. — And see, here are beautiful floWfefg tmi ktiSt
^Ma^rthd has sent us to strew up to the church-door ; and
there are brothers Tom and Jack comings and many more
lad^,- AAd all the girls in the village; and they are to xvalk
arm in arm before us; and do, Richard, look at these tfue-
lov€rs'-knots that Patty Primrose has sent me!
.-J i
JMrs. Birch.— And look at this fine gammori' of b
and these plums that Mrs. Stiles has sent. . ' ..
Dick. — -Ah! she's the woinan ! and now I'lritf^ ga
^honie to bed, for Fm to get up at one o'clock to carry Squire
'Thimble's portmanteau up to the Grindum Arm^i'''^ ^^'■\^^
.£ -Bet.— W^Il; good by ; but I wish 'twas over, Ifor itry
heart does sink so!' •- ^ * _. . .\....^
-• ■ I>iCK.— What for? Whie ctff^iftlfe afi^aid off -^^'
*- ^B^T.— Why, I'ft!i so afraid that something will happen :
it seems to be too much happiness; and. there's that shuck-
• ting old villain sent for mother and yOu ; arid there's the rent
-to pay; and he's swth a spiteful monster, and so cunning^^!^^
Dick.— But what can the villain do ! '"" c^-t^*
"284 Two-PEKNY Trash;
Mrs. Birch. — There, never mind her qualms : go home
to bed, Richard, for you must be tired to death. (Exit Dick.)
And now, my child, let us go to bed and get some rest; and,
as to the rent, farmer Stiles says that old rascal shall not
turn us into the road, if he turn him out of his farm for
saving us. So, as I told the old skin-and-bone miser, the
Lord will protect the widow and the fatherless.
SCENE II. — A Room in Gripe Hall: Sir Gripe and the three Lon-
don Bullies, Bludgeon, Guzzle, and Slang, all seated: a
bottle of gin and a glass on the table, __ >. >
I J, Sir Gripe. — You know where the cottage is ?
Blud. — Yes, w^e came by it in the morning, and saw St
young chap and a girl at the door.
Sir G. — With dark hair and bright eyes, and ......
Slang. — Yes, a nice piece enough.
Sir G. — She's mad^ you know. :
All. — Yes, yes; we understand all about it.
Sir G. — Here's my old friend. Bludgeon, did such a
job for me once before, and he knows I paid him well.
Blud. — Aye, how did that turn out, Sir Gripe ?
Sir G. — Very well, very well: she got quite cured in
time !
Blud. — And is now. upon the town; for I met her ia
Drury-lane only about a month ago ; but so altered !
Sir G. — The chaise will come over from Rottenborough,
and will be at the corner of the lane just at twelve o'clock.
Blud. — We'll knock them up by telling that the intended
is taken ill ; and then seize her, and
Guzzle. — Ram a handkerchief into her mouth, to ... .
Slang, — Tow, or cotton- wool, is better.
Sir G. — Give the two post-boys a guinea instead of a
crown ; and be sure to say that it is a mad woman that you
are taking to St. Luke's.
Blud. — Leave that to us. Sir.
Sir G. — One of you ride on the box, and the other two
in the chaise ; and, when you come to Stains, go across to
Kingston, and lop gently along till you get to Mrs. Lynx's.
Blud. — I know it, you know. Sir : in Dismal-laue 1
Sir G. — Yes, the same place; and now go and get
some supper, and then I'll give you money to pay your ex-
penses on the road. :•;
Guzzle. — It will want a pretty deal, Sir: four horses,
you know, and two post-boys, and 'tis dry work, as the
saying is.
1st June, 1831. 285
^; Sir G. — I shall be in town the day after to-morrow, and,
if you do your job well, I'll give you five guineas a-piece.
[They go out.
Sir G — {Calling them back.) — Oh! here, 1 had for-
gotten : have you got pistols ?
Blud. — Look here! (Showing them.)
r-jSiR G. — All's right, then. [They go out: he rings,
, ,. ., £nter Barebose.
" 'SiR^G. — Barebone, take this letter down to 'Squire Thim-
ble, at farmer Stiles's. {Barebone going.) And, do you
hear, Barebone ? '^ r;
Bare. — Sir.
Sir G. — If anyone call to-morrow, be it who he may, tell?
him, or her, that I am not at home ; that 1 am gone to
the county- election, to work in the cause of Parliamentary
Reform. What o'clock is it now, Barebone ?
Bare. — 'Tis a good bit past eleven, Sir, by the church
clock. [Exit Barebone.
Sir G. — I'll now go and prime these fellows with mo-
ney. Let me see: they will be at Old Moll's about eight;
Thimble will be in about six; so that there will be plenty of"
time for Pander to get to Old Moll's with my letter of iri-^
structions. What a thing is forty thousand a year I All
these devils hate me; nay, despise me, and they crouch to
me, like so many spaniels ! Yet, in one thing, I'm a slave^
too : I know that this Reform of Parliament will strip me
of my power; I detest it accordingly, and yet I'm com-
pelled to work for it. ^^
SCENE ni.^ — Stiles's Parlour : Ti^imble packing- up his papers,.
Enter Barebone.
Bare. — A letter, Sir, from Sir Gripe.
Squ. Thim. — What, you're going to shut the hall up
to-morrow, are you, young man I
'Bare. — Not that I know of, Sir; I have not heard any-
thing about it.
Squ. Thim.— No! {Exit Barebone.) This is a lie,
then, invented to get rid of me, when he found that I would
not be his pimp. But {opening the Letter) let's see what he
says here. *^ My dear Thimble, I'm sorry that imperious
" circumstances separate us before I gather half what I
^^ ought from your instructive conversation. But bear ia
*^ mind what I said about the seat, which will surely be
** yours. Pray do not fail to deliver the letter to Pan-
" der the'very moment that you arrive; and believe me al-»
*^ ways truly yours, ** Gripe Grindum/*^^^
^ Enter Mrs. Stii^es, with eggs, ^'c. -r
286 Two^PENNY Trash;
,b*^ P. S. If Pander should not be up, go up to his bed-
^'-room and give hira the letter ; for it is of the greatest pos-
** sible importance ; and a minute's delay might be ruinous
*' to the cause of Reforna." What ! a minute's delay ! why,
then
Enter Mrs. Stii^s.
Mrs. Stiles. — Won't you take something, Sir, before
you set off? 'Tis a^sharpish night, and you won't get any-
thing upon the road.
Squ. Thim. — Thank you ; Fll take an egg.
Mrs. Stiles.. — And a glass of something, Sir? \^Exii}
Squ. Thim. — ** A minute's delay ruinous to the cause of
Reform !*' " There's more in this than meets the ear."
(^Looking hard at the letter.)
"^ ^^ Enter Mrs. Stii^e
Squ, Thim. — What is it o'clock, good woman I
*^Mrs.. Stiles, — Just struck twelve, Sir. [Exit-
Squ. Thim. — I've a great mind to open this letter.
What secrets ought they to keep from me about the cause
of reform ? The rascals, who owe the power they have to
me. I can do it up again ; so, as Old Knowell says in the
play, *' By your leave, soft wax. (Opens the letter and
reads to himself,) Oh ! the d—- — d. .perfidious villain.
{Reads out) " That stupid coxcomb. Thimble, is here,
and was going to make my house his study ; and I w^as
afraid I must have swinged it in order to get him out*. H^,
will carry you this letter go over to old Moll ^ .U .
three trusty fellows post-chaise and four start
from here at twelve o'clock at night." Oh ! the d — — d
villain. {A screaming in the kitchen : he runs out.)
SCJENE IV. — The Farm Kitchen. The Farmer, ?tis wife, men, cmd
boys, A little boy and girl o/Mrs. Birch's crying.
~ Little Boy. — And there's poor mammy lying dead
upon the floor, and there's little Harry and little Sally cry-'
icg and screaming. O Lord, what shall we do !
Little Girl. — And poor sister Betsy's gone! Oh'
dear, oh dear !
j&n^tfr Patty Primrose. '
Patty. — Three fellows come and knocked at the door, put,
a pistol to their heads, and dragged Betsy away; and .. .^^
£w^er Mary Violet.
Mary. — ^They took her off in a post-chaise; mother
looked out of the window, heard a screaming, and she
, JsT June, 1831. 287
knowed Betsey's voice, and saw them go up the lane as fast
a$ they could drive, and i Vtn a'o'ioiil
Dick conies dawn-stah'S in his troivsers and shirt.
ccSqu. Thim. — They're g^ne to London with her, I tell
you. I have a letter here {Dick runs out of the house) that
I have opened : I will tell you all about it by and by ; but
get horses and go after them;. i)c.jjeyer will yeu see her
again. / '^ . -rr;>l ''•*:=> '— . < •
Stiles. — Boys, men, all of you, and get the nag, and,
Tom, you get on as fast as you can. •: j
>. Mrs, Stiles. — I'll go up to poor Mrs. Birch, and keep
her as quiet as I can. \^'j..j ;.
Patty. — There's plenty of neighbours there now.- ■ i- ">
Mrs. Stiles. — Give me some vinegar, and ril take my
hartshorn. Ah I 'tis that old villain at the halJ. — .•r » f ^
[Exit with the girls ^
.j^Sfjij. Thim. — {Aside,)— Y\\ stay and see the upshot of
this. ... ^ ' '*-■ -^^
Stiles. — Bad affair, Sir : black work somewhere* ficxj^e.
Sir, youVe no hand in't.
Squ. Thim. — If you'll come into the other room, J'U'
show you^ farmer, that I have nothing to do with it^J jri'^«
Enter Last.
Stiles."— There's that old villain has ......
Last.— I've heard all about it. Dame Violet came up
to the village screaming, and Jack Harrow, and Ned'
Maple, and a dozen more got up, and run off, one after
another, long before Dick came. • ./.yiii o ^?o.
Stiles. — And there's that poor fellow without a shoe
to's foot, or a hat upon's head : his feet will be cut all to
pieces ; and how be they ever to overtake a post-chaise and
foiu: ?
Squ. Thim.! — Com.e into the parlour, and Til show you
the letters, and explain the whole affair to you.
[The]/ go into the parlour.
SC£N£ V. — A Bed-room in Grindum-hall : Sir Gripe ^"z^^ got €ut
of a filthy bed, on a stump-bedstead. j pjf[
Sir G. — {Knocking on the floor,) — What's o'clock, I
wonder?
J^w^^ Barebone* y^
Sir G. — What's o'clock, Barebone? X
Bare. — A little past four, Sir. [Exit,
.Sir G. — As neat a job as ever I did! There's that
d— — -d fool, Thimble, carrying my letter, and thinking it
288 Two-penny Trash,
an honour ; there's the girl hastening to old Moll's ; and
there's my trusty steward, Scut, coming to bundle the saucy
old mother into the road. {A shouting at a distance.)
What's that? Master Swing's not coming again, to* be
sure. {Knocks upon the floor ^
Entei" Barebone.
, Sir G. — What noise is that, Barebone?
Bare. — I don't know, Sir. It is up in the turnpike-road*
Sir G. — Go out and learn what it means. {Exit Bare-
hone^ They'll get no money here, at any rate ; and as to
victuals and drink, I set even their guts at defiance. They
say they won't live upon potatoes, and they'll not find even
them here.
Enter Barebone, in haste and in a fright.
Bare. — Oh Lord, Sir. ^
./Sir G. — What's the matter?
Bare. — Oh, Sir! it's a great mob, with big sticks in their
hands, bringing a post-chaise along, and
Sir G.-— a post-chaise !
Bare. — Yes, Sir ; and Peter Skeleton heard them, as
they came through the village, swear that they'd kill yoa.
Sir a— Kill me ? For what ?
Bare. — I don't know, indeed. Sir; but Peter says they
said something about Betsy Birch ; and they have got one
of the gentlemen that was here last night, with his arms
tied behind him. \^Exit.
Sir G. — Oh^ the devil! To fly is impossible. There
are some hiding-places in this old house. There's no time
to lose. [Exit.
SCENE VL^Tke Farm-house: Squire Thimble,
j., (- ;;:;.. - Last, and Stiles.
Squ. Thim. — Well, gentlemen, I'm glad you're satisfied
that I have had no hand in it, and that ^
Enter Ned Maple out of breath,
Ned. — We've got urn, we've got um ; and there's Betsy
in the chaise, and poor Dick, with the blood running dowa^^
his breast, holding Betsy in his arms; and
Last. — But where are they?
Ned. — Jack Harrow and I came up with them first, and
Jack knocked down one of the post-chaise boys, and I
knocked the fellow^ ofi* the box ; and
Stiles. — But where was this?
Ned. — And then Dick came up, and pulled the chaise door
window open, and the fellows shot at him, and the shot gi-az«d^^
1st June, 1831. v 289
his breast; and Tom Stiles, your nephew, then pulled the
fellow out, and laid on upon him till he could not stir ; and
Harry Hedger pulled f other fellow out, and basted him over
eyes and limbs ; and
Last. — But where was this ? And who stopped them '?
Ned. — Why, one of their horses fell down at the bottom
of Break-neck' hill, and broke both his fore-legs, and so we
came up with them ; and we tied the arms behind the fellow^
that was upon the box ; and we left the other two crying
murder; and Betsy was fainted, and Dick thought* she was
dead, and he swore he*d kill every man of them ; but she
came to again ; and he got her into his arms, and there he
Slicks, and you can't get a word out of him.
Stiles. — Poor fellow^ his feet must be cut all to pieces !
Last. — But where are they now ?
Ned. — They be coming round the lane, with two horses
in the chaise. Hark! Don't you hear them?
Last. — This gentleman has told us that they were going
to......
Ned. — The chap that we've got with his arms tied has
confessed all about it ; and see here {pulling out a parcel
of gold) is the money that old Gripe gave them.
Stiles. — There they come, there they come! don't you
hear them ?
Last. — Come, let's go up to the widow's and meet them.
(^All go out hut Thimble.)
" Squ. Thim. — So, then, this old hypocritical rascal; this
ungrateful wretch, to whom I have been political pimp for
twenty or thirty long years, and who now calls me coxcomb,
fool, and stitch -lou se : this pretended patriot ; this weather-
cock in politics; this haughty aristocrat, and, at the same
time, noisy demagogue, is, at last, about to have something
like justice inflicted upon him.
SCENE VIII. — ne Widow* s Cottage: the crowd coming to it with
the chaise i and with Bludgeon with his arms tied behind him :
all the lane full of people, and crowding round the door of the
cottage,
Mrs. Birch. Let me come, let me come ! oh, my dear
child, my dearest child ! God Almighty be praised !
Dick. {Getting out of the chaise, and lifting out
Betsy in his arms,) — Now, do make room, good folks;
you'll stifle her. « J«"i *^^' '^ ^
290 • Two-penny Trash; ,
Several. — How pale she is ! How bloody poor Richard
i$! Oh! the villains; oh, the murderers! Oh! that old
villain Grind um !
Mrs. Stiles.— rThere, Richard, go up stairs^ and rest a
little, and FU send your things up here for you to dr^s for
church.
Last. — Now, lads and girls, all go home, and get, ready
for the wedding.
. Several Men. — Yes, but we have got to swing old
Grindum first.
Ned. — ^And what are we to do with this fellow I
Last. — Put him into the post-chaise with his arms tied,
and send him back to Rottenborough.
Ned. (Pulling out the gold,) — And here, Mrs^. Birch,
is something to pay old Scut with, when he come§ to take
your cow, and bundle you into the road.
Many Men. — There, girls, go home, and we'll go and
swing old Grindum.
\_The girls disperse, and the men and boys
go towards the hall.
SCENE VIII. — A Room in the Hall: Ghindum comings out at
a trap' door.
Sir G.— Nothing short of the devil can find me here*
This is a place where the Catholic priests used to hid§r in
the reign of Queen Elizabeth.
Mob. {In the court-yard, speaking to Barebone.) —
^Tis a lie, 'tis a lie, we know he's here, and if you don't
show us where he is, well swing you.
Bare, — Fll go and look again; but Vm almost sure he's
gone away.
Writer Barebone to Sir Gripe.
Sir G. — Hark! they're going to get straw to put in the
low rooms, to set the house on fire !
Bare. — Pray go out to them. Sir! Hark! they are
coming up stairs.
Enter Jive or six.
All. — Oh! here you are! Come along.— (T^cy seize
him and drag him away,)
SCENE IX,— The Court-yard.
Many.— Swing him ! Swing him !
Others. — Horse-pond himi Horse-pond him! Down
to the farm with him^ and horse-pond him !
1st June, 1831. ' 291
SCENE X. — 7%ff Farm-house Kitchen: Squire Thimble, Stilus,
Mrs. Stiles, and Last : to thefn a Bey running.
Boy.— Here they come with old Grindum, with a rope
about his middle, to draw him through the horse-pond. —
(All run out but Thimble ^ who opens the window and
looks into the yard,)
Mob. (Three or four hundred,) — Come, drown him!
Drag' him through! Drown him!
Stiles. — No, no! you must not do that
Sir G.— Stiles, I shall hold you answerable for this.
Tom Birch. — And I hold you answerable for trying to
kill my poor sister, and for paying fellows to shoot Dick
Hazle.
All.- — Swing him ! Pond him !
[They drag him across, and he sinks and
comes up all over filth.
Squ, Thim. — ^There he rises *' in all the majesty of
mud." A suitable head he has now to be the seat of a
coronet!
Tom Birch.— There, sneak away to London, where
the wretches will still bow and scrape to you. {He slinks
aWay out of the yard.) We'll swing you, if you come
here again.
Mrs. Stiles:— Oh! if there ben't the bells ringing:
they be coming from church : let's all go and wish them joy.
SCENE XL— 7%c IVidow^s Cottage-door : a great crowd assembled:
Stiles, Last, Mrs. Stiles, and Squire Thimble. Enter the
Bridegroom and Bridey with their friends: and all get into a
sort of circle,
Mrs. Stiles. — J wish you joy, Betsy !
All. — ^Wish you joy, Richard ! Wish you joy, Betsey !
Mrs. Birch. — They thank you from the bottom of their
hearts, as I do ; and Tm only sorry that my house is too
small to entertain every one of you.
Last. — In our thanks, we must not forget this gentleman
{turning to Squire Thimble); for, if it had not been for
him, we should not have known which way the post-chaise
was gone.
Squ. Thim. — I am very happy to iTave been instru-
mental in producing this result; but my conscience will not
let me take my leave without offering to this ceuple one
piece of advice. . *
Dick and Betsy. — Thank you, Sir.
292 Two-penny Trask.
SgUIRE TniMBLE.
Pray, youn^ folks, of procreation,
Of breeding children, shun the woes ;
•* Check the surplus population ;"
**^ Restraint that's morar* interpose,
Dick,
Of children full that I my quiver
Might have, you heard' the parson pray :
, Can you, then, where God's the giver,
Behold the gift, and turn away ?
Betsy,
Di'nt he pray for God to bless me.
And make me. fruitful as the vine ;
And charge my Richard to caress me, ^
And, sick or well, not to repine ?
At>L THE Young Men and Girls.
Hang that Thimble, what can he know ?
The Bible bids us to increase :
Back to Jjondon, then, may he go ;
And let us live and love in peace.
THE END.
[Printed bj Wm, Cgbbett, Johnson's-court, Fleei-strwt. 3
'■?m
— ^ jKL^- — —^-r
OLLECTIOliii:
HiiMlM
iH^fDClAlfBli
Harrison i:i|;t:;<^- ' :'::.mimmm
::x':-:-v;-xv:x-:v::::: •>:•:• <w:i-::-o>v- •:•'::•:■:
:•:•:^;•>>:^ ::•:•;;<•<:•: :;;->:>>/:;J-§-;-:fc-;-:J<<::-:::::-:
::::.:X::::::::;:::::::r:::;<:i'::::^v:ife?;^:::::x:::x :•;:>::
:::::-;;"xir^;:i;:;-:>>i;i?^i:i^
540
• C62 plllil^
vol.2 i|ii-- B^^#^
•X\v.-.-.-
x<!::x;:;:<i^>r-::ri<:;:S:«:5^;:;x;
W.-:
m:'
■:-:-:«-:-:-:-:-:-:-;-:«<<'X'X%^;-:::;:v:-:-.-; •^:•:•^^:•: :•; ;<:-Vx<-. :;^:x"»S-:^
BRIGHAM YOUNG UNIVERSITY
W^
,A
Ssv.,«»**«^
|U***%^»^*
fc^
No. 1. Vol. 11.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of July, 1831.
TO THE
LABOURERS OF ENGLAND, ON THE PROJECTS
FOR GETTING THEM OUT OF THEIR
NATIVE COUNTRY.
Ktnsingtony 25 th June, 1831.
My Friends,
The London newspapers tell us, that the newspapers m
the country are full of ^' forebodings as to the designs of the
labourers;'' and the ^^ Morning Chronicle ^'^ oi the 25th
June, having told us this, adds these words, " There is an
*^ article in the Kent Herald, of Thursday, which is worthy
** of particular attention. Dearly, do we fear, will England
^^ yet rue the having, of late years, legislated only for the
*' higher classes, and abandoned the lower to every de-
'^ scrip tion of tyranny T This Morning Chronicle is a
paper on the side of the ministers, and, therefore, it says
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street \
and sold \y^ all Booksellers.
2 Two-PENHTY Trash ;
what it pleases : if I, who am on the side of no men in
power, were to write this, I should be prosecuted for it.
However, why does not this paper give us this famous article
from the Kent Herald ; and why does it not give us some
of those dismal forebodings of the country newspapers with
regard to your designs ? I, however, want no information
upon the subject, for I know your designs, and I highly
approve of them ; namely, ^rst, to secure for yourselves,
in return for your labour, a belly-full of meat and bread ;
and, nexty to obtain some good wholesome beer, to wash
them down ; and also to obtain good and decent clothes,
and clean bedding, such as your grandfathers had. These
are your designs, and God send that they may be accom-
plished, instead of being a subject of " ominous fore-
bodings.'' But now, upon thesie projects for getting a part
, of you out of the country. Those that are for these pro-
jects say, that you are too numerous ; that you breed too
fast ; and that there is not work enough for you; and they
say this at the very moment when the farmers, all over the
country, are complaining that they shall not be able to get
in the harvest without the assistance of Irish labourers ! I
have often proved that there is plenty of employment for
you ; that the farmers wish to give you that employment,
but that they have not the money to give you ; and this has
also been stated recently by Lord Stanhope before a com-
mittee in the House of Lords. The cause of the farmers
not having money enough to give you is, that they are com-
pelled to pay tithes and taxes to an enormous extent ; and
you want higher wages than you otherwise would want,
because you pay taxes on your malt, hops, sugar, soap,
candles, tobacco, and, in short, on every-thing that you
consume; while the numerous enclosure-bills have taken
from almost the whole of you the means of keeping cow, or
pig, or goose.
1st July, 1831. $
I have frequently told you, that there is a man of the
name of Malthus, who is a church parson, who was the
great inventor of the doctrine, that it is your breeding so
fast that is the cause of your misery. This man has long
been a great favourite with the greater part of the law-
makers and ministers, and it has recently come to light,
that he has been, and is in the pay of the government, and
that he has been receiving and is receiving a hundred
pounds a year for his literary services. That which he has
received would have wholly maintained nine or ten labourers'
families. Such transactions as this forms part of the cause
of your misery ; bu4, though this is as clear as day-light to
me and to every man of sense in the kingdom, still the
schemers are at work to get some of you away ; to get some
of you out of that country in which you were born, while
they suffer swarms of Italians, Jews, and Germans, hurdy-
gurdy grinders, broom-sellers, and Scotch pedlars, to swarm
over the land, like lice upon the body of a diseased animal.
They suifer all these to remain and wander whither they
like, and are busy about nothing but getting out of the
country those who till the land and make the clothes and the
houses. Swarms of pensioners and sinecure-holders, paid
out of the taxes ; swarms of retired clerks, and military
officers, and doctors ; swarms of idlers, of all descriptions.,
they suffer to remain, and wish to get rid only of those who
do the work, and who, if necessary, are able to defend the
country. In a former number I endeavoured to amuse you,
under the form of a farce, with an exhibition of the follv '
of these people. Upon the publication of that farce, a
man calling himself Edward Ludlow, who is a partisan
of these getters -rid of the people, wrote me a very abusive
letter, at the close of which he put to me five questions
relative to population. I answered these questions, which
contained the doctrine of the whole crew ; and those ques-
B 2
4 - . Two-PEi^NY Trash 5
tions, together with my answer, I will now lay before you.
I pray you to read the whole with great attention , and to
hand it about from one to the other ; and when you have
read this, I shall have other, and, to you, still more im-
portant matter to lay before you.
« LUDLOW'S QUESTIONS."
** 1. Stock a farm of 1000 acres, of the richest pasture land, with
•* one breeding pair of the ox, horse, and sheep tribes of animals ;
*•' leave them to multiply, in obedience to the unrestrained instincts
'* of nature, and will they not multiply until the said pasture is
^' unable to maintain the augmented numbers otherwise than in a
*' state of the most severe privation under which animal life can
** possibly exist?
" 2. Would not the same result inevitably occur if the whole
" island of Great Britain were of the richest pasture, and similarly
*' stocked ?
*' 3. To keep down the mouths on his pasture to a level with its
*' capacity to feed them, does not the grazier have recourse to va-
*' rious violent means : such as slaughtering the animals of all
*' ages, removing them away from his land, incapacitating them
*' from breeding, by separating the sexes, and by other means?
** And if he were not so to do, would not his farm inevitably in
^' time be overstocked ?
'' 4. Is not the multiplication of all classes of animal nature,
** biped and quadruped, or man and beast, governed by the very
** same laws or principles?
'* 5. If the aforesaid violent means of physical prevention, ap-
*' plied, as aforesaid, to the multiplication of four-legged creatures,
*' cannot be applied to that of two-legged creatures, will not the
** latter inevitably overstock the country, unless their excessive
" multiplication be prevented by some moral restraint thereon?
** When you show that you clearly understand the preceding
*^ very simple questions, and the proper answers to them, I may
** probably propound some others which may lead to the elements
** of the momentous, complex, and beautiful science, that treats of
** the multiplication of the human species, viewed with reference
** to its highest attainable state of well-being.
" You are at liberty to publish this letter, but 1 guess you will
** take good care to do no such thing.
*' EDWARD LUDLOW."
'' COBBETT'S ANSWER.'*
Now, nasty feelosofer, I answer the four first questions
with a YES ; but the fifth I answer with a NO. Here
we have, then, the grand argument of the shallow and
nasty beasts I Here we ha^e the basis of their ** momen^
I
1st July, 1831, 5
tous, cotoplex, and beautiful science." The nasty crea-
tures know, that nobody can deny the truth of their obser-
vations, as they apply to stocky kept upon a farm ; and
not being able to discriminate between that case and the
case of a nation^ they think that their conclusion is unan-
swerable, and they rush on to it with all the eagerness and
glee of a conceited fool who imagines that he has disco-
vered some hitherto-hidden idea that lie is bringing forth.
If the mind of this fellow were not as stupid as it is
nasty, he would have perceived that there is no analogy
in the two cases; that a nation, or people, have to provide
for their own wants, have to create by their own skill,
care, and toil, that which they eat, drink, wear, and are
warmed and lodged with ; whereas the stock upon a farm
have their wants provided for by others; they create no^
thing ; they use no skill, no care ; they labour not at all ;
but have every-thing provided for them by the skill and la-
*bour of man, and the labour of those other animals that
man calls in to his assistance.
It is curious to observe how this nasty-minded fellow,
resting upon the propensities and tendencies of nature, flies
off, at once, for an illustration, into a state wholly artificial,
and talks of the multiplication of animals in tliis state, in-
stead of animals in a state of nature, where they have to
provide for their own wants, and to seek for the means of
their own defence and 2oreservation. What! nasty, impu-
dent, and stupid beast, you want to show us how" fast ani-
mals would increase, if left to the '' unrestrained instincts
of nature,'^ and as a proof of it, you cite what would be
the increase of a flock, guarded during the day by the
shepherd and his dog, folded at night, and pampered upon
grass, clover, and turnips, created for them and almost put
into their mouths, by the labour of men and horses ! You
are a pretty beast to reason upon analogy ! you are a pretty
6 Twoj^PENNY Trash ;
beast to show us what would be the effect of leaving ani-
inals to the '' unrestrained instincts of nature !"
To make your argument of analogy worth a straw, you
ought to. have gone for an illustration, not to flocks and
heMs, tended and fed and nursed and physicked by the
hand of man, but to those untamed animals which acknow-
ledge no owner, and which provide for their own wants and
their own protection. Of these the sparrow, the rook, the rab-
bit, the hare, the pheasant, the wood-pigeon, the partridge,
and some others, are, in part, provided for b}^ man ; yet it is
"not without great difficulty that some of them can be made
to increase. But the foxes, the badgers, the otters, the wea-
zels, the stoats, the pole -cats ; why do they not over-run
the^ country ? They are killed by man and other animals 5
aye, now and then one, but not in so great a proportion as
men are killed in various strifes, and by accidents arising
out of their state in civil society. And why do not these
animals (all great breeders) cover the land, then ? They
are^leffc to the '' unrestrained instincts of nature ;*' aye, but
they are also left to get their own living ; to work for what
they eat. Mice and rats, indeed, absolutely demand cats
and traps to " check the population** of them ; and, why}
because the food on which they live is provided for them
by the hand of man. Take that artificial provision away,
andlthere will be no need of cats and traps to keep them
dowm. And magpies, now, why do not they fill the woods
and devour us ? Who ever kills a magpie ? The most art-
ful of birds, the most vigilant, so nearly a match for the
hawk, that the latter never attacks him. Seldom is his nest
molested ; and yet, this is rather a rare bird. And why ?
Because he is compelled to pass his time in watchings and
in labour. Feed the magpies, and take care of them, and
they will be as plentiful and as insolent as pensioners, and
you must soon begin to eat them (sweet morsels !), or to kill
t
1$T July, 1831. 7
them at least, or they will fill tlie aif with their chs^ttering.
I found, at £arn*£}iay a dove-house with d\iO\ii Jifty'-pair
of pigeons. I let them get their own living : in the three
years they did not give u^Jifty young ones, and their popu-
lation fell off, at last, to d}iO\xt fifteen pair, I had a little
pigeon-house at Kensington, set out with four pair, that
soon began to take enough young ones for a pigeon-pie once
a week ; and yet, in about two years, they increased to such
numbers, that I was compelled to slaughter th€ whole by
shooting, and to begin again« But here they were fed three
times a day abundantly, and whenever they went from
home it was for diversion, and not to seek food. Here was
" surplus population ;'* and here was the cause. These
lazy devils at Kensington got all the food and none of the
work ; and therefore I was compelled to " check their popu-
lation," and finally to destroy them.
The blackbirds and thrushes sometimes rob a man a little,
but the tom-tits, goldfinches, nightingales, swallows, mar-
tens, hedge-sparrows, aud peckers, and numerous other
birds, live wholly on worms and buds and insects and seeds
of weeds. There is never any overstock of them, though
nobody kills them ; but there would be an overstock of all
of them, if man were to feed them, and to provide thtm
with nests and protection, and were never to destroy any of
them« My little farm -yard at Kensington, contains, at
present, two cows, a bull-calf, two old sows, ^vq male pigs,
and seven females, all these about three months old, two
cocks, ten hens, and about seventeen pigeons. Here, if I
were to let them all remain in their natural state, to pursue
the '^ unrestrained instincts of nature,'' and to go on calv-
ing, pigging, and hatching, there w^ould be a goodly assem-
blage in a short time: there would be a *^ surplus popula-
tion'' indeed ! But, then, I must continue to feed thern all :
I must continue to draw from my garden subsistence for
8 Two-penny Trash;
them^ from the fruit of my care and the labour of my
me7i in the raising of the cabbages, turnips, mangel-wurzel
and corn, on which they all live. Upon this, and this
alone^ I ground ray right to " check their population/* by
killing the calf as soon as he is fit, by taking the milk from
the cows, by altering (as the Yankees call it) and, after-
wards, killing the pigs, by taking the eggs from the hens,
and by taking the youug pigeons from their nests and put-
ting them into pies. If I were to leave them to provide for
themselves, their population w^ould need no checking ; and
if they were to be so situated as to be able to get their own
living, they would hardly breed too much, because their
numbers could increase only in proportion to the subsistence
that thay obtained, and that, too, without injury to others ;
for, if they committed such injury, they would be destroyed
in proportion to the amount of that injury ; and this de-
stroying would keep their numbers within due bounds.
It is exactly the same with human beings, who, if they
labour, never CAN breed too fast, because they create food
and clothing and other necessaries in proportion to their
numbers, and because, indeed, the subsistence must precede
the population. But if there be a government to step in,
and wrest the subsistence from those by whose labour it is
created, and hand it over to others who, like my farm-stock,
create nothing, then the poor souls that do the work must
suffer from want. This is the situation of England at this
moment ; and here is the real foundation and motive of all
that we hear about " surplus population,'' Those who la-
bour, those w^ho create all the food and all the raiment,
seem, at last, resolved not to live any longer in a state of
half starvation ; and, therefore, those who live in idleness
on the fruit of their labour, are using all sorts of endea-
vours to make us believe that the working people are too
numerous, and these devourers are worrying the Govern-
1st July, 1831. 9
merit to death to adopt some scheme for thinning their
numbers, not caring a straw about what the country must
thereby lose in point of resources and strength. These
idlers are, in one respect, not like my farm-stock, for they
yield nothing in return for what they devour. They are
like the nags and pleasure-fillies, who, finding the clover
run short, petitioned the master to sell off, or kill, some of
the cart-horses, of whom they alleged that the population
was '^ surplus.'* '* Oh, no T' said the master, *' if there be
not enough for all, I must get rid of some of you ; for you
create nothing, and without the cart-horses, we shall all be ,
starved together."
There may, indeed, be a real "surplus population'^ of
idlers ; and this is the case in England now ; a real sur-
plus of nags and fillies ; these are crying out for a diminu-
tion of the number of the cart-horses, and, contrariwise to
the farmer, our Government is listening to the clamour of
these luxurious idlers, and seems to be as busy as bees ia
contriving schemes for checking the breeding and getting
rid of those who do all the work and create all the resources
of the country, while, at the same time, that same Govern-
ment does not one single thing to check the breeding, or to
get rid, of those who live in idleness out of the fruit of the
working people's labour, and who are mere coiisumers and
wasters of the nation's resources.
Let us try this a little, as the Yankees say ; let us resort
to an illustration, and see if we cannot find a better one than
that of this no-sty feelosofery " Edward Ludlow,'' who,
by-the-by, does not tell us where he is to be seen or heard
of, '* If Edward'' should happen to know John Cam
" HoBHOUSE, Esq.," who is a member under Sir Glory,
for the city of Westminster, and who, along with his mas-
ter, was so pelted with cabbages and turnips, at the election,
in Covent Garden, last summer; if *' Edward" should
B 5
*0 Two-penny Trash;
happen to know *' John Cam, Esquire'* that will be joat
the thing ; for then he will have the illustration complete.
John Cam married a Juliana Hay, who was a pensioner
Irom her infancy. There were two broods of these Hays
standing on the pension lisi; but one will be enough for
our purpose,
* Grant, dated 1807, to James Earl of Lauderdale and
* others, in trust for
* Mary Turner Hay, per year . ..... 100^.
* Dorothy Frances Hay 1 00
' Hannah Charlotte Hay 1 00
* Ehzabeth Hay 100
* James Hay 100
' Juliana Hay 100
Now it is very clear that *' Edward Ludlow's" doc-
trine would apply here ; for here the parties create nothing.
I will not compare such delicate ladies to " stock upon a
farm ; '^ but" like the lilies of the field, they toil not, nei-
ther do they spin'* They do no work, they create nothing
usefiil, they make come neither food nor raiment nor fuel
nor bedding nor houses ; therefore they may easily be too
numerous ; because they do not, like the working classes,
create [subsistence in proportion to their numbers ; they
draw their subsistence, or, rather, the exciseman draws it
for them,\ out of the fruit of the labour of others/^wBX
as the farmer brings the food to his pigs out of the fields
which have been ploughed and sowed by him and the
horses. Such people, therefore, if left to follow the *' unre-
strained instincts of nature," and if fed in proportion to their
numbers, must soon actually cover the face of the earth,
and devour up every- thing upon it.
But suppose that Lady Juliana had not had the ex-
ciseman to draw subsistence for her from the fruit of the
labour of the Scotch people (it is a Scotch aflfair), how
1st July, 1831. M
would the case have stood then ] She must have worked
for what she ate and wore ; she might at this moment have
been weeding in the corn, and by-and-by haymaking, reap-
ing, and then hop-picking, and in the winter, spinning and
knitting. In that case, she would have created as much as
she consumed ; she would have been no surplus ; and if
she had increased there would have been no harm, because
her increase would, in the usual course of things, have
brought '^ a proportionate increase of subsistence^ Let
*' Edward Ludlow'' go and ask John Cam (if he be
acquainted with him) whether this be not sound doctrine ;
and when he is about it, to make the illustration more
ample, he may ask the Squire how the case stands with
regard even to the Squire himself who is one, they say,
of a family of TEN CHILDREN, and whose father has,
as '^ Commissioner of Nabob of Arcot's Debts,'' (O Lord !)
received about fifteen hundred pounds a year for nearly, or
quite, the last thirty years; and, of course, about forty -Jive
thousand pounds 071 the whole.
Here again the doctrine of ^* Ludlow '' applies: here is
*' surplus population :" here, if the parties were left to the
^^ unrestrained instincts of nature,'* they would certainly
devour up the earth itself in time. But if these ten persons
were not thus provided for out of the fruit of other people's
labour, they might now be all engaged in occupations in
w^hich they would, in some way or other, be producers of
food, clothing, houses, ships, or some other things neces-
sary to man ; and then the addition that they would make
to the population would be no surplus ; because they would,
by their labour, cause a proportionate addition to the food
and other things necessary to man, and necessary to the
support of the power of the country.
The conclusion, then, is this : that of those who create
useful things by their labour, either of hands or head, there
12 Two-penny Trash;
never can be too many in any country;, because they will
create subsistence in proportion to their numbers, and there
will be less population in a given space of unproductive land
than in the same space of productive land, because the sub-
sistence must exist before the new mouths can come ; but
that, of those who create nothing useful, there may be, as
there is now in this country, a great surplus population,, and
this may be so prodigious as to produce something very
nearly approaching to general famine, as is the case at this
moment in Ireland, whence the idlers bring away so much
as to leave not a suificiency even of the accursed root to
keep the producing classes from starving.
To bar all cavil upon the subject, let me add, that I do
not include amongst the idlers, lawyers, doctors, or teachers
of any sort, as far as they be necessary in a country ; nor
the makers and administrators of the laws ; nor soldiers,
nor sailors, necessary for the defence of the country. These
assist those who create and who convey from hand to hand
the things created by securing to them protection and peace,
and the enjoyment of the things created. The owner of the
land is no idler; for the land is necessary to all; and with-
out an owner it could not be advantageously used. But
those who draw their subsistence from those who labour,
without adequate services in return ; these are the idlers ;
and they do not deserve to be put on a level with stock
upon a farm, because these we, first or last, turn into meat,
shoes or coats ; whereas the idlers, like the vermin that suck
our blood, or those that eat up our victuals in our cupboards,
are, in their lives, our torment, and, in their deaths, our
disgust.
There, nasty ^^ Edward Ludlow;" now go and put
forth your scheme for sending the working-people away, or for
^' incapacitating them from breeding;" and then go to some
farm-yard, in the north of Wiltshire, and, as the reward for
1st July, 1831. 13
discovering your '^ beautiful science/' have your brains
knocked out by the milk-maids against the posts of the
cow-cribs.
Wm. COBBETT.
NEW EMIGRATION SCHEME.
Notwithstanding the article which you have just
read; notwithstanding the clear proof there given that the
arguments were not worth a straw ; notwithstanding this, the
schemers are proceeding with as much vigour as ever; and,
sorry I am to tell you, that they now appear to be acting
with the approbation of the Government itself, as you wall
clearly perceive by the followii^g publication, sent forth in
the Government Gazette, of the 22d of June.
*' The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of
" Knighthood upon the Right Honourable Robert Wilmot
" Horton, Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Island
" of Ceylon.
*^ His Majesty has been pleased to establish a commissioTiy
^* for the purpose of collecting and communicating to per-
*^ sons desirous to emigrate to any of the British posses*
^' sio7is abroad, inquest of employment, such information
*^ as may be useful to the parties so circumstanced : and
'^ generally to render to such persons such counsel, advice,
*^ and aid as can be lawfully afforded to them in effecting
" sucl| emigrations. The commissioners will hold their
" meetings at the Colonial Office, in Downing-street, and
" the following are the persons appointed : His Grace the
^^ Duke of Richmond, Viscount Howick, Francis Thorn^
" hill Baring, Esq., Henry Ellis, Esq., and Robert Wilson
" Hay, Esq. : Frederick T. Elliot, Esq. to act as secre-
" to the said commissioners.'*
14 Two-penny Trash ;
But, you will say, what have we to do with this Right
Honourable Wilmot Houton ? Why, you have a greiit
deal to do with hiui : he is the head emigration schemer ;
and he has just now been made the governor of an island,
a post which, they say, is worth eight thousand pounds a
year ; and who it is that pays it, I need not tell you. How-
ever, he has schemed, it seems, pretty well for himself; but,
my friends, only look at this thing ! a board of commission-
ers, established by the King, to collect information for persons
who may wish to get out of the country! a board of com-
missioners, with a Duke at the head of it, to show people
how they may carry away out of England that which con-
stitutes England's strength. A board of royal commissioners
to get the King's subjects out of his kingdom. Strange
state of tilings when this can be ; this excites an ominous
foreboding indeed. But let others do what they like: my
business is to give you true information upon the subject ; my
business is, to guard you against listening to the suggestions
of any-body, which suggestions might be injurious to you.
You will observe, that these commissioners are to collect
information, and to give it to such persons only as may wish
to go to British possessions abroad ; British possessions y
mind you; and, indeed, none was necessary to be collected
for persons going to the United States of America, for they
have all the information already collected, in my little book
called the EmigranVs Guide, What sort of government
there is in British possessions abroad, you may gather from
the following account. One of the British possessions is
-called Demerara, and, in that colony, there was a news-
paper printed, called the D enter ara Gazette, published
and owned by Mr. Alexander Stephenson. Now take
this proprietor's own account of the manner in which his
publication was put a stop to ; read it attentively, it is dated
George Town, Demerara, 17th March, 1831, and it has
been sent to me and all the other publishers in London,
J
1st July, 1831. 15
that we may let the people know how the press is treated
in the colonies.
*' Sir, — A circumstance having occurred yesterday in our office
which, in our opinion as aprecedent, deeply interests every British
subject, and more especially all those immediately connected with
the public press, we take the liberty of communicating it for your
information, requesting that you will take such notice of it as in
your discretion the case may appear to require. For the facts of
the case, we beg to refer you to the notice and other documents
which we published yesterday, and to a copy of our paper of the
\Ath mstaat, for publishing which our license to piint the same has
been arbitrariii/ withdrawn by the authorities named in the interdict^
without subjecting the question of our delinquency to the decision
of amy court of justice y or affording us any notice or explanoAi^n
whatsoever. This is the third time that our paper has been
stopped, in the same abrupt and arbitrary manner, by the same
individual, Major-General Sir Benjamin D*Urban, the lieutenant-
governor of this colony. On the I8th of November, 1825, the
same thing took place, and from an equally insignificant cause, viz.
having published in our paper a most outrageously gross expres-
sion made use of publicly on parade by a major in the militia to a
very respectable inhabitant, a private in the same corps. Our paper
was then stopped for a considerable time; and it was only in caa-
sequence of making a personal application to the Colonial Secre-
tary in London, that we were allowed to resume its publication.
On the second occasion, the grounds were so trifling, that the In-
terdict was withdrawn in the course of two days. The circulation
of our Paper is very considerable, not only in this colony, but also
throughout all the West Indies, and even in Great Britain. The
loss, therefore, to us, occasioned by such suspensions, must be
obvious to you, and the inconvenience and annoyance to the
public, occasioned by the suppression of the only paper which
attempts the discussion of our local grievances, is very consider-
able. As a proof that our statement of the public distress here,
and of the existence of most oppressive and rapidly increasing-
abuses is by no means exaggerated, we enclose for your inspection '
a memorial, drawn up and about to be transmitted by the planters
and merchants of this colony, with an appendix containing the
details of their difficulties and a statement of many of the abuses
which now grievously oppress them. We were prepared to produce
a far more detailed and well- authenticated statement of all these
circumstances, and the means by which the authorities have
thought proper to suppress its publication, have been the sup-
pression of our paper in the arbitrary manner above stated. The
effectual suppression of these repeated violations of the legitimate
freedom of the press, in many distant parts of the empire, can
only be obtained by strong public appeals to the justice and sym-
pathy of our countrymen in the mother country. The delays and
expenses of repeated applications to law for redress, would exhaust
16 T\ro-PENNY Trash;
the patience and resources of the most fortunate. To our fellow-
labourers, therefore, in the same useful and arduous avocation,
we chiefty look for that support which we feel confident they will
not refuse to an unjustly persecuted individual, and that they will
feel stimulated to afford this, not less from a kindly sympathy to
another's sufferings than from an enlightened view of their own
deep interest in the subject."
It is not likely that the board of commissioners, with the
Duke of Richmond at their head, should communicate this
information to persons who are disposed to emigrate to the
colonies ; yet nothing can be more useful to such persons
than information like this. I question, too, whether the
Lord Chancellor, who has a work published which he calls
^ Useful Knowledge for the People,'* will publish this
piece of information ; and so the poor fools that sufifer them-
fielves to be persuaded to go to the colonies, will, when they
.(^ome there, find themselves unable to have a word to read,
except that word be first licensed by the governor ! It is
very well worthy of remark, that the paper which caused
this taking away of the license, contained an extract
from the Register, describing the ilUtreatment of the
people in Ireland, and another from my History of Geo.
J v., describing the meanness 2ind falseness of the Whigs !
^' Like master like man;'' like ministry like governor. It
is not likely, indeed, that any of you will ever become
printers or editors ; but, pray, ask yourselves : if this be
the law with regard to the press, what must be the law with
regard to speech ? and, if a man can neither write nor
speak in safety, what becomes of the safety of his person
and his property ? Put these questions to yourselves ; and
then, after you have duly considered them, if you still go to an
English colony, be all the consequences on your own heads.
Look, on the other hand, at the United States of America,
where there has been no state prosecution since the begin-
ning of the existence of the republican government ; where
1st July, 1831. 17
there is not only no license, but where there are none of
those laws that we have here for trammelling the press ;
where there is no stamp upon newspapers, or upon any-thing
else ; where, under that good and cheap government, no man
in public authority is afraid of the press.
I have given you a fair specimen of the sort of liberty
enjoyed in the British colonies. I knew it well before ; I
could give you a description of all the wretchedness of
living in those colonies ; but I have chosen to content my-
self with this one authentic undeniable proof; and, with
that proof, I am sure that you will be satisfied. It is not^
however, of this species of liberty that you would most feel
the want : it is of the real bodily sufferings of which I think
most, and against encountering which I wish to guard you.
To go to Botany Bay, to which they now give the pretty
name of Swan River, Sidney Settlement, Van Diemens
Land, and the like, is to go a nine months* voyage, to begin
with; and then, if you outlive that voyage, to encounter
every hardship that tongue or pen can describe. The British
American colonies are Prince Edward's Island, New-^
foundland^ Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Canada*
Six months in the year, all these countries are covered with
snow several feet deep. Prince Edward's Island and
Newfoundland are two banks of sand, with fir-trees growing
upon part of them. Nova Scotia consists of heaps of rocks,
covered with fir- trees, for the greater part, with a few narrow
strips of clear land in the bottoms of the valleys. Nova
Scotia is much about the same thing; and, in short, this is
the description of the whole, except a part of Upper Canada,
which joins on to the worst part of the United States.
Every-where the snow covers the ground for several feet
deep six months in the year. So poor are those countries,
that garden-stuif and fruit, even cabbages, are carried from
the United States by sea, to be eaten by the governors,
18 Two-penny Trash;
offioerg of the army, and other gentlefolks^ who are paid
out of the taxes raised on us. Of the poverty of those
countries, I need give yon no proof hut this ; namely, that
many thousands of pounds out of our taxes are sent to them
every year to pay the church parsons in those countries ;
for, observe^ and I beg you to observe it well, that the
people of those countries have never submitted to the pay-
n>ent of tithes. Indeed, the countries are so poor, that they
could not pay them if they would ; but, poor as they are,
the church parsons that are in them contrive to be fat ;
and fat they will be as long as the means of fatness are
taken out of taxes raised on us. I have told you before,
and I tell it you again, that you are to look upon North
America as an ox; that our colonies are the shins, the
horns, the head, and the hoofs; and the best part of
Canada may be called the neck ; and that the republic of
America consists of the ribs, the loins, the rump, the rounds^
the flanks, and the kidneys ; which you ought to choose, if
you have a choice, I need not say, unless you hare entir^y
forgotten what the word beef means. In short, and to give
you a description more plain, if possible, do you know of
any gravel-pit, at the top of which you see the little bit of
soil, not more than three inches deep, and w^ell mixed with
stonee^ — soil upon w^hich nothing will grow, except the little
hardy weeds, and in which they die in a summer like this
before Old Midsummer-day; and then, on the other hand,
do you know any rich piece of land, the soil deep as your
head, covered with sweet grass, and an orchard blooming
above : if you know of these two things, in the first you
behold Nova Scotia and the rest, and, in the last, you be-
hold the United States of America ^ the latter inhabited,
too, by free people, afraid of no governor nor any-body else
an hospitable people; a people like those of their forefathers
who went from England; and not a set of crouching
1st July, 1831. 19
creatures, afraid to have their licenses taken from them ;
afraid to speak, except in a whisper, unless it be to praise
those who have the command of them, and who then may
roar out Hke thunder.
But why should you go out of England at all? What
should you go away for? You must stiil work for your
bread ; and those of you who may happen to try it, will
remember what I tell you — that God has made no country so
pleasant to live and to work in as England. To be sure, to
avoid starvation, to avoid seeing a wife and children starve,
a man would go any-where ; but why should they starve
here? Here is an abundance of foody and, as I have over
and over again proved, here is an abundance of work. The
coming harvest will prove, as, indeed, every harvest has
proved, that there are not hands enough, instead of there
being too many. Why should you, therefore, quit your
country, encounter the hardships of a sea- voyage, put your-
self under the command of a captain of a ship, face all the
dangers of the seas, and, after all, still be compelled to work
for your bread, and to endure heat and cold greater than
you have ever known or even dreamed of. Any-thing, I
allow, even death itself, is better than to live upon potatoes ;
but w^hy need you live upon potatoes, if you be willing to
work, while the land is loaded with corn and meat and
butter and cheese ? Your lot has been unbearable, to be
sure ; and it is far from being what it ought to be yet ; but
is this reform of Parliament to make no change in that lot ?
If it be not, to contempt and scorn I cast the parliamentary
reform. It is to better your lot that I want the reform, and
if it effect not that purpose, foolish or rogueish will be the
man that praises it. But it will effect that purpose ; it will
make your lot better : have only a little patience : see what
a reformed Parliament will do : you have borne long ; bear
a little longer : try a reformed Parliament, and do not
20 Two-penny Trash;
suffer yourselves to be inveigled away by any of the land-
Jobbing crew of America, to pine out your lives on their
sands and rocks and swamps ; do not expose yourselves to
perish amidst their snows, or to be smitten to the earth by
the burnings of their sun.
With men who have money, especially money enough to
live upon, or to purchase land or houses, or carry on busi-
ness of any sort, and who have families coming up, and who
do not wish to lose what they have, who do not wish to have
it all taken away in tithes and taxes, the United States is
the country, if their circumstances be such that they cannot
w^ait for the effects of reform. I am myself a sort oi emi^
gration board for persons of this description ; one of whom
(whose letter I have not had time to* answer) has six thou-
sand pounds and a rising family, which six thousand pounds
he wishes to keep for the use of that family. Let him go to
New York, put out his money on mortgage on land, with
judgment confessed (as is the custom of the country). His
interest will give him three hundred and fifty pounds a year,
or one thousand nine hundred dollars : he may live at ten
or fifteen miles from New York, amidst peach and cherry
and apple orchards ; may keep a carriage and suitable ser-
vants, and lay by a third of his interest to increase for his
children. If he have a mind to be saving and live without
show, his living will cost him less by one half than what he
is compelled to pay in taxes in England. Within these
three weeks, a gentleman came to me who has a wife and
three small children, and could muster up eight hundred
pounds to have in his pocket upon landing, and who, from
the total decline of business here, saw ruin staring him in
the face. He is now on his way to New York. He had
not positively made up his mind as to whither he should go.
I showed him the above document from Demerara. He
started at the sounds of the words license and interdict,
1st July, 1831. 21
and of punishment without trial and without being told for
what; that decided him at once. Lord Brougham, who
is so anxious to instruct the people of England, as, indeed,
Scotchmen generally are; he is so very anxious on this
subject, that I am sure he will thank me for furnishing him
with this piece of useful information, to be given to those
whom he has taken under his care.
To conclude, my friends, my advice to you is, not to
budge an inch from your houses : this is your country ; you
have a right to be in it, and to have a good living in it ;
but, if your fancy leads you to roam abroad, go to no country
but the United States of America ; and go not to that in
any but an American ship, commanded by an American
captain. The poor emigrants from Sussex, when writing
home to their friends, make this a particular point. They
guard them against many inconveniences and evils; but
they say over and over again, " If you do come, be sure not
'* to come in any but an American ship and with an Ame-
" rican captain." However, I, who have been in all these
countries, advise you to stay where you are, and to see what
the reform of Parliament will do.
I am, my friends,
Your faithful friend,
Wm. COBBETT.
STARVING IRELAND.
My Friends,
I HAVE not room to say much to you on this subject,
so disgraceful to our Government and country; but it is
necessary to tell you w^hat are the consequences which come
from a working people living upon potatoes. To live upon
this accursed root, this lowest of hog-meat, this food of a
poor hog, reduces man to the state of beast ; but this is not
all ; for when once he suffers himself to sink into that state.
22 Two-PE^'NY Trash ;
to depend upon that uncertain crop; when once he is thus
far degraded, the next step is a ^-ant of a sufl&ciency of that,
and then comes starvation itself. Of these truths that
wretched country, Ireland, now offers us the dismal proofs.
I have explained to you, that, by the laws of God, the laws
of the ancient church of our country, by the common law of
our land, by the statute law of our land, every man, unable
to provide himself with a sufficiency of food and raiment for
himself and his family, is entitled to receive that sufficiency
out of the produce of the land of his own country. But
how fares it with the unhappy Irish, who are starving by
hundreds and by thousands, while ship-loads of beef, bacon,
pork, butter, and corn, are continually sent from that country
to this country and others ? I will make to you no statement
upon my own authority ; I will state to you facts that will
first make your blood run cold, and then make it boil with in-
dignation; but I wall take all these facts from under the
pens of the lords, the parsons, and those who are called the
gentlemen of Ireland. In one report, published by authority,
and signed by the Secretary of the Committee in Dublin,
whose name is Francis Lynch Blosse, and who is, I
believe, a baronet, is the folio tving passage; and I am sure
that you will want nothing more : —
" The greatest distress prevails in forty-two parishes, or districts,
and that in these are 148,041 persons now suffering under the ago-
nies of hunger. The members of the deputation further offer them-
selves for examination on oath before the Privy Council — for from
their knowledge of the country, and intercourse with the poor, they
are able to bear out the statements made in the parochial returns.
J assure you I would not by any language exaggerate the state of
distress to which we are now reduced. Those on the sea-coast are
endeavouring to preserve existence on sea-weed and shell-fish found
along the shores. A clergyman, on whose authority I state the
fact, told me that, doubting the accuracy of the reports which were
brought to him, he visited families at unexpected times, and thus be-
came a witness of the melancholy meal where a mother, surrounded
by her children, picked out the fish from the shells with a pin, ap-
portioning the scanty morsels to each in its turn, but too slowly to
satisfy the cravings of their hunger. In other parts of the country
the poor are living on nettles and weeds, from which experience has
taught tbera to extract some nourishment ; and they pray for a few
1st July, 1831. 23
handsfuil of oatmeal to boil up with those plants, to furnish a meal
more substantial and nutritious. I can state that a miserable mo-
ther, with an infant in her arms, was found attempting to prolong
the existence of her family by sharing with each child the nourish-
ment which her breasts afforded. These facts shall be proved on
oath before the Privy Council. And shall we, then, appeal in vain
to the humanity of the wealthy to redeem these miserable victims
of the grave from a painful and untimely death ? "
Read every word of that with attention ; read every word
of it ; and then say to yourselves, Such will be OUR fate :
this is the way in which we shall end our days, if we once
suffer ourselves to be brought down to live upon potatoes ;
and, in saying that to yourselves, you will reason like sen-
sible men. Now, you should be informed that, in the month
of February last, some of the poor creatures in this country
sent a petition to the Parliament, praying for something to
be done to save them from starvation. The poor creatures
were very humble in their petition : they seemed to be al-
most crawling upon their bellies while they were praying ;
and their petition was presented by Mr. Stanley, the son
of a lord; and he is what they call Secretary of State for
Ireland. The poor creatures said, that if they had but food
for their wives and families, they would be thankful, they
would be industrious, they would be happy ; and this Se-
cretary said, when he presented the petition, that they did
not utter a syllable of insubordination, or even of discontent.
Now mark, and mark it well : he said, that, on this account;
that is, because they did not express discontent, their peti-
tion was doubly deserving the attention of Parliament. Now
mind this : the Parliament has done no one thing to relieve
them, from that day to this; while it has been voting sums
upon sums for placemen, pensioners, sinecure people ; and,
amongst those pensioners, pensioners in foreign countries, or
rather, fellows receiving what they call half-pay for mili-
tary services. I will say not another word on the subject, ex-
cept this, that I recommend to you, the labourers of Eng-
land, to ^ve i^hiag undoney which you can legally do,
tri.V-ȣ.i>fc; r. .
24 Two-penny Trash ; 1st July, 1831.
to prevent you from falling into a state like that in which
the wretched people of Ireland are ; and that, if you deem
it proper to petition the Parliament for relief, to express your
discontent, if you have any-thing to complain of.
COBBETT^S CORN.
It gives me great delight to hear that this corn is flourish-
ing with you in Lincolnshire and Sussex, I not having
heard about it from any other of the counties as yet. Dig
between the rows, and earth the plants up a little, which
will make them send out shoots from the stems ; keep the
ground quite clean from weeds; you will have fine crops,
plenty of seed for another year, and you will find it a great
blessing to you, particularly as it will banish from your
gardens the cursed root of slaves, called the potatoe. 1 in-
troduced this corn into England, or, rather, I took it from
my son, who introduced it, chiefly for the purpose of its being
beneficial to you. By prevailing upon the nobility, the
gentry, the parsons, the farmers, to pay attention to it, I
naturally thought that they would distribute it amongst you.
Alas ! I began at the wrong end ; I should have begun with
you, and not with them. I hav-e now begun at the right
end, and it gives me great pleasure to hear that my en-
deavour has been attended with success. I know that you
will act like men of sense ; and the first act of a man of
sense is, to provide the means of good living for himself and
his family. I am extremely happy to hear, particularly
from the county of Sussex, that you are resolved not to be
inveigled out of England by any of the emigration mongers.
A pretty thing, indeed, for you to suffer yourselves to be
coaxed away out of your country when the good times are
coming. The reform of the Parliament will take away
the hired overseers, to be replaced by the native overseers of
the parish, cause the transportation for poaching to be abo-
ilished, cause the malt-tax and hop-tax to be taken off, and
the other taxes which oppress the farmer as well as your-
selves. These are my opinions, and these are my hopes ;
therefore, my advice to you is, let nobody wheedle you to
quit England, and I remain your faithful friend,
Wm. cobbett.
[Printed by Wm. Cobbett, Johnson's-court, Fleet-8treet,l
."o. 2. Vol. II.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRAS
For the Month of August, 1831.
Published monthlify sold at 12s. Od. a hundred, and for 300, taheji
at once, lis.
TO THE PEOPLE OF HAxMPSHIRE.
Kensington, \st August, 1831.
My Friends,
Never were there njore important matters than those
on which I have now 'to address you. The subjects are as
follow : —
1 . The Trial which has lately taken place, on the Whig-
prosecution against me.
2. The Barings and Mr. and Mrs, Deacle,
3. Farmer Botes, and the libel published under the
name of Wilde.
4. Tithes and Parsons.
5. Emigration Projects.
I. The Whig-prosecution Trial. — It will not be
necessary to say much to you upon this subject, of which
you have heard a great deal through the newspapers and
other channels. But I must just put it on record in this
little work, which I cannot do better than in the following
words, which are written in my o^vn hand- writing, at the
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-streev>
aud sold by ail Booksellers.
26 Two-penny Trash ;
bottom of a portrait which is just published, the plate of
which is eighteen inches long, thirteen inches wide, and
which is sold for ten shillings. The words are these: —
This Portrait represents me in the dress that 1 wore at the trial,
before the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Tenterden, and a Special Jury,
in the Guildhall of the City of London, on the 7th July, 1831, in
the second year of the reie;n of Kirig William the Fourth ; which
trial was on the prosecution of an indictment for a pretended libel,
published in my Register of 11th December, 1830, but which pre-
tended libel was an earnest pleading for the lives of the poor
labourers, then about to be tried by special commissions, in the
counties of Hants, Wilts, Dorset, Berks, and Bucks ; which prose-
cution was ordered by the Whig Ministry, consisting of Lords
Grey, Brous^ham, Lansdown, Durham, Melbourne, Goderich, Pal-
merston, Holland, Asackiand, and Althorp, Sir James Graham, and
Mr. Charles Grant; the Attorney-General being Sir Thomas Den-
inan, and the Solicitor-General Sir William Home ; and the trial,
■which lasted from nine o'clock in the morning till seven at night,
being, for the malignant Whigs, conducted by the Attorney-
General, Mr. Gurney, and Mr. VVhiteman, and the Whigs* Attor-
ney, Mr. Maule, and, on my part, by myself, accompanied by
my Attorney, Mr. Edward C. Faithful! ; the result being that, the
next morning at nine o'clock, the Jury (John Evans and William
Starey, Esqs. ; Joseph Bishop, James Wilkinson, Joseph Leggins,
John VV^ood, Thomas Jenkins, Thomas Malthy, Richard Beeston,
and Jam.es Frisby, merchants ; William J. Lavvson, banker; and
John Seeley, bookseller) sent a letter to the Judge, saying that
they were six of one opinion and six of another, that they saw no
prospect of coming to a unanimous decision, and that they there-
fore begged to be discharged; and that, thereupon the Judge dis-
charged them, and, by that act, an acquittal was pronounced, to
the great joy of the audience (some of whom had remained in the
court the whole night to hear the verdict), to the joy of the friends
of freedom in all parts of the kingdom, and, I trust, to the lasting
benefit of the industrious, virtuous, and hardly-used labourers of
England, amongst whom I was born and bred, and to prevent
"whom from being reduced to live upon potatoes — the soul-degrad-
ing potatoe — and on water, instead of the bacon, bread, and beer,
of which our fathers had plenty, 1 have constantly and most ear-
nestly laboured, during thirty out of the sixty-five years of my life,
always having regarded it as my bounden duty to use all the law-
ful means in my power to better their lot, be the consequences
to myself what they might. Wm. COBBEIT.
Kensington y 20^/i July, 1831.
I must just add that the paper for which I was prosecuted
was, in fact, a defence, a remonstrance, and a prayer, in
behalf of the farmers and the labourers of England, and
1st August, 1831. 27
particularly of those of Wiltshire and Hampshire, to whom
the paper was addressed. This paper stated that the
labouring people had been hardly treated; that the violences
which they had comnjitted had arisen out of their dire and
cruel necessities; that the farmers were wholly unable to
give them sufficient wages without a great reduction of
taxes, and an abolition of tithes ; that, seeing these circum-
stances, I trusted that the Ministers would not shed the
blood of, or transport, any of those labourers or farmers ;
that I implored the Ministers to think of the sufferings and
of the burdens borne by the farmers and labourers, and to
treat them mercifully, and rely upon their justice and good-
ness, and not upon severe punishment. In the sarne paper,
I published articles condemning acts of setting fire. In short,
the publication was one which would have been applauded
by any persons in the world, with tlie exception of those who
belong to the faction called the Whigs. This prosecution
was prepared before- hand by reports of speeches in Parlia-
ment, said to have been made by one Trevor, and by Lord
Althorp, who is the Chancellor of the Exchequer. At
the same time, one Rush^, a parson in Sussex, and three
Sussex magistrates, named Walter Burrell, Scawex
Blunt, and something Tredcroit, suffered their names
to be published in The Times newspaper, certifying con-
fessions of one Thomas Goodman, vvho was condemned
to death for setting fire, but who had his life spared, after
he confessed, as is pretended, that he was instigated by me !
All this I -amply exposed at the trial, where I had Lord
Melbourne, and the other Cabinet Ministers, to ask them
upon what grounds they spared the life of Thomas Good-
man; but the Judge would not let them answer that question.
This is all I shall say about this trial here. The Trial, at
full lengthy with all the documents which I produced, is
published at the price. of a shilling, by Strange, bookseller,
c 2
28 Two-penny Trash;
No. 21, Paternoster-row, London, and may be sent for by
any bookseller in the country, or any body else. If this
Trial get into your hands, read it yourselves, and lend it
about the country,, from one to another, especially all round
about Winchester, and round about the town of Battle, in
Sussex.
2. The Barings and Mr. and Mrs. Deacle. —
You have heard already a great deal of this matter : it is a
matter not so much as it relates to the immediate parties,
but as it aflfects the administration of justice generally ; and
that is a thing in which we are every soul of us deeply con-
cerned. 1 shall iirst insert the report of the Trial (which re-
port has been published in all the newspapers), which took
place at Winchester, at the Assizes which are just now over ;
and which report, as published all over the country, I take
from the Morning Herald newspaper.
Deacle v. Baring and others. — This was an action of trespass
brought by the plaintiff the son of a respectable clerg-yman in this
county, to recover compensation in damages from the defendants,
Mr. Francis Baring, a magistrate and member of Parhameut ; Mr.
Bingham Baring, *son of Mr. Alexander Baring; Captain IS) evil],
the Rev. Robert Wright, jun., and Mr. Seagrim, an attorney, for
a false arrest and false imprisonment. It arose out of the unfortu-
nate tumults and riotous assemblies that some time ago disturbed
.the country.
Mr. Williams (with whom was Mr. Earle) stated the plaintiit*s
case. The investigation, was one of very great importance, not
only to the plaintiff himself, but also to every member of the com-
munity, and the jury were impanelled to determine whether these
gentlemen, bearing the rank and station of magistrates, should be
allowed, with impunity, to demean themselves in a manner, with-
out any excuse, not befitting their occupation, and such as gentle-
men and men of honour would be asharaed to act, towards the
plaintiff, the son of a most respectable clergyman, wha was him-
self to have been brought up to that profession, and who had gra-
duated with honours at the University, but who, preferring agri-
cultural pursuits, had abandoned the church, and now occupied a
large farm in this county. The learned counsel then stated the
facts of the case as they afterwards appeared in evidence. He was
fully sensible of the protection the law threw around magistrates
while ia the execution of their duty ; nor would his respectable
client, if the gross injury he had received had arisen from inad-
1st August, 1831. 29
vertence, have brought this actioii ; but such was not the case.
These genllemen had acted without the slijj^htest excuse in common
sense and humanity, and in total violation of the laws of the land.
The plaintiff had been put upon his trial for the charge on whick
he was taken and acquitted. His attorney afterwards wrote to Mr.
Baring, and he received in answer such a letter as he (Mr.
Williams) would rather have cut his finger off than have signed his
name to, written, a- it was, to a man whose heart was bleeding,
and whose reputation was hurt. The learned Gentleman concluded
a very emphatic address by saying he should have been ashamed,
on after-reflection, not to have expressed sorrow for condjict so
contrary to the feelings of gentlemen, of magistrates, and of men.
William Lewiagton, the first witness examined, deposed; I am
a harness-maker, living at Winchester. In November last I acted
as a police-constable; I remember being sent for on the 24th of
November to the jail ; I tb.ere saw I\Ir. Seagrim ; he asked me if
I knew Mr. Deacle, of Marvveli Farm ? On my replying yes, he
told me to go into the magistrates* room ; Mr. Francis Baring,
Mr. Bingham Baring, and Mr. Wright were there; Mr. Seagrim
asked me what sorl: of a man Mr. Deacle was, and if 1 coultl
apprehend him } I replied I could, and that he was a gentle-
man ; IMr. Seagrim gave me a warrant to take him ; I then got a
light cart and two men to help me ; when we got to Morstead
we proceeded to Mr. Deacle's House ; Mr. F. Baring came up be-
fore we got there; when I got to the house the door was opened,
and I went in; 1 found Mr. Deacle just returned from rabbit-
shooting; upon ray showing the warrant, he said, *'The magis-
trates must be mistaken, for 1 have done every thing contrary to
what is there.'* When I told him Mrs. Deacle must go too, he
said that was *' impossible ; she is very poorly, and cannot : *' Mr.
Bingham Baring, Mr. Francis Baring, and Mr. Wright, rode up,
and came into the house; Mr. Bingham Baring said, *' Constable,
do your duty; handbolt them." 1 hesitated, but finally handcuffed
them one to the other. Mrs. Deacle wished to put her bonnet and
shawl on, but Mr. Bingham Baring said he ** could not wait,'*
and again said, *' Constable, do your duty." Mr. F. Baring then,
said he did not see any necessity for having the lady handcuffed.
Not having my key with me, Mr. Baring slipped her hand out of
the bolts. She is a small, delicate v>'oman, and did not appear ia
good health at the time. Whilst we were in the house, Mr. B.
Baring produced a pistol, and put it to the head of a man who had
hold of Mr. Deacle's gun, and desired him to give it up, which ha
immediately did, and Mr. Baring poured some water into it. Mr.
l^eacle said, *' Dou't spoil my gun ; there is no necessity forthat;
I am quite ignorant of this business." I then took Mr. Deacle into
the yard; he there saw Mr. Seagrim, and said,*'] know you;
for God's sake, what is all this about? 1 am innocent." Mr.
Seagrim replied, *' 1 dare say you are." We then went to the cart,
and Mr. Baring, with one of the constables, brought out Mrs.
Deacle. She said, *' I cannot ride iu such a conveyance as that,**
and begged to be allowed to ride. The cart was a commoa coal-
30 Two-PENNv Trash;
cart, and had no springs. The road was very rough. Mr. B.
Barinji ordered me to trot, which made the cart shake very much.
Mrs. Deacie frequently said, ** It hurts me sol really cannot ride.**
When we ffot opposite Mr. Lowndes' house, she said she could go
no further, and endeavoured to jump out. Mr. Deacie put his hand
out, and said, *' My dear, be quiet, it will be better." Mr. B. Bar-
in«c then rode up, nnd struck Mr. Deacie a back-handed blow with
his stick, and said, *' Sit still.'* The stick was knotted, and about
the thickness of a man's thumb 1 here was no necessity whatever
for striking him. When we had proceeded four miles in the cart,
a post-chaise met us, which Mr. Deane, one of the gentlemen who
accompanied us, had sent from Winche-ter. They were then put
into tiie chaise with Mr. ^Beckett, the jail-keeper, and conveyed to
the jail.
Cross-examined by Mr. Erskine: I did not request the gentle-
men to help me ; there were some men in the barn, but 1 had not
the least apprehension that they vvould assist Mr. Deacie. Neither
IMr. nor ]Mrs. Deacie said or did any thing uncivil, but were per-
fectly quiet.
John Switzer, another police con«;table, heard Mrs. Deacie ask
for lier horse, and upon Mr. B. Baring refusing, he fwitness) said,
'* Good God! let the lady have her horse; I will lead it, and
take care that she does not escape." He ordered me to go and do
nny duty, and put her into the cart.
A female servant who lived in the family of Mr. Deacie stated,
that Mr. B. Baring took Mrs. Deacie into his arms, put his arm
round her waist, and carried her into the cart, letting her legs dangle
one way and her head another.
The Rev. Mr. Rogers examined : Had known the plaintiff
several years, and had seen the testimonials he had received at Col-
lege; his father was a most respectable man.
Mr. Ef'.sii.'NE, on the part of the defendants, ree;-retted that Mr.
Deacie should have considered it necessary, after the acquittal he
received, in order to clear his character, to bring the question
again before a j'u-y. ]t needed no evidence to picture to the mind
of the jury the state of the country at the time. The arrest took
place when it required magistrates to be active in doing their duty.
The riots were made principally by the poor; and when the defen-
dants were given to understand that not only Mr. Deacie, but Mrs.
Deacie also, were urging the rioters on, they wislied to show the
poor man, that if the rich, and men of consequence, were guilty
of conduct like themselves, they also would, like them, be punished.
The learned Counsel, in a long speech, endeavoured to show that
the defendants had not exceeded the powers given them by their
warrant.
The learned Judge, in summing up, told the jury that there
-were several points on which they were to form their judgment.
If they thought the defendants had been guilty of excess, they
•would then find their verdict for thfi plaintiff; also, if they found
that they were not justified in carrying the warrant, a> it was not
directed to them; but if they thought one of the parties guilty of
1st August, 1831. 31
excess by the act of battery, they would not find all guilty, as it
was not like the case where parties were pursuing an unlavviul act.
The act then of one, while engaged, was the act of all ; but where
they were lawfully engaged, the act of one was not consequently
the act of all, but must only be dealt with individually. Mis Lord-
ship could not help remarking that the handcutfing was, to say
the least of it. a very harsh proceeding towards a lady and gentle-
man who had been perfectly civil and quiet, and had offered no
resistance, and whose station in life was ihat of a gentleman — the
son of a clergyman of the Church of England.
The Jury retired for about a quarter of an hour, and returned,
finding a verdict of 50/. for the plaintiff against the defendant, Mr.
Bingham Baring, /or the battery, and that all the other defendants
were justified by the warrant.
This verdict seemed to excite the greatest astonishment; for
most of the Bar, and almost every one in Court said, if on the
jury, they would have given at least 5,000/. for so gross and want-
on an insult, and unfeeling conduct towards those who had not
offered the least resistance, the defendants not adducing the slight-
est evidence iu palliation, or attemptiiig to justify it.
Mrs. Deacle was in Court ; she is a very delicate, lady-like
woman. The case seemed to excite the greatest interest, the Court
being crowded to excess the whole time.
Very well, now you have read all that. The London news-
papers bursted forth on the day when this report was pub-
lished, in loud invectives against Bingkam Baring ; and
this broQojht the matter into the famous Flouse of Commons ;
but, before I proceed to relate to you what is reported to
have passed there, I must describe to you, who and what
these parties were who were proceeded against by Mr.
Deacle. Francis Thomas Baring is the eldest son
of Sir Thomas Baring, of Stratton Park, and this son,
who is a Hampshire Magistrate, is a member of Parliament
for Portsmouth, is a nephew, by marriage^ of Lord Grey,
and is one of the Lords of the Treasury, for which he has a
thousand pounds a year. William Bingham Baring,
who is also a Hampshire magistrate, is the eldest son of
Alexander Baring, of the Grange Park, whose wife is
a daughter of old William Bingham, of Philadelphia ;
and this Bingham Baring is the man for striking whom,
•on Friday, the 19th of November, Cook, the ploughman, of
32 Two-penny Trash;
Micheldcver, was hanged ; this Bahing being, the next
da\^ (after the striking), walking in the streets of AVinchester,
and being presented at the King's Court in London, on
Monday the 22nd of November. Nevill, whose name is
William, is the eldest son of the old County Justice,
Nevill, who lived at Easton, near Winchester. This young
Nevill is called Captain, and is a lieutenant in the
navy, and not a magistrate. W hi gut is a parson, the
son of Parson Robert Wright, who has the living of
Jtchen, and also the living of Southwick, and this Parson
Robert Wright is not a magistrate, but his father is,
and was the magistrate before whom Cook of Michel-
dcver was taken for striking Bingham Baring, and this
parson appeared as a v.itness to prove that Cook acknow-
ledged that he struck Bingham Baring. Seagrim is an
Attorney at Winchester, and the partner of VVoodham,
. who is deputy Clerk of the Peace for the county ; and, ac-
cording to the report of the Parliamentary speech of
Francis Thomas Baring, this Woodham appears
to be the Attorney of the Barings, both Francis and
Bingham,
Now, you know the parties, and you have read the report
of the evidence of the two constables, Mr. Lewington
and Mr. SwiTZER,and of the maid-servant of Mrs.
Deacle. There the matter was, for the nation to make its
remarks upon, and for the people of Hampshire to be guided
by in their judgment of, and their feeling tow^ards, these
parties. But a Mr. Evans, a member of the House of
Commons, seeing this account of these matters, made a
motion, of which he had given notice, that a copy of the
indictment against these parties, and that the judge's notes,
taken at the trial, should be laid before the House. Upon
this the Barings came forth, according to the reports pub-
lished in the newspapers. A debate took place, and Mr.
1st August, 1831. 33
Evans's motion was negatived without a division ! And
thus it would appear that the Barings were quite cleared
of all that is contained in the evidence of Mr. Lewington,
Mr, SwiTZER, and the servant-girl. In the House of
Comrnons they might say just what they pleased ; and if
Mr. Deacle had been in the gallery and had called out to
contradict them, he would have been seized and imprisoned
without ceremony, for opening his lips. There was nobody
to contradict them ; they might go on just as they pleased ;
they might have abased witnesses, jury, counsel^ judge and
all ; and yet no one would have dared to say a word ia
contradiction. My good friends, that which men say under
such circumstances ought to pass for nothing, much less
ought it to pass for something to invalidate what men have
declared upon their oaths before a judge and jury, and ex-
posed to the searchings and siftings of, counsel on the other
side. No ; that which was sworn by Lewington, Switzer,
and the girl, remains wholly unshaken, until we shall make
up our minds to believe, that the bare words of men who
are accused are worth more than the oaths of impartial per-
sons who come to be witnesses against them. I believe, and
you must believe, all that the sworn witnesses said ; you
must believe, too, as well as I do, that the jury believed
those witnesses, and that the judge believed them ; and this
parliamentary tale must pass for nothing in the way of vin-
dicating any of the accused parties. But in another point
of view, this House-of- Commons affair is of great import-
ance ; as a channel for the spreading of atrocious libels oa
individuals out of the House, it is a thing that interests us
all ; and I shall now proceed to point out to you what those
libels are, and by whom they have been published. The
reporter of the debate tells us, that Lord Althorp, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, said, that ^' he had
" the pleasure of knowi7ig Mr, Bingham Baring, and
c 5
34 Two-penny Trash;
*^ from that knowledge he had always felt a difficulty in giv-
*' ing credit to the statements made respecting his conduct.
" If there was a man in the world less likely than another
" to commit an act of cruelty, it was his hoii. friend^
These are words of no consequence to us. It may be well
enough to know, that Lord Altiiorp is such an intimate
friend of these Barings ; but though he knows Bingham
Baring to be the last man in the world to commit an act
of cruelty, that is not to have any weight with us, when
opposed to Lewington's evidence about the handcuffing
and the trotting of the cart, and the refusing of the horse
for Mrs. Deacle to ride upon. Besides, this Lord does not
say that Bingham Baring is the last man in the world
to do such things as these, or to strike Mr. Deacle -, and
this Lord may not look upon these as being acts of cruelty.
So that all that we learn from this is, that Lord Altiiorp
is a most intimate friend of Bingham Baring, and that
Bingham Baring has never been cruel to him.
jSfow for the libels. These were published in the Mornijig
Chronicle of the 22d of July, headed. Imperial Parlia?nent
of Great Britain: House of Commons ; and the several libels
are published under the names of Sir James ScaPvLEtt,
Thomas Francis Baring, Carter, and Wilde, the
verv well-known lawyer, w-hose Christian name I no not
know. These things which I am about to remark on, I do
not impute to Scarlett, Baring, and Wilde ; but solely
to the proprietor of the Morning Chronicle, who puts the
atrocious libels forth. Under the name of Scarlett, the
abominable libeller has these words : ** The object, no
" doubt, was to put together as defendants, those who, if
'- they had not been placed in such a position, might have
*^ disproved the accusation. The case was, no doubt, there-
** fore, mis-stated, exaggerated, and probably, prot'ecZ by
^^ false evidence!^ Thus, my friends/ Mr. Leavington,
1st August, 1831. 35
Mr. SwiTZER, and the servant-girl, are all accused, by this
infamous libeller, as having perjured themselves. And has
Mr. Le WING TON and the others no re?nedy against this
libeller? aye, has he. He cannot bring his action against
the fellow to whom the w^ords are imputed ; because a man
cannot be called upon out of Parliament for what he has
said there. These are not the words of Scarlett, mijid ;
they are the words of the person who has published them ;
and his asserting that he heard them uttered in the House
of Commons, even if he could prove it, is no justification of
him for having sent them forth to the world. I, therefore,
recommend to Mr. Lewington instantly to bring an action
against the libeller ; and the same ought to be done by the
other two parties, who are thus plainly accused of perjury.
Under the name of John Carter, w-hom the re-^
porter makes to call Bingham Baring his honourable
friend, the libeller has this passage : *^ His honourable friend,
the member for Callington, had met the charge" (of putting
on the hand-cuffs) '' by the statement, a statement most dis-
" tinctly proved, that Mr. Bingham Baring was not
^' in the room, or the house, and, therefore, could not have
" given such orders/' This Carter is a member for
Portsmouth, and the colleague of Francis Thomas Ba-
king, the Lord of the Treasury ; but, these are not the
words of Carter, observe ; his name is made use of in the
publication, but the words are the words of the publisher;
and for them he is answerable ; and these w^ords say, in
fact, that it is distinctly proved that Lewington swore
to what was false. What does the libeller mean by '' a
statement distinctly proved V What statement does he
allude to ? Why, the statement contained in the atrocious
libel which is contained in^the same paper, and published
under the name of the Lord of the Treasury. Proved ! how
proved I Who can prove it 'J or, at least, who has proved it I
36 Two-Penny Trash;
So, this libeller deems, as proof, that which one of the
accused parties, he says, has staled upon his bare word^
opposed to the oaths of sworn witnesses. In the libel pub-
lished under the name of Scarlett, it is said that all these
parties were put into the same net, in order to deprive son^p
of being witnesses for the others. " Same net,'^ indeed !
Why were not dozens of men put into the ** same net" at
the special commission ? Were there not eight in th<e
*' same net'^ with Thomas Berryman and James
Pearce, though six of them were acquitted] How many
nets of this sort were there during the special commissions!
The parties all went together. They were all concerned in
the thing in one way or another. Mr. Deane, the banker,
w^ho went with them, took no brutal part, and was, therefore,
not sued. Why w-as not he called, if Lewington s' evidence
was not true } The libeller says, in the same paper, under
the name of Alexander Baring, that Mr. Deane was
not in a situation to prove any-thing. Situation ! why, he
was there, and the only difference was, between him and the
rest, that he took no part in the things that the others were
accused of. If he were not in the house, he could, at any
rate, have been brought to show v/hat was the general de-
portment of the other parties ; and whether he knew any-
thing of the PISTOL, of which Mr. Lewington speaks,
which is so very characteristic of the conduct of the par-
ties, so strongly corroborative of all that Lewington has
sworn to, and which has been so completely glided over by
all the whole of this rigmarole lying libel.
We now come to the atrocious libel which the Morning
Chronicle has published, calling it the speech of Francis
Baring, that is to say, the member for Portsmouth, and
Lord of the Treasury, who has a thousand pounds a year of
the public money. Under this name, and in order thus to
give weight and currency to his abominable lies, the libeller
1st August, 1831. 37
has pretended that this Baring read certain depositions, the
first of which he represented to have been made by the
Bailiff of the Earl of Northesk! The libeller says, that
this deposition states the Bailiff to have sworn that there
was a large mob, and a female on horseback in the midst of
them, and that he was told that it was Mrs. Deacle. The
next deposition that the libeller mentions was that of
Pa.rson Wright (one of the defendants); and he says
that this deposition said that the swearer saw a lady on
horseback in the midst of a mob ; and that one of the men
informed him that the party got ten pounds, and that a per-
S071 told him that this lady was Mrs. Deacle. After this,
the atrocious libeller goes on to state, that the lady rode in
the front of the mob; that Mr. Deacle was with the mob
when they collected money; that Deacle was present vath
Boyes and others when the mob broke machines and de-
manded money; that Mrs. Deacle was with them at the
same time, and that *' she employed the influence of her sex
and the power of her station to ruin the poor and ignorant
who lived in her neighbourhood." Here are Mr. and Mrs.
Deacle, accused by this villanous libeller, of felony ; and
shall this infamous hbeller, this impudent and brazen libel-
ler; this destroyer of private character; shall this editor of
the Morning Chronicle, or publisher, or whatever he may
be, thus send all over the world a charge of felony and re-
peated felonies against a man and his wife, w^ho, observe,
were indicted for these pretended felonies, had the bill found
against them, but were acquitted, from the Crown lawyers
not having found evidence by which they could face them in
a court ! It is all an atrocious lie, from the beginning to the
end. Mr. Deacle had had his own thrashing-machine
broken, and he and his wife were running and riding about
most anxiously endeavouring to assuage the fury of the
people ; and particularly to protect their female neighbours
38 Two-penny Trash ;
who had houses or farms, without husbands to defend them;
and yet this atrocious libeller, this impudent libeller>
takes the name of a member of Parliament, and a Lord
of the Treasury, and, under this name, proclaims to
the whole world that this man and his wife were guilty of
felony.
Mark, too, the sequel. Mr. and Mrs. Deacle were
dragged away, hand-cuffed, to a prison. That is not denied?
at any rate. They were sent out of the prison, very soon
afterwards, and Mr. Deacle without bail! What! go and
seize a man, cause him to be hand-cuffed, contrary to the
constable's remonstrances ; put him and his wife into a com-
mon coal'Cart, put them into a jail amongst felons; and
then turn them out without examination before magistrates,
without being confronted with their accusers, and one with-
out bail or sureties of any sort ; indict them afterwards, ^et
the bill found, and then give up the prosecution ! after all
this, this infamous wretch, this brazen liar and libeller, this
publisher of the Morning Chronicle, is to send all over the
world, in the form of a pretended parliamentary debate, a
charge of repeated felonies committed by this gentleman and
his wife. Why, if they did do these things ; if Mr. Deacle
did instigate the mob to break the machines and extort
money ; if Mrs. Deacle did ride in front of them, and act,
as it were, as commander of a band of robbers, why wer«
they not hanged, as well as Cooper, who was not even
accused of having done a tenth part so much ? That there
was no want of a desire to blacken and to punish them is
clear enough, from the treatment they received ; clear
enough, from the hand-cuffing, from the trotting in the coal-
cart ; from the refusal of the horse, from the pulling out of
ih^ pistol', that there was desire enough to punish them is
quite clear ; yet they were not punished : what further proof
do we want of their complete innocence 1 and yet this infa-
1st August, 1831. 39
mous publisher of pretended speeches still insists that they
were guilty of numerous felonies !
This libeller, however, like most liars, fails in point of
memory. In this, his publication,, he says that the Barings
were taken by surprise, as to this action against them ; or,
he says, the Barings might have got evidence to rebut the
charge. What an atrocious lie ! They must have had notice
of action in the month of January last ; and the following
letters published in The Times newspaper of the 22d July,
will show that they wer^ prepared with every- thing, attorney
and all, in the month of April last:
*' TO WILLIAM BINGHAM BARING, ESQ., M.P., &C.
'* Sir, — I am iostructcd by Mr. Deacle to serve you with the no-
tices herewith sent, and I truly represent his motives and feelings
Avhen I assure you that his object is a public vindication of his own
conduct, and a reparation for, and not a resentful exposure of, the
unjustifiable treatment which he has received at your hands.
'* He entertains no doubt, after what passed at the late Winches-
ter assizes (when the prosecution against him was arifully aban-
doned by the counsel for the prosecutors at the moment when his
defence would have exhibited, its injustice and total want of founda-
tion), that any high-minded and honourable man would reflect
with sorrow and reg-ret on the injury and suffering which he and
Mrs. Deacle have undergone.
'* That you. Sir, as a magistrate, from certain, however erro-
neous, information, should have actively assisted in any judicial
inquiry, would form no ground of complatnt ; but that any circum-
stances, under any excitement, should have betrayed a gentleman
of education and station to handcuff a respectable individual, his
equal in education, and afterwards to strike that handcuffed indi'-
vidual, when perfectly peaceable, inoffensive, aiul suj)missive, im-
peratively calls upon Mr. Deacle to appeal to those laws which
have been so grievously violated in his person.
*' Mr. Deacle disclaims every surdid view, but seeks such
amends and explanation as would satisfy justice — such as an
honourable man might proffer, and such as a respectable and in-
jured individual might and ought to receive.
** Believe me. Sir, I shall be more gratified by a course of con-
duct from you which would heal Mr. Deacle's feelings, and reflect
credit on your own, than in any triumph or compensation which a
court of justice would award.
^* 1 have the honour to remain. Sir, very respectfully..
Your obedient and faithful servant,
*' JOHN VV, BRADFORD.
" Lang^ord, near Bristol, April 7."
40 Two-penny Trash;
*' Sir, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of the notices which
you have been directed to send me on the part of Mr. Deacle. I
have transmitted them to Mr. Woodhani at Winchester, with di-
rections to take such measures as may be necessary for my defence.
** I have the honour to be, Sir,
'^ Your obedient servant,
''London, April 20. *« W. B. BARING.
** John Bradford, Esq."
[The letter to Mr. Francis Baring: was, almost totidem verbis, the
same as that sent to Mr. Bingham Baring-.J
'' 17, New-street, Spring-gardens, April 11.
*' Sir, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, with the
accompanying notices.
*' Mr. Woodham, clerk of the peace at Winchester, has my di-
rections to act as my attorney in my defence against the actions in
questiou. " I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
*' F. BARING."
And yet the infamous libeller says that the unsuspecting
Barings were taken by surprise, and insinuates that they
had not time to collect witnesses. In another respect, the
libeller is unfortunate in point of memory. In one part of
the libel he says that a cart w-as preferred to a post-chaise
lest the appearance of a post-chaise should have been a sort
of signal for the neighbourhood to rise and make a rescue.
Now mark this : this is the reason which the base libeller
states for taking a common coal-cart to bring Mrs. Deacle
in ; but_, forgetting himself, he afterwards says, that Mr.
Deane did not see the transactions complained of, because
*' he left the cart on its arrival at the house of Mr. Deacle,
'* and hurried back to Winchester to j^rocwre a post-chaise J^
What, the devil ! bring a post-chaise to *' rouse the neigh-
hourhood and cause a rescue!'^ Here the lying libeller is
fairly caught. In his eagerness to rescue the Barings and
the others from the charge, Nevill^ Wright, and Sea-
grim, as well as the Barings : in order to clear them of
the charge of having premeditated the coal-cart for the
sake of cruelty and insult, this infamous libeller says that it
would have been dangerous to take a post-chaise ; but, in order
to account for not calling Mr. Deane in defence as a wit-
1st August, 1831. ^
ness, they are obliged to say he was gone back to Winches-
ter for a post-chaise to bring into that very dangerous
country; but could not they have called Mr. DEANEtoshov^
that they were liurnane enough to send back for the post'
chaise ? and that they had grown humane after tliey had
ordered the coal-cart. Could not they have called ^Jr.
Deane to prove that he Avas not shocked at their pro-
ceedings, and that he himself did not go and get the post-
chaise, as a suggestion of his own ? In short, the men who
ordered the coal-cart had either nothing to do with the post-
chaise, or, if they had, all the excuses for employing the
coal-cart, and all excuses for trotting the cart, and the re-
fusing of the bonnet 'and the shav/1, are contemptible lies.
But, the horse ; the excuse is, that, to have allowed time for
saddling the horse (one minute), even that could not be
allowed on account of the critical state of the country ! Just
as if the horse would not have moved faster and quieter than
a cart, and with less suspicion ; and just as if these five
heroes, the two Barings, the Parson, the Captain, and
Seagrim, all on horseback, were not of force sufficient to
guard one little woman. Besides, of all things in the world,
what so likely to rouse the neighbourhood as to see a gentle-
man and a lady hoisted into a coal- cart in their own yard,
she without a bonnet or shawl, and he hand-cuffed, and thus
driven off at noon- day \ 'Tis all a lie, therefore, on the part
of this infamous libeller : the scoundrels about the country
may cheer the libellous villain till their throats be sore ; but
ih^' coal- cart ^ the hand-cujftng , the trotting of the horse,
the striking of the gentleman while in hand-cuffs, the pull-
ing out of the pistol, accompanied wdth menaces ; these
things, stack on by the sworn evidence of Lewingtox, will
never be rubbed off in the opinion of any sensible man.
I now come to the most infamous libel of all ; namely,
that which the publisher of the Chronicle has put forth in
42 Two-penny Trash;
the paper before-mentioned, under the name of " Mr.
Wilde,'^ manifestly meaning Sarjeant Wilde, of whom
you may have read an account, about a year ago, in the re-
port of some very interesting proceedings in Chancery, of
which I shall probably have to say more when I come to
speak of what w-as done in the case of that w^orthy man,
Farmer Boyes, of Owselbury. The libeller aforesaid, that
is to say, the editor of the Chronicle^ publishes in the pa-
per before-mentioned, in the report of a speech which he im-
putes to this Wilde, the following most infamous libel on Mr.
and Mrs. Deacle. These are the words: — '- In one case
*' the mob went to the house of a Mrs. Long, headed hy
*^ Deacle and Boyes, and having compelled her to sign a
paper for the reduction of rent, they afterwards demanded
money. Fifteen pounds were demanded at first, but they
afterw^ards consented to take five; and after having spent
the day in making collections of this kind, they adjourned
*^ to the Downs, where Mr. Deacle and Mrs. Deacle, who
'^ was also present, superintended the distribution of the
^^ money, (Hear, hear.) He was, indeed, thoroughly satis-
^^ fied tbat but for the sanction of their proceedings, and the
*' countenance and encouragement the mobs received from
'^ Boyes and the Deacles at the outset, that the riots would
*^ not have proceeded so far ^ nor the misguided and ignO'
^^ rant labourers have acted as they didJ* '
Now, we know that this is an atrocious lie. Here Mr.
and Mrs. Deacle are accused most distinctly of having
committed acts of felony; the punishment of which would
be loss of liberty, forfeiture of all property, and forfeiture of
life, if the judges chose. It is frequently said that we live
in strange times; and strange, indeed, they are, if a black-
guard, mercenary, newspaper fellow can spread all over the
world libels like these with impunity. I impute not this
speech to Wilde, mind you: I know nothing about what
«
1st August, 1831. 43
Wilde said, or might say, or did not say ; but I know that
here are most infamous and malicious lies, published by this
newspaper ruffian, with a view of white- washing the Bar-
ings and their associates. If T am asked what could induce
the ruffian to put forward such lies, I answer, %Yhat can induce
any ruffian to publish any lie ? What can induce any vil-
lain to do a viilanous deed? Such deeds are generally com-
mitted for the sake of gain, in one shape or another; this
species of ruffian generally gets his palm greased ; or is ac-
tuated by some hope that he has of getting it well greased in
some shape or another. However, it is sufficient for me to lay
before you the act; for this is one of those overt acts, those
flagrant and open and impious lies, that all you have to do is to
look at the acts to be convinced of the base and execrable in-
tention of the atrocious libeller who has committed the acts.
What adds greatly to the infamy of this libel k, that it
is published under the name of a man who was one of the
Commissioners ; that is to say, one of the Judges in the
Special Commission appointed to try the cases in Hamp-
shire in the month of December last ; and here this libeller
makes the Judge positively say, without any qualification,
that Mr. and Mrs. Deacle were engaged in the commis-
sion of divers robberies, and that they both superintended
the distribution of the money amongst their brother robbers.
Nay, the libeller further publishes, under the name of this
Judge, that had it not been for them, had it not been for
their countenance of the robbers, there would not have been
so many robberies as there were. Talk of libels, indeed ;
talk of licentiousness of the press ; if a libel like this can
pass unpunished; if a man can be justified for publishing
such libels under the pretence of their being speeches in
Parliament, there is an end to all fafety for character, pro-
perty, and life. You will observe, that the ruffian publisher
publishes this matter, these infamous lies on the Deacles,
44 Two-penny Trash-
with a view to blacken them, to make them appear as felons,
and as the doers of great mischief; and all this in order to
palliate the conduct of the Barings and their associates.
80 that if publications like this be to be tolerated, no man
will in future ever dare to seek redress for any wrong, how-
ever grievous, done to him by another who has a great
quantity of money ; for, if such ruffians be tolerated to issue
their libels in this Vv^ay, it is certain ruin to a mau of modev-
rate property to bring an action of trespass against a man
who has a monstrous deal of money. Vv^ith great quantities
of money to bestow upon ruffians like this, any man may
comm.it on any other man, who is comparatively poor, any
sort of oppression that he chooses ; and it must soon become
as much as a man's life is worth to enter a court of justice
opposed to a man Vvho has a hundred times as much money
as himself.
Mr. Deacle may prosecute this Morning Chronicle for
damages. He may move for a rule to show cause why a
criminal information should not be filed against him ; and,
if he can negative the assertions by affidavit, which we know
he can, the rule m.ust be made absolute. He may indict
this publisher in Westminster, in which his place of publi-
cation is situate. What he will do, I know not ; but what
lie ought to do, I know very well ; and, though I knov/
nothing of Mr. and Mrs. Deacle, I cannot be made to
believe that they v. ill quietly be libelled in this manner.
In conclusion, my friends of Hampshire, it is for you in
particular to have your eye steadily upon all the parties
mentioned in this address. The whole nation is interested
in the m^atter. Every man, of any feeling at all, feels
for Mr. and Mrs. Deacle. Indeed, it is the cause of us
all ; for, if they be suffered to be treated in this manner,
especially as this libeller has treated them, not a man of us
is safe, and, in fact, we are all wretched slaves; there is no
1st August, 1831. 45
law for us ; there is no safety for us; and, therefore, unless
we all think, and unless you, the people of Hampshire^ both
think and act in the manner that you ought to do upon this
occasion, we may bid farewell for ever to all security for
person, property, and life; and that fine talk about an En-
glishman's house being his castle, is the most contemptible
castle in the air that madman ever dreamed of. Above ail
things, I pray you be not amused by publications like that
which this libeller calls a speech of Lord A Ithorp. Under
the name of this Lord, the libeller says, while he is accusing
Mr. and Mrs. Deacle of felony, that this Bingham
Baring (whom the libeller makes this Lord call his
*^ honourable friend*') is the last man in the world to
commit an act of cruelty. Despise such stuff as this while
you have Mr. Lewington's evidence before your eyes.
Despise it. Behold, the pretended speeches of Scarlett,
Alexander Baring, Mildmay, and Carter: re-
formers and anti-reformers ; some for the bill, some against
the bill; but all represented by this libeller as joining in one
general cry in favour of Bingham Baring and his asso-
ciates, and in abuse of Mr. and Mrs. Deacle, and of the
witnesses on the trial. Look at this well, my friends of
Hampshire: look at it a hundred times over: see the glar-
ing thing in its true light ; then act as becomes you, or be
slaves for ever. I hope and trust that you will do the
former; and, in that hope, I remain your faithful friend
and most obedient servant,
Wm. COBBETT.
Postscript. — I intended to address you on the subject
of poor farmer Boyes, and on the infamous libel which has
been published against him, under the name of a pretended
speech of Serjeant Wilde, in the Morning Chronicle
above-mentioned. I have not left room to myself to do
that subject justice in the present number ; but be you
46 Two-penny Trash ;
assured, and let the unliappy family of farmer Bo yes be
assured, that every-thing that I have the power legally to
do, shall be done in order to obtain redress for the wrongs
done to farmer Boyes and his family by the infamous libel
published by this Morning Chronicle against him.
I have not time to sa}' what I intended to say upon the
subject of tithes, which is a most interesting matter to you
all ; but, upon this subject let me exhort you to be vigilant,
and not to suffer yourselves to be deluded.
On the subject or Emigration I had much to say,
and I have now before me the official documents put
forth by the Emigration Commissioners. 1 have only to
say to you, if you be farmer, tradesman, labourer, or me-
chanic, stand fast ; let nobody persuade you to step your
foot on board of a ship unless you take the passage your-
selves on board of an Ajnerican ship, commanded by an
American captain, and bound to the United States of Ame-
rica. I exhort you to attend to this ; for if you neglect this
advice, you will lead miserable lives, and come to a miser-
able end, and this_is the firm opinion of one who lias had
more experience in such matters than any man in England.
ONE HAND TIED.
On Wednesday, the 20th of July, as the Morning
Chronicle tells us, there was a debate in the House of
Commons on the Reform Bill. In giving an account of this
debate, the editor of the Chronicle makes a publication,
under the name of Alexander Baring, of the Grange,
in the follov/ing words : — ^' It had a King, Lords, and
*' Commons — although an hon. and learned Gentleman had
*' told his constituents that half the Commons was nomi-
" nated by the people and half by the aristocracy. He (Mr.
1st August, 1831. 47
^' BariDg)^ for one, was not inclined at once to make this
*' sweeping change, however he might be disposed to make
** some alterations. True it was that the Commons had
^' not, at present, unlimited power. It might be compared
*^ to a man with one hand tied behind him ; the people
*^ required that the other hand should be released, and the
** rational answer was, ' No: he is a violent dangerous
** fellow, and is not to be trusted with the use of both
**' his hands J If the other hand were released, it would be
" employed in the destruction of the people who demanded
*' that it should be set at liberty. (Cheers.) The people
^' ought only to have that degree of power which was con-
** sistent luith their own interests ; and it was at least
*' perilous to destroy the fabric which had fostered their
^* industry, and protected their liberties. The people
^^ were no more to be trusted with power than children
*' with edge-tools, (Hear, hear.) He would ask this sim-
^* pie question — whether the influence of the people had
*^ been so reduced in the House of Commons, as to render
*' it necessary to reorganize the constitution ? (Cries of
* Question.') Taking it for granted that half the House
" was nominated by the aristocracy, he contended that this
" state of things was advantageous, inasmuch as it miti-
" gated democratic power. (Hear, hear.)''
I do not give these as the words of this Baring; I give
them as a publication in a newspaper, imputing them to the
editor, and I say that they are the most insolent words ;
that they contain the grossest insult that ever was offered
to a people, and that ever dropped from the pen of baseness.
The insolent wretch who penned these words deserves real
punishment; they are calculated to excite indignation and
resentment unquenchable ; and if they pass with impunity,
with what face can the Attorney- General ever again pro-
secute for libel ? What ! the people represented as a man
4C
43 Two-penny Trash • 1st August, 1831.
'vith one band tied behind him ; that is to say, half en-
slaved ; and when they require that the other hand should
be released, they are told by this impudent writer, " No;
you are a violent, dangerous fellow, and are not to be trusted
with the use of both your hands." There have been lords
and lord lings who have been insolent enough; but never
have \i'e yet seen insolence, even from the most insolent of
them, equal to the insolence of this paragraph, which tells
the people that they are no more to be trusted with power
than children are to be trusted with edge-tools! If Bixg-
HAM Barixg, indeed, had had one hand tied behind him,
it might have been better for Mr. and Mrs. Deacle,
especially the hand in which he carried the pistol and the
stick!
And now, my friends of Hampshire, reflect on all these
thiiigs ; and reflect on what it is your duty to do, in conse*
quence of having read about these things; resolve to do
that duty, and you will yet see happy days ; neglect that
duty, and you and your children will be slaves; and your
slavery will be the more disgraceful to you because your
fathers were free, and were distinguished in England for
their freedom and their spirit.
I am your friend,
Wm. COBBETT.
N.B. The 6th number of Cobbett's History of the Re-
gency and Reign of George IV. is just published. >
CPriated by Wm. Cobbett, Johnson's-coart, Fleet-street.]
No. 3. Vol. II.
COBBETT'S *
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of September, 1831.
Published monthli/, sold at I2s. Qd. a hundred, and for 300, taken at
once, \\s.
A LETTER FROM THE LABOURERS OF THE TEN
LITTLE HARD PARISHES TO ALEXANDER
BARING, THE LOANMONGER.
Hard Parishes, \st Septemleij 1831.
LOAXMONGER,
We have read in the newspapers what is called a speech
in the House of Commons, and this speech, which is printed
in the following words, the newspaper-mongers say, was
made by you.
*' The constitution of England had a King, Lords, and Commons
*' — ahhough an hon. and learned Gentleman had told his consti-
*^ tuents that half the Commons was nominated by the people and
*^ half by the aristocracy. He (Mr. Baring) , for one, was not in-
*' clined at once to make this sweeping change, however he might
*' be disposed to make some alterations. True it was that the Com-
*' mons had not, at present, unlimited power. It might be compared
*^ to « man with one hand tied behind hitn ; the people required that
*^ the other hand should be released, and the rational answer was,
** *iVb : he is a violent dangerous fellow , and is not to be trusted with
*' the use of both his hands* If the other hand were released, it
*' would be employed in the destruction of the people who de-
** manded that it should be set at liberty. (Cheers.) The people
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street j
and sold by all Booksellers.
50 Two-penny Trash ;
*' ought only to have that degree of power which was consistent
*' with their oivn interests ; and it was at least perilous to destroy
*' the fabric which hsid fostered their industry, and protected their
•* liberties. The people were no more to be trusted with power than
«' children with edge-tools, (Hear, hear.) He would ask this
** simple question — whether the influence of the people had beea
<^ so reduced in the House of Commons, as to render it necessary
*^ to re-organize the constitution ? (Cries of * Question.*) Taking
** it for granted that half the House was nominated by the aris-
*' tocracy, he contended that this state of things was advantageous,
** inasmuch as it mitigated democirt tic power, (Hear, hear.)"
This is the speech that the news- people tell us you made.
Now, then, suppose that when we go to work for you, or for
any of the farmers or parsons, w^e were to go with one hand
tied behind us : what would be said to us J We should be
ordered to let loose the other hand, and to go to work di-
rectly with both hands : and if we refused to do this, we,
if single men, should be told to starve ; and if married men,
should be sent to old Becket's jail, or to the treadmill, for
not working with both hands to support our wives and fami-
lies without parish relief If called out to serve in the
onilitia, we must come with both hands. If we were to
come with one hand tied behind us, we should receive the
word of command to let it loose instantly ; if we refused, it
would be let loose for us ; and if we refused to use both
hands in handling the arms, we should be tied up and
flogged.
This speech is said to have been made by you in a debate
upon the Reform Bill, which, when it becomes a law,
will make the members of the House of Commons more the
representatives of the people than they have hitherto been
for a great many years. To this (according to the above
speech) you object, because it wall let loose both our hands;
and because the common people are like ** a violent and
" dangerous fellow who is not to be trusted with the use
" of both his hands'' In another part of the speech it is
said, that the people are " no more to be trusted with power
than children with edge- tools.'' These are very insolent
words, Mr. Loanmonger. Whether they were uttered by
you or not, we cannot say ; but they have been published all
over the kingdom under your name, and we have seen no
publication in w^hich you disown them.
Let us talk with you coolly a little about this matter.
When it is a question about the enjoyment of rights and
1st September, 1831. 51
liberties, we are violent and dangerous poople^ and are not
to be trusted with the use of both our hands ; we are to be
considered as children, as senseless children, or as madmea
who require constant restraint. But when we are called
upon to labour for the rich, or to take up arms to defend
their persons and their property, which it is our duty to do,
if we ourselves be well and fairly treated : we by no means
deny this, because if the property of the rich were not pro-
tected by the working millions, it could not be protected at
all, and then there could be no such thing as property ; and
then any little things that we ourselves might acquire by
our industry, care^ and frugality, would be taken from us by
the idle and the dissolute. But when we are called upon
to labour for the rich, or to fight for them, then we are,
during the time that we so labour and so fight, not to be
deemed unworthy of being trusted with the use of both our
hands ; then we are not, during that time, to be looked upon
as dangerous fellows and as children. Bayonets, swords,
and lances, are edge-tools, and pretty sharp edge-tools too;
yet we are to be trusted with them, so much like children as
we are, as long as we use them for the purposes of the rich
and the powerful. Ah ! Baring, you may think that we
are brutally ignorant ; you may think that we understand
nothing but the mere labours of the field : we understand
well what our rights are, and of this we shall convince you,
before w^e have concluded this letter.
We observe, and have long observed, that the working-
people of England are, now-a-days, by those v;ho affect to
he their superiors, and the greater part of whom live upon
the] fruit of their labour, NOT CALLED THE PEOPLE;
not called the COMMONS OF ENGLAND, as they used
to be called; but are called the peasantry , the population,
the lower orders ^ and that these degrading names are
given to every-body that does not_, in some way or other, live
in idleness upon the fruit of the people's labour. The
swarms of half-pay oflBcers, of clerks under the government,
of tax-gatherers, and of parsons, are all called squires or
reverend gentlemen. The jailers are called governors, and
the turnkeys are called deputy -governors. So that while
those who raise all the food, and make all the houses and
all the clothing, are treated as if they were something a
great deal lower than the stock upun a farm, all who live
upon the fruit of their labour are considered as the only
D 2
52 Two-penny Trash;
persons in the kingdom having any right to be treated with
attention and kindness, or even with civility.
Nay, we cannot refrain from observing how suddenly
even we ourselves become objects to be caressed, when by
chance we get a red coat upon our backs. To-day Jack
Chopstick is one of the lower orders^ one of the popu-
lation, one {)i the peasantry; but to-morrow, though one
of the laziest fellows in the village, and one of the most
dissolute, by merely taking a sum of money from the fruit
of our labour, and putting a red coat upon his backj he be-
comes all at once a ^^ fine fellow ^^ "a hero,'' and he re-
ceives as much every week for subsistence, over and above
lodging, clothing, fire, and candle ; over and above these,
the very lowest of the " fine fellows '' receives as much ia
a week as the magistrates allow for the maintenance of a
man, his wife, and two children, without any allowance for
lodging, clothing, firing, or candle. This does not escape
our observation. Baring. We do not grudge the soldier
that which he gets. We, for our parts, cannot see why
England should not now exist without a standing army ia
time of peace, as well as it did formerly for more than a
thousand years. But if there must be soldiers, they ought
not to starve any more than other men. They have not too
Tnuch, But if seven shillings and seven-pence a week, with
clothing, lodging, fire and candle into the bargain, be not
too much for the single lowest soldier, is not a gallon loaf
and sixpence a week too little for the hard-working married
man, who is allowed neither of the other things which the
soldier has ? We are told that there is many a weaver who
works sixteen hours every day of his life at labour as hard
as hedging and ditching, and who has not, to maintain him-
self and his family, any-thing like so much as that which is
given to the lowest soldier whose pay partly comes out of
the fruit of that poor weaver's earnings. If these be false-
hoods, Baring, proclaim them to be falsehoods ; if they be
truths, then say again, if you like, that we are dangerous
fellows, and ought to have one hand still tied behind us :
then say, if you like, that it is not high time that a change
should take place and that another sort of men ought not
to be chosen to make the laws and impose the taxes.
Another curious thing we have observed, and that is, that
all those who live upon the labour of the people, are pro-
vided for; in case of their ceasing to receive pay for services
\
1st September, 1831. 53
real or pretended ; we observe that, in these cases, they are
provided for by pensions or allowances for the whole of
the rest of their lives, though they do nothing for the public
and pretend to do nothing for the public. If a man have-
served in the army, or in the navy ; if he have been a clerk
under the Government ; if he have been a tax-gatherer of
any description ; if he have been in Government employ of
any sort, he has pay ybr the rest of his life in one shape or
another^ and our earnings are taken from us in order to
provide the means of that pay. Now, Baring, do loan-
mongers, do bankers, do merchants, do traders of any de-
scription, when they discharge their clerks, give them pay to
the end of their lives for doing nothing ? you will say NO,
to be sure. When you want a clerk no longer, or when he
has become incapable of his business, you cease to pay him j
and why are not we to cease to pay taxes for the paying of
officers and clerks who have been in the service of the
Government? Even common soldiers, and in the prime of
life too, have pensions granted them for life. Have these
men any more right to this maintenance than any plough-
man or weaver has ? They tell us, that they have been
^^ serving their king and country^'' and have they not been
well paid for it all the while? And if they, even when
old and worn out, have been serving their king and country,
have not the weaver, the artizan, and the ploughman, who
have been working harder and living harder all the while ;
have not they also been serving their king and country ;
and have they pensions given them, when they are worn
out? They have Sturges Bourne's bills, select ves*
tries, and hired overseers to appeal to for the means of
their miserable existence, after they have left the marrow
of their bones in the fields or in the loom- shed. There are
two cases, indeed, in which it would be just to give pensions
to soldiers or sailors. First, in the case of wounds, for men
are not likely to receive Avounds in civil life ; and next, in,
the case of men impressed or forced to become soldiers or
sailors ; but if a man enter the service of his own free-will ; -
if it be his choice to lead the life of soldier or sailor rather
than continue at useful labour, what right has that man,
even in his old age and w^orn-out state, to any-thing more
than relief from the parish in the usual way and in the
usual degree f
But, our complaint on this score does not stop here*
IfH Two-penny Trash j
This speech says that we are to be restrained, we are to
bave one hand tied behind us for our own ** interest i*' and
it says, that it is '* perilous to destroy the fabric which ha«
fostered our industry and protected our liberties^* We
do not understand what you mean by ^'fabric ;" but we
understand that you mean, that the present mode of ruling
us has fostered our industry. To foster means to suckle j to
feed, to cherish. Now, Baring, has our industry been
^fostered by the magistrates* order, signed by your brother
Thomas and seven others, allowing the labouring maa
a gallon loaf and fourpence a week to live upon ? Has our
industry been suckled by allowing less than that for a
mother and children to live upon ? But, that we may not
be accused of misrepresentation, we will here copy the order
and regulation to which we allude. Read it, Baring j
read it, all England ; and then let the reader of it say, if he
can, that our industry has been fostered ; that it has beea
fed and cherished. Look, Baring at the fifth resolution
in particular. See the man, his wife and one child, doomed
to remain upon the same spot, and compelled to live upoa
four shillings and sixpence a week the whole year round, or
sentenced to starvation as a punishment. Of these eight
fosterers of our industry ; these eight cherishers of us and
cur wives ; these eight sucklers of our children, ^ve were
ministers of Christ ; each, we believe, with more than one
living, if not with more than two ; and one of the other
three magistrates is your own brother who is so zealous in cir-
culating amongst us that Bible which tells us that even *' the.
ox is not to be muzzled as he treadeth out the corn." We beg
you to read this magisterial order with attention, and to re-^
member that it was most rigorously acted on until last yearm
" HAMPSHIRE JUSTICE.
^' NfeW REGULATION OF ALLOWANCE TO THE POOR.
** At a meeting of the magistrates acting in and for the division
*' of Fawley, in the county of Sowthampton, at their peity sessions,.
*' held at the Grand Jury Chamber, Winchester, the Slst day of
V August, 1822;
" Present — the Rev. Edmund Poulter (chairman), the Hon. and
^* Rev. Jugvstus George Legge^ Sir Thomas Barings Bart., the
*' Rev. IVm. Hill Newbolty D.D., fV. Nevill and George Lovell^
** Esqrs, the Rev. F. IV. Sivanton, and the Rev. Robert Ifrigkty
*^ eight of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, and a large and
*' respectable numbe?- of the yeomanry residing within the divisiou,.
f * who were requested by the magistrates to attend on the occasion c
1st September, 1831. 55
** The magistrates, having taken into their consideration the
*' allowances usually made by this bench to paupers applying for
•* relief, and the diminished price of every article of life,
*' 1. Resolved unanimously. That in future the magistrates act-
*' ing at this bench, in making their orders, either collectively or
*' individually, for the maintenance and relief of such paupers,
*' will not exceed the following allowances : —
** 2. When the family shall consist of a man and his wife, with
^' one or two children, or a man with two or three children, or a
** woman with two or three children, to each of them the price of ^
*' a gallon loaf, of the best wheateu bread, and 4d, each over per
^* week.
** 3. When the family shall consist of a man and his wife, with
*' three or four children, or a man with four or five children, or a
** woman with four or five children, to each of them the price of a
** gallon loaf, of the best wheaten bread, and 3c?. each per week
** over.
** 4. When the family shall consist of a man and his wife with
'* five or more children, or a man with six or more children, or a
** woman with six or more children, to each of them the price of a
** gallon loaf of the best wheaten bread, and 2d. each over per week.
** 5. And whereas a practice has been prevalent among the
** labouring classes, to absent themselves during a part of the year
'^ when their services are most required, and to return after the
" harvest and become a burden to their respective parishes, the
•* justices recommend to the ofl&cers of every parish, when the
** family shall consist of a man and his wife, or a man with one
*' child, to offer to each such man 4^. per week, from Michaelnias
** to Lady-day, and 5^. per week from Lady-day to Michaelmas,
" so that he might be engaged to serve the whole year ; and any man
** refusing that offer shall not be entitled to any relief. If no such
*' offer be made, or no sufficient employment can be found where*
'* by any such man can maintain himself and his wife or child, the
^^ allowance is to be 35. 6d, per week and no more.
** 6. To every unmarried man the justices recommend the ofH-
^* cers of every parish to offer 3s. per week from Michaelmas-day
*^ to Lady-day, and 4s. per week from Lady-day to Michaelmas^-
** day, so that he may be engaged to serve the whole year; and
*' any unmarried man refusing that offer shall not be entitled to
** any relief. If no such offer be made, or no sufficient employ-
** ment can be found whereby any such unmarried man can main*
** tain himself, he shall be paid 2s. 6d. per week, and no more.
** 7. To a woman with one child, 3.9. 6d. per week, and no more,
** 8. To every single woman, 2^. fJ^. per week, and no more.
** 9. And the justices do declare, that all paupers maintained
** and relieved by their parishes, and able to work, shall for the
*' allowances so to be made to them, be compelled to perform such
** proper work as the parish-officers shall direct or require of thera.
** And it is earnestly recommended to the parish-officers to pro-
** vide, as far as possible, employment for all such paupers, and if
** they neglect or refuse to perform the work found for them, they
^' will be punished as the law directs, ** T. Woodham,
" Clerk to the Magistrates.
66 Two-penny Trash;
*' Ordered that the foregoinc^ resolutions he inserted in the
** Hampshire county newspaper.**
This was not t}'ing up one hand, Baring ; it is sewing
up tlie mouth ; and yet, when we stepped forward to de-
mand better treatment than this, the bloody Times news-
paper of London, which is the property of two women, one
called Anna Brodie, and the other F^nny Wraight,
called aloud for SPECIAL COMMISSIONS, and for the
putting of some of us to death, at least ! Of the proceed-
ings of that special commission, of Cooper, of Cook, of
the two Masons who were taken from their widowed
mother, of Joseph Carter who was taken from his wife
and eight children 5 of many, many others, we may speak
to you hereafter; but here, Bap^-ING, is the way in which
our industry has been cherished, in which our hard toil has
been requited, in a country made fruitful by our hands ; by
our two hands, and by every joint and nerve in our bodies *
while swarm upon swarm of idlers have been, and still are,
rioting in luxury on the taxes raised upon us. You are
afraid, it seems, that some degree of power should be put
into our hands ; you are afraid that our industry should
cease to be fostered if the Reform Bill be adopted, and if
people even in the middle rank of life have the choosing of
members. Such fostering as we have above described will
in all human probability cease to exist ; but, so far from
that being an evil, we shall deem it a great good ; and, be
you assured, that the very reasons which make you object
to the Reform Bill make us most anxious to see it pass.
Not only are we compelled to pay taxes on our malt, hops,
beer (for we pay a tax on it still), tea, soap, candles, sugar,
tobacco, and on every-thing that we swallow, or that we
wear ; not only are we compelled to pay taxes to provide
pensions for life for all men that have ever been in public
employ, but we are compelled to pay taxes also to the
widows of such men for their lives, and to their children
also until they he grown up. While we are ground down
to the earth, we are compelled to pay taxes to breed up
swarms of gentlemen and ladies, who are to breed more in
their turn, to be kept out of the fruit of the sweat of our
children. There is no provision for our widows; no pen-'
sions for them, or for our children ; they are left to
Spurges Bourne's bills, select vestries, and hired over-
seers. But, relating to these pensions for widows and chil-
1st September, 1831. 57
dren there is something curious, which we cannot help
noticing. The widows of officers in the army are pensioned ,•
and also their children ; but there are no pensions for the
widows and children of the common soldiers ! The com-
mon soldiers come from the peasantry, the population, the
lower orders, and, therefore, there are no pensions for their
widows and children ; and thus it is, Baring, that our in-
dustry has been cherished by this ** fabric" which you are
so much afraid of seeing destroyed !
In short. Baring, we have, at last, got behind the cur^
tain; we understand clearly how it is, that, amidst all the
abundance produced by our labour, we are reduced to a state
of beggary ; we see clearly how it is, that, in the land of
roast beef our best living has been that of potatoes, which
our forefathers would have despised, even as fatting for a
hog. We know that the Tithes were established for the
use of the poor ; we know that,ybr nine hundred years,
England knew nothing of church rates or poor rates, and
that the churches were maintained and the poor relieved
out of the tithes ; we know that, agreeably to the law as
it now stands, all the tithes, all the estates of the bishops,
and deans, and chapters, all the estates of the colleges, be-
long to the public and to the poor, and can be rightfully
disposed of in any manner that the representatives of the
people shall please ; and as we firmly believe that the
Reform Bill will give the people wise and just represen-
tatives, we look to that with great hope and satisfaction,
as something which will let loose the hand which you
seem to think so necessary to be tied behind us. For the
present, Baring, we bid you farewell, requesting you to be
contented with what you have got ; and we assure you,
that when we get plenty of bread, bacon and beer, and good
clothing and good lodging and good fuel, in exchange for
our hard labour, we shall not grudge you that which you
possess ; but that, until we get them, no content will ever
exist amongst
THE LABOURERS
OF THE LITTLE HARD PARISHES.
P.S. — Our next letter shall be addressed to your brother
Thomas.
D 5
SP^. Two. PENNY Trash;
THE BARINGS AND MR. AND MRS. DEACLE.
TO THE LABOURERS OF THE HARD PARISHES.
KensingtoUy 26th y^ugust, 1821.
My Friends,
In the House of GommonSf on the 22d instant, the fol-
lowing proceeding took place. I will make no remark upon
it, but just request you to read the whole of it with great
attention, particularly the petition of Mr. and Mrs. Deacle.
The petition was sent from Marwell, as you will see, on
the 19th of July, and was not presented to the House until
the 22d of August, so that the Barings and Wilde had
plenty of time to be prepared for their defence. What is
farther to be done I do not yet know ; but that something
will be done is certain. I request you to read the whole
with particular attention, and I remain your faithful friend,
Wm. COBBETT.
** Mr. Evans presented a petition from Thomas and Caroline
*^ Deacle, the persons who lately prosecuted Mr. Bingham Baring
*' and other magistrates of Hamphire, for assault and false im-
*' prisonment. In doing so he reminded the House that he had,
** on a former occasion, made a motion for the production of certaia
** documents which bore upon the case of the petitioners, and had
" then stated he was not actuated by any personal feelings; that
*' he had no knowledge of, and had abstained from all communica"
** tion with, the petitioners, lest he might be led into making an ex
^* parte statement, and that he founded his motion altogether upon
** two documents which had appeared in the public journals — one.
** purporting to be a report of the trial in which a verdict was
*' given against Mr. Bingham Baring, and the other a letter from
*' that gentleman, addressed to a newspaper. Judging from these
*' documents, he had concluded that the character alike of the
*' gentlemen accused, as of the magistracy in general, was con-
** cerned in this matter ; and therefore was it he had moved for the
*' papers, intending, if he had obtained them, to ground thereon
** a motion for the dismissal of Mr. Baring, and the other magis-
** trates concerned, from the commission of the peace; He had
** been met, however, in a manner for which he was altogether
** unprepared; the papers were refused; and although he had
*' cautiously refrained from any- thing which might wear the ap-
*^ pearance of an ex parte statement, honourable gentlemen, in
*^ speaking in reply, had pursued a course directly contrary, and
** even used parts of these documents, the whole of which were
*' refused, and used such parts as tended to criminate Mr. and
*' Mrs. Deacle. He (Mr. Evans) had accordingly been, although
*' unintentionally, the cause of doing an injury to the petitiotters ;
** and therefore was it he came forward, on the present occasion,
** to lay before the House a petition, in which they solemnly denied
?' the truth of the allegations which had been made against them.
1st September, 1831. 69
^^ In answer to the statement made in that House to the effect,
*' that the five Magistrates had been included by Mr. Deacle in
'* the indictment with the view of preventing Mr. Baring of avail-
*^ ing himself of the evidence of persons present, he begged to re-
^* mark that there were eleven persons present, five of whom only
*^ were included in the indictment. In addition to the magistrates,
*^ there were Mr. Jarvis, the servants, and the three constables ;
*^ and this, he contended, removed all grounds for suspicion that
*^ Deaclfr had, as was observed, thrown all the parties into one
*^ net. He also argued that evidence to character should not be
^* considered sufficiently strong to overturn facts proved at the trial.
** The hon. Member also declared that he had been quite astounded
** by the speech of the hon. and learned Serjeant, the Member for
** Newark, who seemed to take the guilt of the Deacles for granted,
*^ and who actually appeared to associate Deacle with a man
*^ named Boyce, who was afterwards transported, and to consider
** that he had appeared in company with this person at the head
*' of a mob at the house of Mrs. Long, to compel her to reduce
*' rent, and to contribute a sum of money, which it was stated she
*^ did to the amount of fifteen pounds. He (Mr. Evans) had since,
** however, had a conversation with the hon. and learned Member,
*^ and he had declared to him that he had no notion of implicating
** Mr. Deacle with those proceedings. It appeared, therefore, that
*' he and other honourable Members had been mistaken in the ob-
** ject and meaning of the hon. and learned Member's speech,
** The hon. Gentleman then proceeded to state the various circum-
** stances which had taken place on the two trials, giving the
^* newspaper reports as his authority throughout ; he next stated,
** that the petitioners complained that the letters sent to the peti-
*^ tioners, when in jail, had been destroyed, in one of which letters
** there was an offer of legal assistance. The petition likewise
** asserted that a man named Collins had allowed, that if he had
** not promised to give evidence against Deacle he would have been
** prosecuted himself; and that another, named Barnes, was
** taken out of the dock, and told he would not be prosecuted if
*^ he gave evidence against Deacle. The petitioners also declared,
*^ that the allegations published in the newspapers, and professing
*^ to be a report of the speeches made by an hon. and learned Ser-
*^ jeant and other honourable Members in that House, were false
*^ in matter as well as in expression, and that the petitioners were
^* ready to prove the truth of this denial by evidence at the bar
** of the House.
" Mr. Speaker here called the hon. Member to order, and re-
** marked to him, that this petition did in fact comment onproceed*
*' ings in that Hoitse, and denied as false and malicious allegations,
*^ which, upon the faith of the public channels of information, the
*' petitioners took for granted had been made in that House, and
** which they considered defamatory of their character. Under these
•* circumstances, he did not conceive the House could receive the
** petition ; and he considered that the hon. Member was pursuing
*' a line of argument which could only end in one of two things —
** in the House's rejecting the petition, or else establishing a new
** precedent by receiving it*
60 Two-penny Trash;
(C
*' Mr. O'CoNNELL had read the petition, aod thought that Mr.
Speaker would find that it did not actually comment upon the
'* proceedings of thut House. Besides, there were facts stated iu
** it well worthy of attention.
** The Speaker then suggested that the petition should be
** brought up and read at length. The House would be then able to
** judge if he were correct in the opinion he had formed respect-
*' ing it.
** Mr. Hume had read the petition, and thought it was free from
" the technical objection.
** Mr. F. Baring wished to have the petition laid upon the Table.
*' Mr. Evans said that the petitioners expressly declared in their
*^ petition that they did not j>resume that the hon. Members al-
** luded to had actually used such language as was attributed to
*^ them in the public prints. He then t ok occasion to laud the
*' impartial conduct of the press in this case; where, if there were
*' any bias, it would, he said, have most probably been in favour of
*^ Mr. Baring; and he observed, that much as he honoured the wis-
*' dom of bolhHouses of Parliament, he considered that the influence
•* of the press was of the highest value, or something to that effect.
*' The petition was then brought up, and ordered to be read by
** the clerk. It was as follows : —
*^ To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of
'•' Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled —
** The humble Petition of Thomas and Caroline Deacle, of Marwell
*< Farm, in the Parish of Otvselburt/ , in the County of Hants y
1. ** Showeth — That your petitioners have read with inexpress-
*' ible indignation, in the public newspapers, numerous allega-
** tions made against them which are wholly false, scandalous, and
*' malicious, calculated to blast their characters, to injure their
*' pursuits in life, and utterly TO destroy their peace of mind.
2. **That amongst these false and scandalous allegations, Mr.
** Francis Baring is represented as having described your petitioner,
** Thomas Deacle, as one who, during the late disturbances in this
** county, incited men to machine-breaking, encouraged them to
*' demand a reduction of tithes, and accompanied them illegally
" to demand money ; and was with them when they received money
'* thus extorted ; that your petitioner, Caruline Deacle, was a per-
'• son who employed the influence of her sex, and the power of
*' her station, to ruin the poor and ignorant who lived in her neigh-
*^ bourhood, and that she was present with a mob when they
** demanded, extorted, and received money.
3. "That, amongst these false and scandalous allegations, Mr.
** Thomas VViid, Serjeant-at-law, is represented as having said,
*^ * 1 n one case the mob went to the house of a Mrs. Long, headed by
" ' Deacle and Boyce, and having compelled her to sign a paper
** * for the reduction of rent, they afterwards demanded money.
*^ * Fifteen pounds were at first demanded, but they afterwards
** * consented to take five pounds ; and after having spent the day in
** ' making collections of this kind, they adjourned to the Downs,
*' * when Mr. Deacle and Mrs. Deacle, who were with '^them, su«
•' ' perintended the distribution of the money.*
1st September, 1831. 61
4. '*That your petitioners most solemnly declare to your ho-
*' nourable House, that every-thing expressed in the words above
** recited, is utterly destitute of truth ; that it is false in matter
*' as well as in expression; that there is not a shadow of g^round
** for either of the above allegations ; and that your petitioners, if
*' your hon. House should think proper to permit them so to do,
** will clearly prove, at the bar of your hon. House, the perfect
** truth of the denial which they here give to those allegations.
5. **That your honourable House ought to be informed, that
** an indictment was, just at the close of the session of the Special
*' Commission, preferred against your petitioner Thomas Deacle,
** but not against your other petitioner Caroline Deacle ; that a
** true bill was found, but that the commission was suffered to ex-
** pire without bringing your petitioner to trial ; that the indict-
** ment was brought on for trial at the last Lent Assizes at Win-
** Chester : that the prosecutors produced the whole of their
** evidence ; that one of their witnesses, of the name of Collins,
*^ on his cross-examination, acknowledged that he would not say
** that he had not said that he knew nothing against Mr, Deacle ;
•* and, upon being asked whether he did not believe that he would
** have been prosecuted himself if he had not promised to give evi-
** dence against Mr. Deacle, he said he believed he should have
** heen prosecuted if he had not made such promise ; that another of
*' the witnesses for the prosecution, of the name of Barnes, a car-
*' penter, upon his cross-examination, stated, that during the
*' trials under the Special Commission, he being in the docky and
** about to be put on his trial, the jailer , Becket, called him out, and
*' took him into a room where there were ff^alter Long a magistrate,
** and another person, whom he believed to be Bingham Baring,
*' vjho told him that he should not be put upon his trial if he would
** come and swear against Deacle; that another person of the name
** of Prickett was called as a witness by the prosecutors, and that
** when the Counsel for the defence rose to cross-examine this wit-
** ness, the Counsel for the prosecution interfered and said that they
*' meant there to stop theprosecut'wiifor want of sufficient evidence^
** that the Counsel for the defence persisted in a wish to go on,
** in order that the witnesses of his client might be produced,
'* but that the Judge interposed his authority, observing that the
** defendant was honourably acquitted, and could want nothing
*^ more; that upon this part of the subject your petitioners beg
^' leave to point out to the attention of your honourable House, that
** Charles Seagrim, the attorney of Francis and Bingham Baring,
*' was the attorney employed in the carrying on of this prosecution,
*' and that the said Seagrim was a co-defendant in the actioii
** which your petitioners lately brought against the said Barings
** and others.
6. ** That the allegations complained of are, by the newspapers,
** represented as parts of speeches delivered in your honourable
^' House; but your petitioners having been informed that your ho-
** nourable House will not receive any petition which comments
** on speeches made in your honourable House, do not presume to
** say that the hon. Members named in this petition did actually
•* utter the words which have, by the newspapers, been attributed
62 Two-penny Trash j
** to them ; but they complain of the grievous hardships and in-
** jurious consequences which have already resulted, and which
*' cannot fail continually to result, from such calumnies being pro*
*' pagated, as coming from Members of your honourable House
*' in their legislative capacities; and the more so, since it is impos-
^' sible for them to escape these terrible consequences, without
*' the interference of your honourable House, in such way as to
*^ your honourable House shall seem meet.
7. *' That with regard to the words imputed to Mr. Serjeant
*' Wilde, they feel themselves doubly aggrieved, as the said Ser->
** jeant was retained by your petitioner Thomas Deacle, in the
** action lately tried at Winchester, but that he did not arrive at
"Winchester till after the trial; yet he is notwithstanding re-
*« presented as making a speech tending to the destruction of your
** petitioner, while he had your petitioner's money in his pocket as^
** his advocate.
8. " That your petitioners deeply lament the necessity which
** they feel themselves under, of thus trespassing on the time of
** your honourable House ; but that they hope your honourable
** House will have the goodness to consider the extent of the in-
*^ jury done them, as aforementioned; as an instance of which,
^' your petitioner Thomas Deacle informs your honourable House,
** that he was in treaty for a farm belonging to his Grace the
*^ Duke of Beaufort, which farm he was very desirous to rent,
** while the steward expressed an equal desire to have him for a
*^ tenant; but that, iu consequence of the allegations made
*' against your petitioner, as aforesaid, the steward has announced
*^ to your petitioner that the Duke of Beaufort refuses to receive
** him as a tenant.
9. *' That your honourable House must be convinced that no
*' individual fortune in the middle rank of life can possibly with-
*' stand the assaults made against reputation, as aforementioned;
*' that your honourable House will at once perceive that no cha-
*' racter can stand against attacks spread in this manner all over
** the kingdom, and coming forth, as in this case, under the
** pretended sanction of your honourable House.
10. ** That therefore your petitioners beseech your honourable
** House compassionately to lend an ear to a recital of the treat-
** ment which they have experienced, a recital which they will
** make as brief as possible, omitting unimportant circumstances,
** but pledging themselves to prove, on the oaths of witnesses of
*' unquestionable veracity, the truth of every part of the statement
** which they now submit, iu the hope of obtaining justice at the
** hands of your honourable House.
11. ** Consoled by this hope, they now state. That on the 24th of
<* November, 1830, at about two o'clock in the day, William Lew-
^' ington and John Switzer, constables of Winchester, came to the
*« house of your petitioners, being the bearers of a warrant signed
** by the Rev. Robert Wright and one or two other magistrates
<* of Hampshire, and served it on your petitioners, who imme-
** diately, without any hesitation, were preparing to dress them-
** selves in a becoming manner, in order to go with the con-
** stables, in obedience to the warrant, that, iu about five minutes
1st September, 1831. Si,
*^ after the constables entered the house, they were followed with
" great apparent violence, and with great rudeness, by Francis
** Baring and Bingham Baring (being two magistrates of the
"county), by Robert Wright (clerk), by Mr. Deane (banker),
" of Winchester, and by oneSeagrim, an attorney of Winchester^
^^ who is the partner of another attorney named Woodham, who
** are the attornies of Messrs. Francis and Bingham Baring; that^
** upon these parties rushing into the house, Bingham Baring
''seeing a friend of your petitioners, of the name of Jarvis, in
** an outer room, who was changing his coat, put a pistol to his.
*^ head, having at the same time a dagger in his hand, that he then
*' followed the rest of these violent intruders into the inner room,,
** or parlour, where your petitioners were ; that then Bingham
** Baring came up to your petitioner Thomas Deacle, and struck
*' him upon the shoulder, and then seizing him by the arm,,
** exclaimed, ' You are my prisoner !* that at the same time, or
" the instant afterwards, Francis Baring also seized your petitioner
** by the collar, while Robert Wright seized hold of the hinder
" part of his coat; that thus seized, Bingham Baring having hold
** of an arm, Francis Baring of the collar of the coat, Robert
« Wright of the hinder part of the coat, Bingham Baring (inacom-
** manding and menacing voice) said to tlie constable, Mr. Lew-
** ington (Switzer being sent into the yard to hold the horses),
** * Do your duty I' and Francis Baring, on the constable seeming
** to hesitate, said, * Do your duty, do your duty !' in a very quick.
** and stern manner ! That the constable, in a compassionate tone
** while putting his hand into his coat pocket, answered, * There
'' is no occasion for that, Sir, Mr. Deacle will go quietly;* where-
*' upon Bingham Baring, looking sternly at the constable, said,
** * Hand-bolt them !' that Lewington put the hand-bolt on one of
** your petitioner's (Thomas Deacle's) hands ; that while he was
** doing this, Francis Baring quitted his hold of your petitioner's
** (Thomas Deacle's) collar, went to another part of the room,
** seized hold of your petitioner's (Caroline Deacle's) hand and arm,
*' in order to compel her to submit to be handbolted; that in
*' spite of the supplications of your petitioner Thomas Deacle,.
** who represented in the most feeling manner the delicate and pre-
*' carious state of health of his wife, she was brought up by Francis
*' Baring, who held her arm until her wrist was fastened in tha
<* same bolt with that of her husband ; that Mr. Lewington had been
" ordered at the jail to bring a pair of small hand-bolts with
*< him, and that he had them in his pocket, but did not pull them
*' out; that at this time Bingham Baring went into the outer room
** for the purpose of disabling the fowling-pieces which were
*' placed in the corner of the room; that your petitioners were
«' now marched off from the inner room towards the outer room,
** hand-cuffed together, Francis Baring still holding the right
*' hand and arm of your petitioner Caroline Deacle, her left
<* hand being in the bolt; that in pulling her forward through the
** outer room into the court, she wishing not to go without her
** bonnet and shawl, he pulled her with such force as to pull her
** hand through the bolt, except that it was held by the fingers, and
** by apart of the ruffle, which was snapped in the bolt, and there
64 Two-penny Trash;
*' fastened ; that Francis Baring, seeing your petitioner Caroline
*' Deacle thus loose, put his arm round one of her arms, and held
** her two hands tog^ether under his arm wiih s^reat force and
*^ rudeness, still refusings to suffer her to have her bonnet and
** shawl; and in tlie meanwhile Deane, the banker, had quitted
** the house, and Seagrim and Wright were now on the outside
*' of the house, on horseback; that the cart, which had been
** guarded all the while by Captain Nevill, was stationed on the
** outside of the yard, about 100 yards away from the house ; that
*' Bingham Baring was now employed in knocking the caps off
*^ the fowling-pieces, and pouring beer into the locks; that your
*^ petitioner Thomas Deacle was now taken to the cart by Lew-
*' ington and Bingham Baring, which latter mounted his horse, and
** rode by the side of your petitioner Thomas Deacle, and the con-
** stable ; that Francis Baring, refusing to wait for the bonnet and
" the shawl, proceeded to force your petitioner Caroline Deacle
'* from the house and the court, across the wet and dirty yard, in
** order to arrive at the place where the cart was stationed; that;
'' the servants ran after with the bonnet and a cloak and clogs,
*' which they put on as well as they could, he not suffering your
** petitioner to use her hands for the purpose; that he then, not
** however till her feet had been wet, carried her across the
** yard for a certain distance, by putting his arm round the
** middle of her body, her head foremost, and her heels hindmost^
** and her person in a horizontal position, and this notwith-
*' standing her earnest entreaties that he would allow her to go
*' through the garden, where the way was not only clean, but
** where the distance was much shorter to the cart ; that when
*^ arrived at the cart, by the side of which Captain Nevill was
** sitting on horseback, the Captain ali;<hted, and got into the
*' cart; that in the meanwhile Francis Baring applied his hands
** and arms to the person of your petitioner Caroline Deacle, in
*' a manner so rude, indecent, and brutal, as not to be described
'* by her, and thus lifted her up upon the shaft of the cart,
*' while Captain Nevill seized her by the arm, and dragged her
*' into it ; that while your petitioner's (Caroline Deacle's) person
<* was handled in this rude and indecent manner, the extent of
<' which indecency she refrains from describing to your honour-
*' able House, Seagrim and the Rev. Robert Wright were sit-
*' ting on their horses, and looking on and laughing; that the wheel
*^ and other parts of the cart covered her habiliments with dirt, and
<* tore parts of them ; that at this time, and even in the court-yard,
<' your petitioners earnestly implored that your petitioner Caro-
«' line Deacle might be permitted to ride her horse, fearing, from
'* the state of her health, serious injury from the rude joltings
•* of the cart; that this request was positively refused by Francis
** and Bingham Baring, and that Seagrim said, * No, if you had
*' your horse, you would ride as you did yesterday'* that one of
** the constables (Switzer) said, 'For God's sake, Sir, let the
*' < lady have her horse, and I will hold the reins, and will forfeit
** * my life if I lose her;' that upon this Bingham Baring made
*' answer, * Do your duty, Sir, or Til report you;* that the cart
«* was driven by Lewington, and that the horse was a wretched
1st Septemser, 1831. 65
" pony; that Bingham Baring urged Levrington to drive faster,
** which having done for a little while, he said, upon a second
** application, * The lady complains of being ill, and says that
•* the jolting hurts her,* whereupon Bingham Baring again ex-
** claimed, * Drive on — make your way to Winchester 1* that Lew-
*' ingcon still not driving so fast as Bingham Baring wished, the
*' latter came up, and with a large black stick which he carried,
*' gave repeated blows across the back of the pony; that the
'^ pony now went considerably faster, causing the cart to jolt so
** much, that }our petitioner, Caroline Deacle, felt great pain, and
** rose up, by bearing upon the side of the cart, and turning"
*' round a little, said to Bingham Baring, * Really, Sir, I cannot
*' * bear this — it will be the death of me—I shall be shaken to
•** death;* that your petitioner Thomas Deacle, putting out his
** hand, said, * Sit still, my dear — bear it as well as you can,* and
** that hereupon Bingham Baring struck across your petitioner
** Caroline Deacle a severe blow with the beforementioned black
** stick, which fell upon the arm of your petitioner Thomas
*^ Deacle; that the cart was accompanied by Francis Baring, Bing-
" ham Baring, Captain Nevill, the Rev. Robert Wright, Mr. Deane
*' the banker, and Seagrim the attorney, as a troop of guards
** assisting the constables ; that when the carl had reached about
** half a mile from the house, Mr. Deane went off to Win-
*' Chester, leaving the rest to attend the cart; that when the cart
*« arrived at the top of Winchester Hill, about two miles from the
** city, it was met by a post-chaise, into which your petitioners were
•* put, in compauy with the jailer, who was in it, and were thus
** conveyed to the common jail at Winchester; that when arrived
** at the jail, the six persons before-mentioned had disappeared;
** that the jailer hurried your petitioner Thomas Deacle into a
** room where certain magistrates were assembled, amongst whom
*' were Sir Thomas Baring, as he believes, and the Rev. Robert
« Wright the elder ; that in the meanwhile your petitioner Caro-
*' line Deacle was put into another room, being the jailer's kitchen,
*' but afterwards was brought into the same room ; that the ma-
*' gistrates deferred any examination for that night, on the alleged
*' account of want of witnesses, and refused to let your petition-
*' ers out on bail; that after this, the jailer Beckett took your
•* petitioners into the passage and informed them, that he must
** take your petitioner Thomas Deacle and put him into a ward,
*' and that he would give your petitioner Caroline Deacle a bed
*' along with the women ; that upon hearing this, your petitioner
*^ Caroline Deacle, understanding that her husband was going to
*' be locked up amongst felons, fell into a violent hysteric fit,
*^ and was falling backward upon the stone floor, which was
** luckily prevented by your petitioner Thomas Deacle catching^
** her in his arms ; that the fit was very strong, and rendered
*' it necessary to open her clothes, cut the lace of her stays, and
** thus expose her in the presence of numerous persons of various
" descriptions, the inmates or the visitants of a common jail ; that
*' after this your petitioners were permitted, at the expense of tea
*' shillings a day, to live in the apartments of one of the turnkeys,
*' situated on the felons* side of the jail, and surrounded by felofts
66 Two-penny Trash;
'^ on every side ; that in this situation your petitioners remained
" from the evening of the 24th of November until the evening of
" the 27th of November ; that on the 25th of November your peti-
** tioners were brought before the Magistrates sitting in the jail, and
** were told that the evidence against them had not arrived;
*' that on the morning of the 26th of November they were brought
*^ before the Magistrates again, always guarded by the jailer or
** under-jailer, as if they had been felons, and were now told that
*' the evidence was in their favour, but that as all the ev*idence
** had not arrived they must detain them longer: that in the after-
*' noon of the same day, the under-jailer again brought them into
** the presence of the Magistrates, always sitting in the jail; that
** the Magistrates there told your petitioner Thomas Dearie, that
** they had nothing against him, and that he might go, but they
** must detain your petitioner Caroline Deacle until the next day,
** when they expected some evidence against her; that upon
** this your petitioner Thomas Deacle begged to be permitted
**ito remain with his wife, to which the Magistrates answered,
** * No !' — that thereupon your petitioner Caroline Deacle fainted
*^ away, and was held in the chair, the Magistrates, with Sir
** Thomas Baring at their head, exclaiming, *Take her away, take
** her away — she must not remain to interrupt our business;' that
*' in consequence of this she was carried out of the room in the
** chair, and your petttioner Thomas Deacle was afterwards
*^ permitted by the jailer to remain with his wife; that on the 27th
** your petitioner Caroline Deacle was brought before the Magis-
" trates by the under-jailer, and had read to her a deposition of
** Robert VVright the younger, one of the defendants in the late ac-
** tion, but that she was not confronted with any accuser, nor were
*' either of your petitioners ever confronted with any accuser
** from the first to the last ; that finally your petitioners were re-
** leased upon bail given for your petitioner Caroline Deacle,
*' and your petitioner Thomas Deacle, without bail in the first in-
*' stance, and afterwards with bail, when new pretended evidence
** had been discovered; that in the meanwhile your petitioner
" Thomas Deacle had declared his intention of bringing an actioa
*' against the Magistrates for assault and false imprisonment ;
** that after this the indictment before mentioned was framed
*' against him, and the bill found as before stated, just at the
*' close of the proceedings of the Special Commission which pro-
*' duced the trial at the Lent Assizes, ending in the honourable
•' acquittal of your petitioner ; and that, during [the imprison-
** ment of your petitioners, the letters sent to them were destroyed
*' by the jailer, in one of which was an offer of legal assistance,
12. ** Your petitioners earnestly pray that your honourable
** House will be pleased, in order to afford them a chance of
*' relief from the most direful oppression, to permit, if com-
** patible with the rules of your honourable House, evidence in
<* the premises to be brought to your bar ; in which case they
<* solemnly pledge themselves to prove, by witnesses other than
<* themselves, all and singular the allegations contained in this
« their humble petition ; and with all submission to the superior
" judgment, and in a firm reliance on the justice, of your honour*
1st September, 1831. 67
** able House, ttey further pray that you will be pleased to adopt
** such other measures, relative to the premises, as la your wisdom
« you shall deem to he most meet.
" And your petitioners will ever pray.
" (Signed) «' THOMAS DEACLE,
** Marwell, July 29. « CAROLINE DEACLE.'*
** Colonel Evans moved that the petition do lie on the table.
** Mr. F. Baring had taken the opportunity of stating, on a for-
** mer occasion, the circumstances of this case ; and though there
*' were many things in this petition that might seem to call for a
** further statement, yet, considering the time he had already
" taken up on the subject, he felt a delicacy in further encroach-
•* ing on the public time upon the present occasion. Still, how-
" ever, he trusted the House would bear with him, for a few mo-
** ments, while he noticed one or two of the particulars stated in
*^ this petition. He did not intend now to repeat the statement he
** had formerly made. When he made it, he did so partly in con-
** tradiction of the allegations that had been advanced respecting-
** his cousins, and his own conduct, on the occasion referred to,
'^ and partly with a view of making the House acquainted with
*' circumstances which had not previously appeared before the
** public. PFith regard to the present petition y he was prepared to
** meet it with a full contradiction He had already made his state*
♦' ment of the circumstances to the House, and there was no con*
*^ tradiction of his statement cojitained in any part of that petition
** that would induce him to withdraw one assertion that he had then
^* made. The statement now made by the petitioners was contrary
*^ to all those put forth in evidence at the trialy and sworn to as true
** there. There was hardly one point in which the two statements
'* concurred with each other — there was but one in which he and
** the petitioners agreed together, and that was in the declaration
^< that the evidence given at the trial was a false account of the
** circumstances that had taken place* It was said at first that Mrs.
^* Deacle came forward in the room and gave her hand to be hand-
*' cuffed ; it was now said that he (Mr. Francis Baring) had dragged
*' her forward to be handcuffed. At first it was said that his cousia
** had shown a gun, and had used it to intimidate; now it was
** stated that a pistol and dagger were employed, and the gun was
** sunk ! He wished that the two statements could be published
** parallel by parallel. The plaintiff*s statement, as it was now
*' made, and as it was then made by his witnesses, did not at all
** agree together, and of course no credit whatever was to be given
*^ to eiihei\ There was one point to which he wished particularly
** to call the attention of the House. It was this : — It was origin-
** ally stated that his cousin had carried Mrs. Deacle to the cart i
** that statement had then been denied ; and he (Mr. F. Baring)
** had said that he was the person who had carried her to the cart.
•* It now turned out, even on the petitioner's own statement, that
** it; was not Air. Bingham Baring, but he, who had carried the
** lady to the cart. When he had ventured to state that in the
•* House, all the persons who took a diflferent view of the matter
** said that was a matter which could not be mistaken. Now at
" the time that the witnesses swore Mr. Bingham Baring carried
68 Two-penny Trash ;
*' Mrs. Deacle to the cart, Mr, and Mrs. Deacle were both in Court:
*' they had the means of knowing whether the statement was true
** or not, yet they heard it made, allowed it logo to the Jury^ and to
*' he commented upon hy tke Judge, and never once pretended to
*' express even a doubt of the correctness of the statement when
** the charge was afterwards brought forward. Mr. B. Baring de-
** nied the fact— his attorney wrote a letter in answer to the charge,
** and declared the statement not to be true ; and even then Mr-
** Deacle did not admit it to be mistaken, on the contrary, he re-
** asserted the fact, it was now found that the charge, as against
•' Mr. B. BarinsT, was wholly unfounded, and the truth of the
*' statement he had made in the House was now admitted, yet up
*' to this time the poison had been allowed to circulate iu the
** country, though now the same^cliarge was laid to him. The at-
** tornies who had conducted the cause on behalf of his cousin,
'* were the Clerks of the Peace for the county, who had in that
** character prosecuted all the parties at the suit of the Crown.
** They were not the attornies either for his father or his uncle, and
•* they had only been employed in tliat instance at the recommenda-
** tion of the attornies for the family, because they were thought to
•* know all the facts of the case. He had felt himself bound to state all
*^ these circumstances, because he could not be silent when these
*' acctisations were brought against his cousin, and brought against
** him toOf in a motion to strike his name off the list of gentlemenin the
*' Commission of the Peace — a motion which could not but affect his
*^ character. He would now make no further observations, except to
*^ say, with reference to the gallant officer's eulogy on the public
*' press, that it would have been fairer if it had not been dragged in
** as the gallant officer had dragged it in on the present occasion.-
** Sir T. Baking said, that as his name had been introduced in a
** manner not very creditable to him, he was desirous of troubling
** the House with a few words upon this subject. He was well
** aware that every person who acted in a public capacity in that
*' House, or out of it, was liable to have his conduct traduced, and
*' his character calumniated ; and for himself, he could only ^•e-
** joice, that when this was done with regard to him, he had the
•' opportunity Avhich that House afforded of answering the ca-
*' lumny. The hou. Member who had introduced this petition had
^' not had the common courtesy to give him the slightest notice of
*^ it — a conduct which he should not have pursued towards the
** hon. Member under similar circumstances. He was charged
** with having at first resolved upon committing Mr. and Mrs. Dea-
** cle to prison. That charge was not true. It was said that Mrs.
** Deacle had fainted in the chair, and that, notwithstanding her
** state, he had ordered her away, saying that the Magistrates
** could not be troubled with her, or some expressions to that effect..
** He utterlv denied having: ever said so. He had not, to the best
** of his recollection, heard her utter a single word; he had only
** come into the room accidentally at the moment when Mr. Dea«
'* cle was having some evidence (he believed it wa3 Deacle*sowu)
'* read over to him. At that moment he (Sir T. Baring) saw a fe-
** male in a chair, but he did not hear her utter one word. He
** looked over the evidence cursorily, and the cruelty of which he
was then guilty, was to suggest to his brother Magistrates that
((
1st September, 1831. 69^
** Mr. Deacle should be admitted to bail. He took no other part
'* whatever in the proceedings. When these statements were thus
** found to be unsupported by the fact, he thought that the House
*' would not feel much inclined to give great credit to other state-
*' ments in the same petition. At the time that these persons were
** brought to prison, he was occupied at a distance of eight miles,.
** in endeavouring to suppress a riot occasioned by other parties,
** and to take those parties into custody. On his return he again.
*' read over the evidence in Deacle's case, and then, upon a more
*' attentive perusal than he had before given it, he found the evi-
*' deuce stronger than he had before supposed, and he surrendered
*^ his own opinion to that of the other Magistrates. These were
** the facts of the case as far as he was concerned.
' ** Mr. F. Baring wished to be permitted to say, that there were
*' other statements in the petition which he had not noticed, but he
*^ hoped he should not be taken to have admitted the truth of them
** because he had not contradicted them.
** Mr. Serjeant Wilde said, that from his having mistaken the
*^ order of the proceedings in the House, he had not been present
** when this discussion began. He begged to express his regret at
*^ that circumstance. It seemed that he had been made a subject
'* of accusation in the petition, and he found that he had been re-
** duced to that situation from bis having discharged what heconsi-
** dered to be his imperative duty as a member of that House. The
^^ petition, so far as it referred to him, was not exp'essed in those
*^^ courteous terms that might be expected; but he looked to the sub-
*^ stance, not to the form of it. He wished to recal the attention of
*^ the House to what had occurred on the former occasion. He had
*^ not then expressed any opinion of what had taken place; for he
^^ had not been present at the trial ; he had not gone into those
'^ parts with which he was not personally acquainted; he had
*^ merely stated what he knew from the depositions that had been
^^ laid before him. He was accused in the petition of having made
*' certain statements in that House. He did not know how the pe-
** titioners became acquainted with what he said there ; for he had
*' looked into the Tirnes^ and he did not find that he had been re-
*' ported to the effect now represented in the petition. The report
*^ was substantially correct, indeed much more correct than could
** under all circumstances have been reasonably anticipated. He
^' denied that he had ever sided with heartless injustice and op-
*^ pression, as the petitioners accused him of doing. What he said
*^ had been founded on the depositions that were brought to his
*^ notice in the discharge of his duty in assisting the King's Attor-
*^ ney*General in the public prosecutions. Unfortunately, on ac-
*^ count of the absence of Mr. Chambre from town, he had not
*^ been able to bring those depositions with him. He now came
*^ to speak upon a matter more immediately connected with his
** professional practice and his character as a member of that
** House. A retainer had been left at his chambers some time be-
*' fore the trial. It was anticipated that he could not be able to at-
*' tend at the Winchester Assizes. The person who left the retainer
*' was told so. He thought he was bound before every-thing td
<'^ discharge his duty in that House. A letter was written to the
5f effect he had stated, hy his clerk* That retainer gave him no in-
70 Two-penny Trash ;
*' formation of the nature of Deacle's case. Honourable members
" must not confound a retainer with a brief. A retainer only con*
** tained the names of the parties. He (Mr. Serjeant Wilde) had
** never seen Deacle or his attorney — he had no communicatioQ
" -whatever with them — and it was not to be supposed that the
•* leaviug" a retainer with a one guinea fee was to prevent a mem»
*' ber of that House from doing his duty there. If any persons did
** suppose that, he begged that they would keep their retainers to
" themselves. He considered that his duty in that House waspar-
** amount to all others. He had no knowledge whatever of the case.
** Mr. Hume called the attention of the House to the fact, that
'* the depositions against the Deacles, on which the learned Serjeant
** had so much relied^ were disbelieved by the Jury. It was most
** unfair that any-body should judge of the conduct of the Deacles
** from those depositions, and without any knowledge of his own,
*' whether they were true or false. He (Mr. Hume) knew nothing of
*' the petitioners ; but knew that the treatment they had received was
*' cruel ajid unjust. One ground of reasonable complaint on their
*' part was, that in despair of establishing any other charge, they
** had been accused of a conspiracy, which was a symptom in the
" inodern administration of justice. The question involved in this
** petition was one of great importance, not merely to the Deacles,
** but to the public, and it was this — how far Magistrates were re-
*' sponsible for their conduct to the King's subjects. It was fit that
" the people should know why Mrs. l3eacle had been handcuffed
** like a common felon. It was quite clear that the petitioners had
*' been mistaken regarding the person of the hon. Baronet (Sir T.
** Baring) ; but he (Mr. Hume) did not know whether the hon.
*' Member denied that he had ordered that Mrs. Deacle should be
*' handcuffed. If he had not done so, it was of great consequence to
** ascertain who was the Magistrate who had given the order. He
** (Mr. Hume) put it to the House, whether it was not a point
'' worth deciding, whether power should be continued to such an in"
*^ dividual} Simple justice required that the petition should be
*' laid upon the table; and that, on a future day, it should be refer-
'* red to a Select Committee. If the magistrates had not been guilty
*' of an excess of power, it was fit that the fact should be ascer-
'* tained, in order that all imputation might be removed.
** Mr. C. Fergusson referred to the denial of the hon. Member
** that he was present when Mrs. Deacle was handcuffed, and to the
** oath of a witness to that effect. He also urged that the Jury
** would probably have given larger damages than 50Z. if they had
** believed the asTgrravations that were charged in the declaration.
*' At the same time he, too, was anxious to know who had ordered
•* Mrs. Deacle to be handcuffed, and if he were a Member, the
** House ought to be ashamed of his association. Both she and her
*' husband had had much to complain of; and it was most unjust
*' that any notion should go forth to the public that the House
*' thought either of them guilty of what had been disproved on the
** trial.
" On the question being put that the petition do lie on the table,
** Sir George Clerk objected, on the ground that the petition,
'* in substance though not in form, complained of what had passed
f * in the House in the speeches of Members, Jt was drawn up with
1st September, 1831. ' 71
*' great skUl to avoid the standing order upon the subject^ but he
" apprehended tlie House would not allow that to be done hy eva-
** sion which could not be done directly.
** Lord Althorp said that he had seen the petition yesterday,
*' and that it undoubtedly was drawn up to evade the ordei' of the
** House: it complained of what had been contained in the speeches
*' of Members ; but as the House, contrary to its own order, al-
** lowed the publication of those speeches, it seemed hard upon
** petitioners to refuse them the opportunity of vindication from
*^ charges contained in speeches. On all accounts, therefore, he
** thought the House ought not to be very scrupulous upon the
** point, and for one he should not object to the laying of the petition
** upon the table,
•* Mr. EsTcouRT said, that as long as the order in question stood
** upon the Journals, it ought to be enforced. It might be very
** proper to recall it, but at present it was the rule by which the
** House declared it would be guided. 'He urged another objection
** to the petition, viz., that it sought redress from the House in the
** first instance, whereas the Deacles ought to have come to it only
** in the last resort, and after they had in vain tried other remedies
** that were open to them. The whole appeared to him a very dis-
** orderly proceeding, and he should, therefore, oppose the receiv-
** ing of the petition.
" Mr. O'CoNNELL contended, that if the hon. Member were for
*^ enforcing one standing order against petitioners, he ought to go
*' farther, and enforce another against the publication of debates.
*^ (Hear.) He should like to see the hon. Member move that the
*^ proprietors of all the newspapers in the United Kingdom should
*' be brought to the Bar, for infringing the order that the speeches
** of^embers should not be published. (Hear, hear.) If those
** speeches went forth, as in this instance, injury might be done ; and
*' when injury was done, it was mere justice to allow a remedy, Mr.
** and Mrs. Deacle had suffered severely ; but the appointment of
** a committee to inquire into the facts might end in the triumphant
'* acquittal of the magistrates accused by them.
** Sir F. BuRDETT was decidedly in favour of receiving the peti-
** tion, relating as it did most importantly to the administration of
*' public justice. The power under which the Magistrates had
** acted in this instance required investigation, and he was strongly
** of opinion that the power exercised by Magistrates generally
** needed great vigilance. The petition seemed to him very pro-
*' perly drawn, and certain it was that the parties had suffered
'^ severely both in purse and person. It would indeed be an ex-
*' traordinary proceeding if a petition containing such allegations
** were rejected, and all inquiry refused,
*' The petition was then laid upon the table, and it was ordered
*' that it should be printed,'*
COBBEIT^S CORN.
During my late journey in Hampshire, and tbrough
Surrey and back tbrough Berkshire, I had great pleasure to
see many very fine parcels of my corn ; and I do not think
that I saw one that will not produce more than a hundred
711 Two-penny Trash ; 1st September, 1831.
bushels of shelled corn to the acre. I was particularly grati-
fied at seeing several patches of the corn in the gardens of
the working people in the little hard parishes. I found it
all as fine as my own, and I think I shall have nearly or
quite a hundred and sixty bushels of shelled corn from my
one acre of ground. My corn was planted on the 12th
of May ; the grain is now beginning to be hard, and it will
soon be time to cut off the tops and the blades. I have
begun to do it already, but I do not recommend to others to
begin before about the 7th of September, and not then, un-
less the silk has all disappeared from the tips of the ears.
When that is the case, cut off the top down to within two
inches of the topmost ear, and cutoff all the blades clear to
"within an inch of the stem. I give these tops and blades to
my horse and my cows ; and I calculate that they will keep
the horse and two cows for two months; and the horse will
need no corn while he is eating these.
Now, then, for the great FOOL-LIAR, and the infamous
circular, which he sent by means of his privilege of frank-
ing, to all the gentlemen to whom I sent corn as a present,
last s})ring, for the purpose of gratuitous distribution amongst
the labourers. They all keep the circular very carefully ;
and three or four of them have told me, that, when the
corn harvest comes, they will put him to shame ; and, if
they do, I shall not despair of seeing a blush upon the
face of the brazen Achilles, in Hyde Park. One gen-
tleman, who has a whole neighbourhood of labourers, with
fine crops in their gardens, says, " I have a rod in soak for
the great LIAR.'* I have told him, that it is not, here, a
question of rods, but of broom-sticks at the very least ; that,
here, ''ten bull hides '* have to be penetrated, and that
there is only that 07ie susceptible part which little Mor-
LEY found out with the point of his shoe, and which is ge-
nerally looked upon as being by far the most intelligent
extremity of this particular body. After the tops and blades
are taken off, let the stalks and the ears remain, till the
grain is as hard as a stone, which it will be, this year, by
about the middle of October. — N. B. At my house we have,
every day, a pudding, made of the flour of this corn. At
Mr. Saps ford's. Baker, No. 20, corner of Queen Anne and
Wimpole-streets, both the flour and the bread are sold.
[rriiiled by Wm. Cobbett, JohDsou's-court, Fleet-street.]
No. 4. Vol. II.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of October, 1831.
Published monthly ^ sold at \2s. Od, a hundred, and for 300, taken at
once, lis.
" Never esteem men merely on account of their riches or their
*' station. Respect goodness, find it where you may. Honour
** talent wherever you find it unassociated with vice; but honour
*' it most when accompanied with exertion, and especially when
*' exerted in the cause of truth and justice ; and, above all things,
*' hold it in honour when it steps forward to protect defenceless
** innocence against the attacks of powerful men.'*
Cobbett's English Grammar, Letter XXIIL
TO ALL THE
PEOPLE OF ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, AND IRELAND,
BUT PARTICULARLY TO
THE PEOPLE OF HAMPSHIRE,
ON
THE AFFAIR OF THE BARINGS AND THE DEACLES.
Kcnsingiony \st Octoler, 1831,
Friends and Countrymen,
The affair of the Barings and Mr. and Mrs. Deacle,
involving the alleged conduct of other persons, and particu-
larly that of the magistrate^ Long, of Preshaw; if this
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street j
and sold by all Booksellers.
74 Two-penny Trash;
aflfair affected only the parties ; if it were merely a wrong
alleged to have been done by some persons to some other
persons, all private parties, then it would not be of that
great importance which it now is. If a powerful man, in his
private capacity, had done some wrong to a poor neigh-
bour, it would be a subject worthy of the attention, and fit
to call forth the resentment, of all the people of the neigh-
bourhood. But, here the evil could not be extensive : here
would be a bad man doing a bad act -, but not an act likely
to operate to the injury of the whole community. Not so in
a case where magistrates and men acting under public
authority commit acts of oppression ; for in this case, the
example may endanger the whole of the community ; the
cause of the oppressed party is the cause of every man and
woman making part of that community ; for the oppression
which lias been thus exercised on one party to-day, may be
exercised on another to-morrow, and the rhagisterial office,.^
instead of being a terror to evil-doers, and a reward to those
w^ho do well, may become the general scourge of the inno-
cent, and a terror to those only who are unable to resist the
strong arm of pow^.
It is in this light that I take up this matter, and with all
this solemnity lay it before you. I do not take upon me ta
pronounce whether the allegations against the Barings
and Long be^trueor false ; but I know that they have been
made ; that they have been made in the most solemn man-
ner ; that the parties making them have pledged themselves
to prove them to be true ; that they have prayed the House
of Commons to suffer them to produce proof of that truth ;
and that the House of Commons, upon the motion of the
Ministers themselves, have resolved not to let them produce
that proof, while they call the accused parties their honour-
able friends, and declare, upon the honour of gentlemen,
that they believe them to be innocent. Many of you will
1st October, 1831. 75
remember that, on the 11th of May, 1809, Mr. Maddox
made a motion for leave to produce proof at the bar of the
House of Commons that Perceval and Castlereagh
had sold a seat in that House to a Mr. Quinten Dick.
A great majority of the House declared that they believed
the parties innocent of all blame; but that same great ma-
jority voted that they would not hear the evidence produced.
Those who are of my age, or under, can recollect the unani-
mous indignation which that vote excited throughout the
country 3 and there is no man who is at all acquainted with
these things who does not well know that that refusal, to hear
the proof offered by Mr. Maddox, was a blow which that
House has never recovered.
It is my desire, and it shall be my endeavour, to lay the
Tvhole of this matter before you with perfect fairness and
impartiality; and, before I enter upon it_, it seems to me
necessary that I should satisfy you that I have not, in this
case, any personal motive whatsoever, arising out of any
reason that I have to have any particular liking or disliking
for either of the parties. I think this necessary, because I
have been informed that the Barings have given it out
that I have some personal grudge against them; and I be-
lieve that they have thus given it out, because I see it stated
in the Morning Chronicle^ in a paragraph purporting to be
a report of a speech of Alexander Baring, that "a
" powerful v%^riter '' (meaning me) ** had stated that he would
" ruin the Barings/' Now, I once received a very short
and civil letter from Sir Thomas Baring, which I imme-
diately answered in a most satisfactory manner and with
equal civility, touching a mortgage of which he became the
manager, in consequence of his having become the executor
of the mortgagee. With this exception, I never wrote to a
man of the name of Baring, nor received a letter from a
man of that name ; I never, to my knowledge, saw a man of
E 2
76 Two-PENXY Trash;
the uame of Baring ; much less did I ever speak to one,
in the whole course of my life ; except that I have seen Sir
Thomas Baring twice at public meetings at Winchester.
I never had any transaction with a Baring, either directly
or indirectly, in the course of my life.
What reason, then, can I huve for doing anything against
the B.vRiNGS, other than some 'public reason? When
LovELL and Cook were up at Kensington on the day be-
fore MY and Sir Thomas Denman's trial; and, when
they w^re about to give me an account of the transactions
which formed the subject of the affidavits which they made,
and which will be found inserted in the published account
of the trial, I said, to Lovell in particular, ^' Now, Lovell,
'* mind, I hate the Barings; and, therefore, do not you say
" anything that you may think will please me : 'tis not ne-
" cessary that I should tell you why I hate them ; but it is
" right for me thus to put you upon your guard ; and, as you
*' work for the Barings, and apparently find them good
*' masters to you, tell them what I say if you please." I have
^ never disguised my dislike to them ; and have never de-
sired that anything that I said about them should not expe-
rience any abatement that this well-known dishke might
entitle it to.
But, my friends, though I did not think it necessary to
tell Lovell the reason why I hated the Barings, I will
tell you ; and then let it go, if you like, in abatement of any
thing that you shall find bear against them in this paper
which I am now about to write. 1 have always, since I had
understanding of these matters, hated public loan»makers ;
because I know full well that their w^orks have, been the ruin
of my country ; that these works have caused misery inde-
scribable to the people of this kingdom ; that at this moment,
these works cause more than one half of the tax upon malt,
upon hops, upon sugar, upon all that we consume ; because I
1st October, 1831. 77
know,in short, that they have made this England, the working
people of which were once the best fed and best clad in the
world, a race of miserable ragged beings with half a belly-full
of victuals. My friends, to show you that this is no new opinion
of mine, and to show you also that the greatest and most vir-
tuous statesman that this country has known for two hundred
years entertained a similar hatred towards loan -makers, I
will here insert part of a speech of the great Lord Chat-
ham, made in the House of Lords on the 22nd of Novem-
ber, 1770, that is to say, sixty-one years ago; and to show
you how long this hatred has existed in my bosom, I will
take this part of the speech from my own Register, in which
I inserted it as a motto on the 25Lh of January, 1806, long
before the Barings became conspicuous in a hundredth
part of the degree that they have now becom>e conspicuous ;
and long before their loan-m.aking transactions had even
been a subject of observation with me. Now, then, take the
words of this famous Enorlish statesman : —
o
** There is a set of men, my Lords, in the city of London, who
** are known to live in riot and luxury upon the plunder of the ig-
** norant, the innocent, the helpless; upon that part of the cora-
** munity which stands most in need of, and that best deserves,
** the care and protection of the leg-islature. To me, my Lords,
*' whether they be miserable jobbers of 'Change Alley, or the lofty
** Asiatic plunderers of Leadenhall-street, they are all equally de-
** testable. I care but little whether a man walks on foot, or is
** drawn by eight horses or six horses; if his luxury be supported
*' by the plunder of his country, I despise and detest him. My
'* Lords, while I had the honour of serving his Majesty, I never
" ventured to look at the Treasury but at a distance : it is a busi-
•* ness I am unfit for, and to which I could never have submitted.
'* The little 1 know of it has not served to raise my opinion of what
** is vulgarly called the ^ Monied Interest ;* I mean, that blood-
** sucker, that muck-worm, that calls itself the ^friend of go^
*^ vermneyit ;* that pretends to serve this or that ad ministration ^
" and may be purchased, on the same terms, by any administra-
** tion ; advances money to government, and takes special care of
*' its own emoluments. Under this description 1 include the whole
** race of commissaries, jobbers, contractors, clothiers, and re-
** mitters. Yet I do not deny, that, even witli those creatures,
" some management may be necessary ; and 1 hope, my Lords,
"^8 Two-penny Trash;
" that nothing I have said will be understood to extend to the
** honest industrious tradesman, who holds the middle rank, and
«« has given repeated proofs, that he prefers law and liberty to
'' gojd. Much less would I be thought to reflect upon the fair mer-
*^ chant, whose liberal commerce is the prime source of national
'^ wealth. 1 esteem his occupation, and respect his character."
— Speech of the great Earl of Chatham, in the House of Lords, on
the 22d of November, 1770.
These were the opinions of the last really wise and upright
- statesman that England has heard. He detested these
money-lenders, whether walking on foot or drawn by six
horses; he called their immense profits ''plunder;'^ he
charged them with living in riot and luxury upon the plun-
der of the ignorant, the innocent, the helpless, which stood
in most need of, and best deserved, the care and protection
of the Parliament. He expressed his detestation of this de-
scription of men; of all these contractors and jobbers dnid
remitters, w^hom he contradistinguished from the fair mer-
chant and honest and industrious tradesman, whose occupa-
tion he esteemed and whose character he respected. Now,
I have never expressed detestation of the BaPvIngs ; I have
never spoken of them in terms a hundredth part so harsh as
this great nobleman spoke of the whole race. If these were
his sentiments then, how would he have expressed himself
now ? Have I not, then, a right to have my opinions and
my feelings with regard to this race of men as well as he or
anybody else ? This family, the very beginner of which has
not had his name known to the public more than about thir-
ty-four years, and who was a mere merchant*s clerk, or some-
thing of that sort, about forty-six years ago ; the very father
of all this race would not now, if he were alive, be able to
claim a standing in society for more than thirty-five or thir-
ty-six years, at the utmost ; and this family, who have
twenty -eight thousand acres of land in one spot in Hamp-
shire, have, in England, if I am rightly informed, upwards
tof a himdred and twenty thousand acres of land, besides
■ 1st October, 1831. 79
houses countless in number ; besides mills ; besides church
livings. In short, they possess half la dozen lords' estates ; and
though I accuse them of nothing unlawful in getting all this ;
though I impute to them nothing that is called cheating or
robbing or swindling, or anything unlaw'ful, I am sorry that
they have it, and I hate and abhor the system of government
under which they could have acquired it. without any talent
beyond that of mere ordinary tradesmen ; without having
performed any one thing meriting public gratitude or ap-
plause ; without any one of them having done anything to
benefit or reflect honour upon the country or its institutions.
If I be asked w^hat is it to me how many estates they have,
and how many noblemen and gentlemen they have sup-
planted, I say. It is something to me, and a good deal too.
I have a right to feel concerned for the good and the honour
of the country. I know that there can be no good and happy
community, aye, and no real freedom, unless the people be
governed by that natural magistracy which grows out of
long-settled proprietorship of land ; I know that there can
be no willing obedience ; that there can be no just distribu-
tion of property and of power, unless a very great part of the
submission to the law^s arise from the habitual and the tra-
ditionary respect of the people towards the immediate ma-
gistracy. I know that, when this natural magistracy is de-
stroyed, there must come coercion, and that force must com-
mand an unwilling obedience; I know^ that this system of
upstarts has a direct tendency totally to destroy the good
laws and customs of England, and that it has, in a great
measure, destroyed them.
Here woiild be quite enough to justify the antipathy
which I entertain towards this whole race of men, of w^hich
the Barings have, by their ow^n act and deed, and, in the
indulgence of their own vanity, arrogantly placed themselves
at the head ; for Sir Thomas Baring^ in setting forth his
80 Two-penny Trash;
pedigree, tells us that his arms are ** azure , a f esse, or, in
*• chief, a bears head proper, mi^zzled and ringed, or.^^
I like the *' bears head** monstrously, and particularly
I like to see it *' muzzled and ringed.'* It does not seem
that the bear's paws are hand-cuffed. What pity that the
whole band, the banker and all, did not go to Marvvell
equipped like the Baring -Arms I We should not then
have had all this fuss ! In this pedigree, Sir Thomas tells
lis that his father was " enabled, by his affluence, to assist
^^ the minister'' (just as Lord Chatham said !) ^' in the
** various loans required, and that he soon became the lead-
** ing member of the monied interest, and even the pros^
^^ perity of JEnglajid, at certain periods, may be said to
^* have revolved around him, as its primum mobile.'' I
take this from the " Baronetage of England," pub-
lished by Debrett in 1819; and anything, at once, so
stupid, so insolent, and so grovellingly vulgar, I never not
only took from any book, but never read in any dirty news-
paper, even that of Jacob and Johnson, in the whole course
of my life. Why, if there were nothing but this to make me
hate them, this would be- quite sufficient. The prosperity
of England revolved round him ! The prosperity of Eng^
land revolve round a fellow that had been a mere city go-
between of old Lord Shelbourne, and had not been
known to the community for more than five-and-twenty
years ! A pretty thing England must have become ! Eng-
land is my country, at any rate, and I have certainly a
right to resent this upstart, beggar-like insult.
If, indeed, any of the family had ever performed any
service to the country, real or pretended, it would be another
matter. If one had seen a great parcel of estates in the
hands of Lord Nelson and his heir. Instances of that kind
happen so rarely, that the precedent is not dangerous; and
besides, the country has something to show for the cost ;
1st October, 1831. 81
the deeds are so ennobling that they silence all political
reasoning about the matter. But, what do we behold here ?
In one single spot a great slice of a county ; three Lords
supplanted upon one spot by these loan-rnongers ; and just on
the skirts of their domain, there sticks the descendant of
Lord Rodney, w^ho really revived the character of England
at a time when it was at a very low ebb, cooped up in a
little bit of ground, not much more than enough to be a
cabbage-garden for the Barings; and there is that poor
Cranley Onslow too, descended from one of the greatest
and most upright lawyers, and most learned and best men
that ever lived, and owing to him and his fame the name of
Cranley, a little village in Surrey, the name of which
the Speaker Onslow chose for his title of Baron. I
have been called a jacobin and leveller : this is your true
levelling, stripping lords of their estates, by the means of
taxation, and giving them to those who have thriven upon
that taxation. And if it be asked what harm this does,
again I say. It destroys the natural magistracy of the coun-
try ; it takes away the salutary influence of habitual and
traditionary respect_, and it demands coercion in its stead ;
and coercion casts aside the sheriff's wand and the consta-
ble's staff, and brings the standing bayonet and the gen*
darmerie.
These are the grouncjls, fully and frankly stated, of my
hatred of the Barings; but what hatred, what precon-
ceived hatred, did it require to bring me forth to the cause
of Mr. and Mrs. Deacle ? Now, reader, look at the motto
which I have placed at the head of this paper. The words
of that motto were addressed to one son, and were, of course,
addressed also to all the rest of my children, and to the
hundreds and thousands (and I may say hundreds of thou-
sands) of young people ; for the Grammar, as its title ex-
presses^ was " intended for the use of schools, and of young
E 5
82 Two-penny Trash ;
'^ persons in general; but more especially for the use of
" soldiers, sailors, apprentices and plough-boys/' What
other motive do I want than the precept inculcated in that
motto? The motto was written in Long Island thirteen
years ago. I could know nothing then about the small
handcuffs : I could have no such thing in my eye. The
precept had been the rule of my conduct all my life-time ;
and what have I done other than act upon it now ? Here
are Mr. and Mrs. Deacle, in my opinion innocent;
proved to be innocent in a court of justice; a jury have
pronounced them innocent; and I find them attacked by
*' powerful menr I find in them people wholly unable to
defend themselves against such power, I find them at-
tacked in the newspapers, under the names of men of great
wealth and power ; I find them, after their acquittal in a
court of justice, branded by the newspapers, under the
/names of Francis Baring and Sergeant Wilde,
. as having been guilty of felony ; I examine all the news-
papers, and find them all to agree in the infamous libel ; I
see the villanous libellers, Jacob and Johnson, spread the
calumnies all over the county, and even to the very door of
Mr. Deacle ; I see these printers refuse to publish a letter
from Mr. Deacle, defending himself against these calum-
nies : in short, I see them innocent and defenceless, and
attacked by men who have power in their hands ; and then
it is, and not till then, that I take up their cause. Is not,
therefore, my conduct straight and consistent ? What am
I doing but acting upon the precept which I have constantly
and sedulously taught, and as constantly made the rule
of my conduct ? And what is to become of defenceless in-
nosence, if talent will not step forward in its defence when
attacked by powerful men?
Here, then, I cast aside all these imputations about pri-
vate malice and denunciations of ruin : let the Barings
1st October, 1831. 83
howl, or, rather, growl, like the animal w^hose head they take
for their crest : let them talk about motives as long as they
please ; and let me, my friends, now go into the merits of
this case in as plain a manner as I can consistently with the
necessary brevity. On the 23d of November last, the riot-
ing and machine-breaking took place in the parishes round
about Marw^ell, where Mr. Deacle lived on a farm which
he rented of Mrs. Long. The rioters, or, rather, the w^ork-
ing people who were demanding a rise of wages, went to Mr.
Deacle's, broke his thrashing-machine, pressed his men to
join them, and made him give them two pounds in money.
From his house they went to that of his neighbour Smith,
another farmer, whither Mr. Deacle followed them, in
order to prevent them from doing acts of violence to his
neighbours. Being in Mr. Smith's house along with other
farmers who had joined them, they, in Mr. Smith's par-
lour, drew up a paper, to be signed by landowners and land-
occupiers, the former promising to reduce rents and tithes,
and the latter to give the men twelve shillings a week. This
paper was shown to the men in order to quiet them ; and,
at the desire of the whole, it was carried round by farmer
Boyes to the several farmers and gentlemen's houses that the
people went to. Mr. Deacle went as far as Mrs. Long's,
and, when the paper had been signed there, he went away.
By fifty credible witnesses, it can be proved that thfs was
the conduct of Mr. Deacle, on the 23d of November, and
that this was all that he had had to do with the matter. As
to Mrs. Deacle, she was out taking a ride, and she rode,
out of curiosity, to see what the mob were doing. One
charge against her was, that she sat upon a horse looking at
them and smiling. I know of no law, either from the
pen of Ellenborough, Lansdown, or Peel, to for-
bid smiling. Such was the conduct of these two parties.
'84 Two-penny Trash ;
doing no one thing that was either unlawful or unneighbour-
ly, during the whole of the day, being greatly injured in
their property, but humanely submitting to the injury, from
reflecting on the starving state of the labourers.
Notwithstanding this offensive conduct, the next day war-
rants were issued against them and for apprehending them,
upon depositions that have never yet been produced ; and
three constables, with a coal-cart and handcuffs, small hand-
cuffs as w^ell as great, were sent from the jail of Winchester
to bring them from that jail. Two magistrates, Francis
T. Baring, son of Thomas, and Bingham Baring, son
of Alexander, accompanied by Robert Wright, a
parson, Captain Nevill of Easton, one Seagrim an at-
torney, and Mr. Deane, a banker of Winchester, went off
on horseback to assist in the capture and in the bringing to
jail of these two innocent persons. I assert them to be in-
nocent, because the lady has never been brought to any trial
at all, and because Mr. Deacle was indicted for the pre-
tended offence, and acquitted, without producing any evi-
dence of his own ; acquitted at once, in consequence of the
evidence given by his accusers* witnesses ; all which 3^ou will
please to bear in mind ; and of course you will bear in
mind always, that these are two persons w'ho have been
falsely accused, and w'ho have been proved to be innocent, of
the alleged crimes with which they were charged.
Quite bad enough, quite oppression enough, if we were to
stop here ; but we have now to see the manner of the arrest ;
the manner in which innocent persons were seized and
treated ; and here I proceed to state facts which the par-
ties accused affect to deny the truth of. The facts which I
have before stated relative to the perfect innocence of Mr. and
Mrs. Deacle of all crime whatsoever in this case, are facts
which neither the Barings nor anybody else pretend to deny.
1st October, 1831. 85
But the facts I am now about to state are facts for which I
do not vouch, but which rest on the evidence given by LE^y-
INGTON, SwiTZER, and Mr. Deacle's servant girl, at the
last Summer Assizes, upon a trial on an action brought by
Mr. Deacle against five of the afore- mentioned parties for
the violences committed by those parties at the time of the
seizure as aforesaid. Lewington, who was the chief of
the constables, says that he went to Mr. Deacle's house
with the persons before-mentioned. That he went into the
house with the two Barings, and with AVrigiit, the par-
son; that Bingham Baring told him to handcuff Mr,
and Mrs. Deacle; that he, Lewington, hesitated, but
that he finally handcuffed them, one to the other; that Mrs.
Deacle wished to put on her bonnet and shawl, but that
Bingham Baring said he could not wait; that Bing-
ham Baring pulled out a pistol, and put it to the head of
a man who had Mr. Deacle's gun and told him to give it
up ; that Mrs. Deacle was put up into a cart ; that the road
was very rough; that Bingham Baring ordered him
(Lewington) to trot, which made the cart shake very
much; that Bingham Baring struck Mr. Deacle a
back-handed blow with a stick while Mr. Deacle was
handcuffed in the cart. The evidence of Switzer corro-
borated this, and the servant girl swore that Bingham
Baring took Mrs. Deacle under his arm, round the
waist, and carried her, her legs dangling one way and her
head another.
Now, observe, I was not in Court when this evidence was
given ; but such is the evidence, according to the report
published in all the newspapers. The jury gave a verdict
oi fifty pounds against Bingham Baring, and nothing-
against any of the rest. Such was the evidence in the
Court given upon the oaths of these witnesses ; there was
much more, but this was the substance of it. Now, we ga
S6 Two-penny Trash;
to the petition of Mr. and Mrs. Deacle, which they pre-
sented in consequence of the atrocious slanders put forth
against them by the newspapers, under the title of the report
of speeches in Parliament. They say, that Bingham Bar-
ing seized Mr. Deacle by the collar, that he then held
one of his arms, that Francis Baring held another, and
that the parson held him by the skirts, while Lewington,
by the positive order of Bingham Baring, put the hand-
cuff upon one of the hands of Mr. Deacle ; that Mrs.
Deacle was sitting in another part of the room; that
Francis Baring went and hauled her up to have her
hand put in the other part of the same handcuff, so as to
have them fastened together ; that after this, in pulling her
along to get them out of the house, Mrs. Deacle's hand
came out of the handcuff, and that it was Francis Bar-
ing, and not Bingham, that dragged her and carried her
across the yard to the cart, into which Nevill, captain in
the navy, got, in order to pull her up. There is this differ-
ence between the evidence in Court and this statement in
the petition ; that the servant girl ascribed the carrying
and the dragging to Bingham, and not to Francis Bar-
ing ; but the girl had never seen either of them before,
and did not know one from the other. It is not denied that
the cart was made to trot in a very rough road ; it is not
denied that the constable, Switzer, pledged himself to
be answerable for Mrs. Deacle, if they would let her ride
her horse ; and that they refused this. When the cart
arrived at Winchester Hill, there was the jailer, Beckett,
in a post-chaise, and into that chaise they were put along
with this common jailer, who took them to the jail, where
they were treated as felonious malefactors.
Now, observe, as far as relates to this statement of Mr,
and Mrs. Deacle, the statement at present rests upon
their word only. We cannot say the same, by any means.
1st October, 1831. 87
with regard to the evidence in Court, for that evidence was
given upon oath before a judge and jury, and the jury found
a verdict against Bingham Baring at any rate; and we
are to observe also, that tlie constables were persons in the
employ of these magistrates ; that they depended upon them,
in some measure, for their bread, and that their evidence had
always been thought very good, when given against persons
that were prosecuted.
Mrs. Deacle, as I have before observed, was, after
about three days' imprisonment, let out of the jail, and has
never been called to any account since. Mr. Deacle also
was let out without bail of any sort or for any purpose ; but
having threatened to bring an action against the magistrates,
he was indicted for a misdemeanour, in going about with a
paper to compel landlords and parsons to reduce rents and
tithes. The trial of this indictment, however, was put off
to the Lent Assizes, when he was tried and acquitted, as I
before observed, in the most honourable manner, according
to the declaration of the judge himself. He was acquitted,
without having an opportunity of producing a witness in his
defence, and without counsel being heard in his defence :
- the evidence against him was so manifestly good for nothing,
that the judge would not suffer any witness to be called ia
his defence. Well, then, here we have the innocence of the
parties completely established : here we have proof that they
ought not to have been seized at all ; ought not to have
been taken up, or troubled for a single moment, even in the
mildest and most gentle manner. If, then, the evidence
- produced upon the trial of the action be taken to be true ;
-if Lewington and Switzer and the servant girl be not
.declared perjurers upon the bare word of the Barings,
what are we to think of the handcuffs, what are we to
think of the dragging across the yard, the joltings in -the
88 Two-penny Trash;
cart, the cramming into a post-chaise with a common jailer,
and the cramming into jail as felonious malefactors ?
Now, please to mark. Lewington's evidence and the
other constable's were given in the trial of the action at the
Summer Assizes, when the result was a verdict of ^ify pounds
against Bingham Baring. This verdict astonished the
whole world, as far as the new^s of it reached. Every one
exclaimed, *^ F\fty founds ! *' But Mr. DeaCle did
nothing. He was, probably, not very well contented with
the verdict ; but he was content to let that, and the report
of the trial, imperfect as that report was, produce their na-
tural effect upon the public mind. He and Mrs. Deacle
had suffered a great deal, to be sure ; but he was content
wdth what he was sure would be the decision of the pub-
lic. He w^as not wrong in his calculations. The public
cried aloud against the actors in the scene at Marwell ;
and the press, urged on by the public, inveighed most bit-
terly against those parties, Bingham Baring had now
to contend, not with Mr. and Mrs. Deacle, but with the
public and the press* He published ; and he made the
matter worse. In this state of things, Colonel Evans, a
member of Parliament (without any intimation of his inten-
tion to Mr. Deacle, observe), brought the subject before
Parliament in the shape of a motion for the judges' notes,
or something of that sort. But, though he gave no intima-
tion to Mr. Deacle, he had taken care to give intimation
of it to the Barings ; and there were they and Mr. Ser-
geant Wilde. It is not for me to say what these men
said in Parliament ; but it is for me to say that the Morn*
ing Chronicle pubhshed under their names the most out-
rageous abuse and most atrocious accusations against Mr.
and Mrs. Deacle ; under the names of both these men, the
DzACLES were again accused of acts of felony, though
I
1st October, 1831. - 89
honourably acquitted at Winchester, in tlie manner before
described ; and while the dirty printers, Jacob and John-
son, circulated these calumnies against Mr. and Mrs.
Deacle, they refused to publish a letter of Mr. Deacle,
written in his own defence against those calumnies.
Thus stood the matter for a little while; but Mr. Dea-
cle, unable to get any means of rebutting these slanders,
petitioned, along with Mrs. Deacle, the House of Com-
mons, by petition dated 29th July, and which petition was
presented by the same Colonel Evan s, on the 22d of August.
It is from this petition that I have taken the statement
above-mentioned. This petition, which told all the story
about Long and about Barnes, seems to have astounded
the men of millions. A committee was talked of, after the
petition had been presented ; but that went off somehow or
another, and nothing was done ; and nothing w^ould have
been done to this moment if the people had not taken up the
matter; but they did take it up. Petitions came pouring in
from all parts of the country, praying for an investigation
into this affair. During two or three nights, the excuse for
not appointing a committee w^as, that the Barings in^
tended further legal proceedings. Member after member
declared that a committee ought to be granted, but that, as
further legal proceedings were inteyided by the Barings,
the proceedings of a committee might prejudice those pro-
ceedings. Now, do mark this. Alexander Baring^
saw, of course, that if the committee was prevented from
this consideration, further legal proceedings must be com"
menced; and, therefore, he then confessed that the family
had consulted lawyers, and that they had resolved not to take
any further legal proceedings. Oh ! now then, a commit-
tee, of course; and Colonel Evans appointed Tuesday,
the 27th of September, to move for that committee ; after
Mr, Hume had presented a second petition calling for a
90 Two-penny Trash;
committee -, after this, Colonel Evans did move for a com-
mittee, when, to the utter astonishment of all London, he
was, by the mouth of Lord Altiioup, opposed by the whole
Government, who, upon this occasion, were joined by Peel,
GouLBOURN and Burdett, all of v/hom said that they
believed that the honourable gentlemen, the Barings,
most anxiously desired the committee, in order that they
might clear themselves in the eyes of the public; but that
it was a case w^hich would render a committee improper.
The House at last divided, when there was a great majo-
rity against the committee. So that here are a parcel of
people, telling us that they believe the Barings to be inno-
cent, calling the Barings their honourable friends; having
the greatest confidence that they would be able completely to
disprove, not only the assertions of Mr. and Mrs. Deacle,
but the sworn evidence of Lewington, Switzer and the
servant girl. Here are they almost solemnly declaring this;
and, at the same time, refusing their honourable friends the
only possible means of making their innocence appear!
But, my friends, mark particularly what the reporter ascribes
to Lord Althorp. The reporter says^ that he pledged his
honour, as a gentleman, that *^he opposed the motion with
" great unwillingness , because he had a high esteem for the
*' honourable member for Portsmouth (Francis Baring),
*' and it gave him great pain to do anything which might
*' prevent that gentleman from setting himself right in the
^' estimation of the public." This he declared upon the
word of a man of honour and a gentleman ! After which, I
think we may with propriety call him '* the man of honour y
und the gentlemany
People of Hampshire particularly, if any ot you, either at
Portsmouth or Winchester or anywhere else, have enter-
tained a thought of electing any one or more of these Bar-
ings to represent you, and especially if any one should apply
1st October, 1831. 91
to you to promise them your votes, give the applicant this
sensible and honest answer: ''It is my duty, above all
** things, to take care that the man that I vote for, shall not
^' be suspected of a disposition to put the liberty and lives
" of myself and my countrymen in jeopardy : two of these
*' Barings stand accused of the memorable acts com-
'* mitted at Mar well ; and, until they be cleared of that
*' charge, I should regard myself as an infamous villain if I
" voted for either of them, or for any of their abettors or up-
^' holders/' If the applicant answer, that the Barings
most earnestly want an investigation in order that they may
clear themselves ; but that the Ministers and the House will
not let them have it, your reply is, " That is very strange :
'* the Ministers call them their honourable friends, and one
'* of them is a Lord of the Treasury, and a relation of the
*' Prime Minister : most strange it is^ therefore, that, if the
" Ministers believe them to be capable of proviiig their
'* innocencey they will not grant them the means of proving
'^ it, and of thereby crushing the Deacles for ever ; of re-
" moving completely the accusation from the families of the
^' Grange and Stratton, causing the whole people to rush
^* forward in their behalf, making them the most popular
" men in the county, and, in fact, giving them the com-
** mand of it." If the applicant for votes for the Barings
shall persevere, and say that the Ministers are obstinate, are
resolved not to give their friends an opportunity of proving
their innocence, w^hich they so easily might do, the final an-
swer of every honest man will be, '^ Well, then, I cannot
*' help that ; I cannot be sure of their innocence until Mr.
" and Mrs. Deacle's prayer be granted ; I cannot be sure
^* of their innocence until it be proved, and therefore, if the
" Ministers do not give way in behalf of their honourable
"friends, I must choose somebody else ; for this is a thing
^'such as was never heard of before in the world. Suppose
92 Two-penny Trash 5
" my SOD to be accused of some great offence which
** makes him wholly unfit to associate with anybody
" but downright tyrannical brutes : Suppose me to be
*' thoroughly convinced of his innocence ; suppose the
*' case to be such as that he can prove his innocence in
" a minute, and without a farthing of expense, and that it
^' only requires my consent to his going into that proof,
'^ would not all the world condemn me as the worst brute
*' in nature, if I refused that consent ? If, indeed, I believe
*^ him to be (juilty, or if I strongly suspected it, then I should
" prefer his continuing without an attempt to produce the
'' proof of his innocence, to his having a trial that must end
^' in his conviction." Here is not a son here ; but here is
something very near it. Francis Baring is accused by
Mrs. Deacle of hauling her up, and holding her arm while
the handcuff is put upon it ; then dragging her along with
such violence as to pull her hand out of the bolt which is
held to her merely by the ruffle which has caught in the
snap of the bolt. She further accuses him of dragging her
into the yard without any cover upon her head, of lugging
her across the yard like a furze bavin, under his arm,
then hoisting her up into the coal-cart, where there is
Nevill to pull her by the arms as if she were a calf
or a sheep going into the cart of a butcher. This is
what Mrs. Deacle asserts respecting the conduct of
Francis T. Baring. This man has married the niece of
the Prime Minister, Lord Grey. Lord Grey must have
seen this over and over again. He must have talked the
subject over with this Baring himself, as well as with
others. He must have talked to the Attorney-General
about it; now, then, suppose yourself, reader, in the place
of Lord Grey ; here is the husband of his niece ; here is
a Lord of the Treasury immediately under himself in his
own department ; here is the h'eir of his father, who has a
1st October, 1831. 93
great estate. Now, if Lord Grey thought this man inno-
cent of this charge, do you believe that he would refuse him
the only means that there are in the world of proving that
innocence? I desire you, reader, once more to look at all
the circumstances; once more to look at the nature of the
charge which Mrs. Deacle prefers ; once more to see what
danger, not only from present unpopularity, but from lasting
impression, this young man is exposed to from this charge
remaining disproved ; once more, then, put yourself in the
place of Lord Grey, and consider him to be a man of
sound judgment and of great experience, feeling most
acutely, as he must, the doubts which this affair is exciting
with regard to the motives and character of his ministry ;
knowing, as he must, the uneasiness, the troubles, the cease-
less anxieties that it is causing in the several families of the
Bartnss, in his brother's family and his own family too;
knowing, as he must, that the eyes of the whole nation are
upon him, watching his conduct as to this affair; and well
knowing, as he must, that a committee which would prove
the innocence of the Barings, would, in one single day,
scatter all these troubles to the winds : put yourself in his
place, reader, and then say whether you believe, that, if he
was convinced that the Barings were innocent, he would
refuse this committee.
At any rate, and at all events, until the committee be
granted, you have a ready answer to every one who attempts
to bespeak your vote for a Baring. You cannot give the
vote until the charge be removed ; if these Ministers will not
consent to suffer it to be removed ; if the honourable friends
of the Barings will not suffer their innocence to be made
appear, they must wait with patience till their enemies get
into Parliament, when that which friendship will not grant
enmity probably may !
94 Two-penny Trash 3 1st October, 1831.
Here the case stops at present; but here it cannot stop
long. The people will continue to petition. New petitions
will come, and those who have already petitioned, will pe-
tition again. Every petition gives the thing a stir up ; and,
at last, W'e shall get justice. If justice acquit the magis-
trates, if justice declare Mr. and Mr. Deacle culpable and
the Barings and Long innocent, then we shall be satis-
fied ; then we shall not think ourselves in jeopardy ; then
we shall know that an innocent woman has not been hand-
cuffed and jolted in a cart and crammed into a jail ; and
then vce shall have the satisfaction to know that Beckett
did not call Barnes out of the dock to Long, who w-as a
grand-juryman at the same time ; but, unless there be
a committee; unless the honourable friends of the Barings
will grant them a committee to prove their innocence, while
the other parties are praying for it too, it would be to pro-
claim ourselves to the world as brute beasts, to entertain any
doubt at all upon the matter, or to act upon any other ground
than that of the allegations as they lie before us.
I am, my Friends and Countrym.en,
Your faithful and most obedient Servant,
Wm. COBBETT.
Mr, Cobbett's List of Books, 95
N. B. — All the Books undermentioned, arc puhlished at No. II, Bolt"
court f Fleet-street, London ; and are to he had of all the Book'
sellers in the Kingdom,
THS COBBETT-X.ZBIlAItir.
COBBETT'S SPELLING BOOK (Price 2s.); containing, be-
sides all the usual matter of such a book, a clear and concise
Introduction to English Grammar. — This 1 have written by way of
a Stepping-stone to my own Grammar; such a thing havin»- been
frequently suggested to me by Teachers as necessary,
COBBETT'S ENGLISH GRAiMMAR. {Price 3^.)--This is a
book o( principles, clearly laid down j amd when once these are got
into the mind they never quit it.
COBBETT'S FRENCH GRAMMAR (Price 5s.) ; or, Plain
Instructions for the Lfiarning of French. — JNIore young men have I
dare say, learned French from it, than from all the other books
that have been published in English for the last fifty years,
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S ITALIAN GRAMMAR [Price 6s.) ;
or a Plain and Compendious Introduction to the Study of Italian.
I would pledge myself to take this book and to learn Italian from
it in three months,
COBBETT'S COTTAGE ECONOMY {Pri^^e 2s, Sd.) ; con-
taining information relative to the brewing of Beer, makin^- of
Bread, keeping of Cows, Pigs, Bees, Ewes, Goats, Poultry, and
Rabbits, and relative to other matters.
COBBETT'S ADVICE TO YOUNG MEN, and (incidentally)
to Young ff^omen, in the middle and higher Ranks of Life {Price bs,)
It was published in 14 numbers, and is now in one vol, complete.
COBBETT'S SERMONS (Price 3^. 6ff.)— More of these Sermons
have been sold than of the Sermons of all the Church-parsons put
together since mine were published.
COBBETT'S EDITION OF TULL'S HUSBANDRY (Price
lbs.): THE HORSE-HOEING HUSBANDRY; or, A Treatise
on the Principles of Tillage and Vegetation, wherein is taught a
Method of introducing a sort of Vineyard Culture into the Corn-
FiELDS, in order to increase their Product and diminish the com-
mon Expense.
COBBETT'S YEAR'S RESIDENCE IN AMERICA, WITH A
MAP (Price bs.) A book very necessary to all men of property
who emigrate to the United States.
COBBETT'S ENGLISH GARDENER {Price 6s.) A complete
book of the kind.
Mr, Cobbetfs List of Books.
COBBKTT'S CORN-BOOK (Price 2s. 6d.) ; or, A Treatise
on Cobbett's Corn : containing' Instructions for Propagating and
Cultivating tlie Plant, and for Harvesting and Preserving" the Crop;
and also an Account of the several Uses to which the Produce is
applied, with Minute Directions relative to each mode of Appli-
cation.— This edition 1 sell at 25. 6d», that it may get into numaous
hands,
COBBETT'S WOODLANDS (Prie^ 145.); or, A Treatise on
Forest Trees and Underwoodsj and the Manner of Collecting, Pre-
serving-, and Sowing of the Seed.
COBBETT'S PAPER AGAINST GOLD (Price 5s.) ; or, the
History and Mystery of the Bank of En inland, of the Debt, of the
Stocks, of the Siuking Fund, and of all the other tricks and con-
trivances carried on by the means of Paper Money.
COBBETT'S POOR MAN'S FRIEND (PviceSd.); or, a De-
fence of the Risrhts of those who do the Work and fifcht the Battles.
— ^I'his is \r\y favourite work. 1 bestowed more labour upon it than
upon any large volume that I ever wrote.
COBBETT'S E^^GRANT'S GUIDE (25. 6^.) ; in Ten Letters,
addressed to the Taxpayers of England.
COBBETT'S HISTORY OF THE PROTESTANT REFOR-
MATION in England and Ireland (Price 4s. 6d.) ; showing how
that Event has impoverished and degraded the main Body of the
People in those Countries: PART J I. (Price Ss. 6d.) ; contain-
ing a List of the Abbeys, Priories, Nunneries, Hospitals, and other
Religious Foundations, in England and Wales, and in Ireland,
confiscated, seized on, or alienated, by the Protestant ''Reforma-
tion," Sovereigns, and Parliaments.
COBBETT'S HISTORY OF THE REGENCY AND REIGN
OF GEORGE IV.— This work is published in Nos. at Gd. each, and
shall do justice to the late *' 7nild and mercifuV King.
LAFAYETTE'S LIFE (Price \s,) A brief Account of the Life
of that brave and honest man, translated from the French, by Mr.
James Cobbett.
MR. JOHN COBBETT'S LETTERS FROM FRANCE (Price
45. 6</.)
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S RIDE OF EIGHT HUNDRED
MILES IN FRANCE (the Third Edition, Price 2s. U.)
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S TOUR IN ITALY, and also in Part
of FRANCE and SWITZERLAND (Price ^s.U.)
COBBETT'S TRANSLATION OF MARTENS'S LAW OF
NATIONS (Price 175.) ; being the Science of National Law,
Covenants, Power, &c. Founded upon the Treaties and Customs
of Modern Nations in Europe.
MR. WM. COBBETT'S LAW OF TURNPIKES (Price 3s. 6(f.)
[Priuied by Wm. Cobbelt, Jolinsoii's-court, Fieet-streel.]
No. 5. Vol. II.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of November^ 1831,
Published 7no. ' li/, sold at i2s. Od, a hundred , and for 300, taken at
once, lis.
TO THE
WORKING PEOPLE,
ON THE SCFIEME FOR WITHHOLDING THE
TEN-POUND SUFFRAGE IN GREAT TOWNS.
TVinchesieVy 27 ih Octoher, 1831.
My FRIE^^Ds,
You, who do all the bodily labour, who make to>x:ome
all the food, all the drink, all the clothing, all the houses,
all the horses and carriages ; you, without w^hoae help those
who do not work would be starved to death, or would die
with cold ; you, w'ho are at once the only source of the
country's wealth, and the only means of its security ; to you
I now address myself on the subject of the Reform Bill,
and especially *on that part of it which relates to the Ten-
PouND Voters. Since the Bill was rejected by the
Peers, or, rather by the Bishops, the disputes on the sub-
ject have chiefly turned on the intention of the ministers
with regard to the next bill : first, with regard to the time
— — ■ . ■■ ■ ■ ■ ■ . ■ I ■ . — ■ .,. .,..■ ., - - ■ ■ ■ ""■ .■—
London ; Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street j
and sold by all Booksellers.
F
98 Two-penny Trash;
of proposing it; next, with regard to the mecms of carry ^
ing it; but with me, the main consideration has been, the
'provisions of the next bill. The ministers confess, that it
is not to be the same bill j but they say that it shall be
one *' quite as efficient;'' though they, all the while, take
special care not to tell us what it is to be ! I, therefore, da
not confide in them, and I am persuaded that all those
persons who have been expressing confidence in them, will
£nd that they have been the sport of those who have, in a
Tery crafty manner, been urging them on to adopt addresses
containing such expressions, at the moment when the minis-
ters themselves say, that there are to be '* alterations '' in
that Bill (by which Bill they said they would stand or
fall), and when they will not tell us what those alter a^
iions are to be !
The slang of the day is, that it is to be a Bill *' quite as
efficient " as the last. But here is a phrase, here are three
■words, about the meaning of which, as applied here, whole
volumes may be written, and with a fair show of sound ar*
gument on both sides. They say, however, that there are
to be " alterations ;'' and, as they will not tell us what those
are to be, we have, in the first place, a right to presume
that they will make the Bill less consonant with the rights
and wishes of the people. This w^e have, at the yexj least,
a clear right to presume ; and, then, we are at perfect liberty
to guess at the intended alterations, and to offer, beforehand,
our objections to them. This is what I am now about to do
-with reo^ard to one of what I believe to be the intended
alterations; namely, the raising of the sum of rent, re-
quired as a qualification for voting, in large toiuns, I
believe, that there will be many alterations in the Bill,
every one tending to abridge the benefits which the people
would have derived from the late Bill ; but I shall at
present confine myself to this one alteration ; the nature
1st November, 1831. 99
and tendency of which, I ought, however, clearly to ex-
plain before I proceed to show how unjust, how insolent,
how foolish, and how dreadfully mischievous, such an alter-
ation would be.
The Bill, which the Bishops have caused to be rejected,
provides, that in all cities and towns, w^hich are, in future,
to send members to parliament, every man, who pays a rent
of ten pounds a year, shall have a vote ; and, as the rents
in great towns are high, this would give votes to great
numbers of persons ; and would, of course, give to the
working people some share in the choosing of members of
parliament ; and this I believe to be the main thing, or
one of the main things, that it is now intended to alter, so
as to make the yearly rent in great towns higher than ten
pounds ; and thereby to cause the voters to be four-fifths, if
not nine-tenths, less in number ; and by that means give
the working people no share at all in the choosing of those
who are to make the laws affecting their liberties and lives !
The pretence for doing this is, that it is 7iot fair to give
a vote to a ten-pound renter in a great town when you
give no more than a vote to a ten-pound renter in a
small town, where rents are not half so high, and where
no working man pays a rent of ten pounds. *' Not fairl'^
Why, then, to make it fair, give votes to five-pound renters
in small towns ! That is the way to make it fair, unless
you have the impudence and the folly to declare openly
that you mean, by hook or by crook, to EXCLUDE
THE WORKING PEOPLE ALTOGETHER, and even
every parent, relation, or friend of the w^orking people !
Declare this openly at once, and then the working people
will know how they stand, and what they ought to do; but,
do not attempt to deceive them by false pretences about
*^ fair-play /" The Bill that has been rejected, effectually
shuts all the working class out of the voting in counties and
F 2
100 Two-penny Trash ;
ifi small towns. In the choosing of seven members out of
eighty they would have no share at all, even according to
the rejected Bill, w^hich w^as sufficiently bad m that re-
sjpect ; but if the alteration that I am speaking of be made,
it will shut them out altogether, and they will enjoy no more
of political rights than the slaves in Virginia or Jamaica
enjoy.
But do I believe, can I believe, that such a monstrous
scheme is on foot, and that such an alteration is intended ?
I can believe it : I do believe it : and, it is because I do
believe it that I condemn, in any one and in every one, all
expression of confidence in the Ministers. But why do I
believe it ? That is well asked ; and I will frankly answer.
In the FIRST place, the ten-pound suffrage was the most
weighty objection, the thing most hiiiexly complained of , by
all the Lords who opposed the Bill: secondly, this part
of the Bill was 7iot defended by any of the Ministers : and,
THIRDLY, the Lord Chancellor, who spoke at nearly
the close of the debate, clearly, to the best of my compre-
hension, expressed himself ready to make alterations in
this part of the bill ; and, of course, those alterations w^ere
to have been such as to remove the ground of the objeC'
tions of the opposing liOrds ; that is to say, such as to raise
the standard of the suffrage in all the great towns. This is
a matter of vast importance : it is a vital matter : it is the
all in all of the Bill, because it is her(?, and here only, that
it holds out anything like hope to the millions : and, there-
fore, let us have, here, the very words of the Lord Chan-
cellor.
At the beginning of his speech (8th Oct.) he said, " I have
'* listened w^th profound attention to the debate, of which
" this, I believe, will be the last night, and which \has al-
** ready occupied five days, and having heard a vast variety
** of objections, having weighed the arguments on both sides,
1st November, 1831, 101
" and careless whether I give offence in any quarter, I
" must say, that I am so far moved by some points urged
'^ as to be ready to reconsider some matters upon lohich I
" had deemed that wy mind was sufficiently made up^
After an hour or two of very unmeaning stuff, he came to
this:^^ In London and the great towns, in the Tower Ham-
" lets, in Lambeth, and the like, ten pounds is a low quali-
^^ Jication ; but iu other places it is not. TWENTY
'' POUNDS was ORIGINALLY DESTINED for the
^' qualification ; bdt, upon inquiry into the circumstances of
" the small towns, we were induced to abandon it. But if
" noble Lords, speaking upon the question in general, choose
*' to object to this qualification that it is uniform, and say
^' that it ought to be different in divers places — lower in the
" smaller towns, and higher in the larger — I will not say
*' that I agree with them ; I w'ill not say what was originally
" my opinion — I will not tell the reasons that now recom-
*^ mend the bilL as it stands, to my support ; but I will say
" that whoever holds that doctrine will find 7ne ready to se-
'' cure for him the most ample — the most scrutinizing — the
^* most candid discussion of the subject in the Committee.
** I speak as an individual ; candour compels me to say
" thus much. But I, at tbe same time, say that it is em^
*' phatically a subject for the Committee.'^
Now, mark ; I, in commenting on these passages, said,
that they showed two things ; first, that Brougham meaned,
by his declared carelessness about ivhoni he might offend,
to indicate his readiness to abandon Lord Grey ; and next,
that Brougham was ready to give up the ten-pound suf-
frage, Mark, I say ! Mark, that he has most stoutly and
vehemently disclaimed all intention to quit Lord Grey ; but he
has not said a word, nor has Lord Grey said a word, in the
way of disclaiming the intention to give up the ten-pound
suffrage! Pray mark that ! Observe, besides, that twenty
pounds was, at first, intended. Ay, my friends, and it
102 ' Two-PENXY Trash;
was, at first, intended not to disfranchise any one rotten
borough ; but, merely to take one memher from each of the
very rottenest of them, open the voting to the hundreds around
them all, make them all still more rotten than they are, and
to give members to a few great towns with a twenty-pound
suffrage ! That^ I say, was their ^rs^ BilL If that be
not true, let the Courier deny it, and tell us how the first
Bill differed, substantially^ from what I have here described.
Such are my reasons for believing that the intention of
the Ministers is to take the ten-pound suffrage from the
great towns, and thus to shut out from all share in the
pow^r of choosing members of Parliament every man of
those working millions, about a quarter of a million of whom
the leaders at Birmingham are causing to shout for con-
fdence in these very Blinisters, and which shout, and the
like shouts, for confidence in them, will, if anything can,
enable these Ministers to carry their intention into effect!
Let us now look at the injustice, the insolence, and the
folly of the thing intended. For the people, for the work-
ing people, to have consented to give a trial to the rejected
Bill, w^as showing unp?iT3Me\ed forbearance, was making an
enormous sacrifice of clear right for the sake of peace ; no
right, not even that of enjoying life and limb, being clearer
than the right of every man of sane mind, and unstained by
indelible crime, to have a voice in the choosing of those w^ho
are to make the laws affecting his liberty and life. Let me,
however, upon this occasion, throw down the gauntlet to
our foes ; let me -prove the right ; and, when I have done
that, let those who have the audacity to call the ten-pound
suffrage'^ a boon'^ which they have a right to withhold,
again call upon the nation for '* confidence.'' This right is
the great and important matter ; and, therefore, my friends,
lend me your patient attention, while I go to the very
foundation of it, and show that it is built upon the rock of
reason and of justice ; that it is founded in the law of nature
1st November, 1831. 103
itself; that it belongs to man as completely as does his right
to eat or to breathe. Attend patiently, my friends, while I
prove this ; and, when I have done that, let us, if we be
able, express suitable scorn at those who are bawling for
" covfidence " in men, who will not tell us that they do
not intend to withhold the jjitifuL portion of this right
which the ten-pound suffrage would restore to you.
Time was when all the inhabitants of this island laid
claim to all things in it, without the words owner or pro-
perty being known. God had given to all the people all the
land and all the trees, and everything else, just as he has
given the burrows and the grass to the rabbits, and the
bushes and the berries to the birds ; and each man had the
good things of this world in a greater or less degree in pro-
portion to his skill, his strength, and his valour. This is
what is called living under the Law of Nature ; that is
to say, the law of self-preservation and self-enjoyment,
without any restraint imposed by a regard for the good of
our neighbours.
In process of time, no matter from what cause, men
made amongst themselves a compact, or an agreement, to
divide the land and its products in such manner that each
should have a share to his own exclusive use^ and that each
man should be protected in the exclusive enjoyment of his
share by the united power of the rest ; and, in order to
ensure the due and certain application of this united power,
the whole of the people agreed to be bound by regulations,
called Laws. Thus arose civil society ; thus 2iTose property ;
thus arose the words mine and thine. One man became
possessed of more good things than another, because he was
more industrious, more skilful, or more frugal : so that
labour, of one sort or another, was the foundation of
all property.
104 Two-penny Trash 5
In what manner civil societies proceeded in providing for
tlie making of laws and for the enforcing of them; the
various ways in which they took measures to protect the
"weak against the strong ; how they have gone to work to
secure w^ealth against the attacks of poverty ; these are sub-
jects that it would require volumes to detail: but these truths
are written on the heart of man ; namely, that all men are,
by nature, equal; that civil society can never have arisen
from any motive other than that of the benefit of the whole ;
that, whenever civil society makes the greater part of the
people ivorse off than they were under the Law of Nature,
the civil compact is, in conscience, dissolved, and all the
rights of nature return ; that, in civil society, the rights
and the duties go hand in hand, and that when the former
are taken away, the latter cease to exist.
Now, then, in order to act well our part, as citizens, or
members of the community, we ought clearly to understand
what our rights are ; for, on our enjoyment of these de*
pend our duties, rights going before duties, as value re-
ceived goes before payment. I know well, that just the
contrary of this is taught by those w^ho fatten on our toil;
for they tell us, that our first duty is to obey the laws ;
and it is not many years ago that Ho us ley, bishop
of Rochester, told us, that the people had nothing to do
with the laws but to obey them. The truth is, however,
that the citizen's^rs^ duty is to maintain his rights^ as it is
the purchaser's first duty to receive the thing for which he
has contracted.
Our rights in society are numerous ; the right of enjoying
life and property ; the right of exerting our physical and
mental powers in an innocent manner ; but the great right
of all, and without which there is, in fact, no right, is, the
right of taking a part in the making of the laws by which
1st November, 1831. 105
we are governed. This right is founded in that law of
Nature spoken of above ; it springs out of the very principle
of civil society ; for what compact , what Agreement, what
common asseiit, can possibly be imagined by which men
would give up all the rights of nature, all the free enjo}*^-
ment of their bodies and their minds, in order to subject
themselves to rules and laws, in the making of which they
should have nothing to say, and which should be enforced
upon them without their assent ? The great right, there-
fore, of every man, the right of rights, is the right of hav-
ing a share in the making of the laws, to which the good of
the whole makes it his duty to submit.
With regard to the means of enabling every man to enjoy
this share, they have been different, in diiferent countries,
and, in the same countries, at different times. Generally
it has been, and in great communities it must be^ by the
choosing of a few^ to speak and act in behalf of the many :
and, as there will hardly ever hQ 'perfect unanimity amongst
men assembled for any purpose whatev^er, ^vhere fact and
argument are to decide the question, the decision is left to
the majority^ the compact being that the decision of the
majority shall be that of the whole. Minors are excluded
from this right, because the law considers them as infants,
because it makes the parent answerable for civil damages
committed by them, and because of their legal incapacity to
make any compact. Women are excluded because husbands
are answerable in law for their wives, as to their civil
damages, and because the very nature of their sex makes
the exercise of this right incompatible with the harmony and
happiness of society. Men stained with indelible crimes
are excluded, because they have forfeited their right by
riolating the laws to which their assent has been given*
Insane persons are excluded, because they are dead in the
eje of the law, because the law demands no duty at their
F 5
106 Two-penny Trash;
hands, because they cannot violate the law, because the law
cannot affect them ; and, therefore, they ought to have no
hand in making it.
But, with these exceptions, where is the ground whereon
to maintain that any man ought to be deprived of this right,
which he derives directly from the law of Nature, and which
springs, as I said before, out of the same source with civil
society itself? Am I told, that property ought to confer
this right ? Property sprang from labour, and not labour
from property ; so that if there were to be a distinction here,
it ought to give the preference to labour. All men are equal
by nature ; nobody denies that they all ought to be equal in
the eye of the laio : but how are they to be thus equal, if the
law begin by suffering some to enjoy this right and refusing
the enjoyment to others ? It is the duty of every man to
defend his country against an enemy, a duty imposed by the
law of nature as well as by that of civil society, and
without the recognition of this duty, there could exist no
independent nation and no civil society. Yet, how are you
to maintain that this is the duty of every many if you deny
to some men the enjoyment of a share in making the laws ?
Upon what principle are you to contend for equality here,
while you deny its existence as to the right of sharing in
the making of the laws ? The poor man has a body and a
soul as well as the rich man ; like the latter, he has parents,
wife and children ; a bullet or a sword is as deadly to him
as to the rich man ; there are hearts to ache and tears to
flow for him as well as for the squire or the lord or the loan-
monger : yet, notwithstanding this equality, he is to risk all,
and, if he escape, he is still to be denied an equality of
rights ! If, in such a state of things, the artisan or la-
bourer, when called out to fight in defence of his country,
were to answer : " Why should I risk my life ? I have no
" possession but my labour ; no enemy will take that from
1st November, 1831. 107
*^ me; you, the rich, possess all the land and all its pro-
** ducts ; you make what laws you please without my parti-
" cipation or assent ; you punish me at your pleasure ; you
*^ say that my want of property excludes me from the right
^* of having a share in the making of the laws 5 you say
** that the property that I have in my labour is nothing
** worth ; on what ground, then, do you <^all on me to risk
" my life ? " If, in such a case, such questions were put,
the answer is very difficult to be imagined.
In cases oi civil commotion the matter comes still more
home to us. On what ground is the rich man to call the
artisan from his shop or the labourer from the field to join
the sheriffs posse or militia, if he refuse to the labourer and
artisan the right of sharing in the making of the laws ?
Why are they to risk their lives here ? To uphold the
laws, and to protect property? What 1 laws, in the mak-
ing of, or assenting to, w^hich, they have been allowed to
have no share ? Property ^ of which they are said to pos-
sess none ? What ! compel men to come forth and risk
their lives for the protection of property ; and then, in the
same breath, tell them, that they are not allowed to share
in the making of the laws, because, and ONLY BECAUSE,
they have no property I Not because they have commit-
ted any crime ; not because they are idle or profligate; not
because they are vicious in any way ; but solely because
they have no property ; and yet at the same time compel
them to come forth and risk their lives for the protection
of property !
But, the PAUPERS? Ought they to share in the making
of the laws ? And why not ? What is a pauper ; w^hat is
one of the men to whom this degrading appellation is ap-
plied? A very poor man ; a man who is, from some cause
or other, unable to supply himself with food and raiment
without aid from the parish-rates. And is that circum-
108 Two-PEMNY Trash;
stance alone to deprive him of Lis right, a right of which he
stands more in need than any other man ? Perhaps he has,
for many years of his life, contributed directly to those rates,
and ten thousand to one he has, by his labour, contributed
to them indirectly. The aid which, under such circum-
stances, he receives, is his right ; he receives it not as
an alms I he is no mendicant ; he begs not; he comes to
receive that which the law of the country awards him in
lieu of the larger portion assigned him by the laiv of nature.
Is it, then, consistent with justice, with humanity, with
reason, to deprive a man of the most precious of his political
rights, because, and only because, he has been, in a pecu-
niary way, singularly unfortunate ? The Scripture says,
*' Despise not the poor, because he is poor ;'' tjiat is to say,
despise him not on account of his poverty. Why then
deprive him of his right ; why put him out of the pale of the
law on account of his poverty ? There are some men, to be
sure, Vv'ho are reduced to poverty by their vices, by idleness,
by gaming, by drinking, by squandering; but the far greater
part by bodily ailments, by misfortunes, to the effects of which
all men may, without any fault, and even without any folly,
be exposed : and is there a man on earth so cruelly unjust
as to wish to add to the sufferings of such persons by strip-
ping them of their political rights ? How many thousands of
industrious and virtuous men have, within these few years,
been brought down from a state of competence to that of
pauperism ! And is it just to strip such men of their rights,
merely because they are thus brought down ? When I was
at Ely, in th'e spring of last year, there were, in that neigh-
bourhood, three paupers cracking stones on the roads, who
had all three been, not only rate-payers, but overseers of the
poor, within seven years of the day when I was there. Is
there any man so barbarous as to say, that these men ought,
merely on account of their misfortunes, to be deprived of
1st November, 1831. 109
their political rights ? Their right to receive relief is as per-
fect as any right of property ; and would you, merely be-
cause they claim this right, strip them of another right ?
To say no more of the injustice and the cruelty, is there
reason, is there common sense, in this ? What ! if a farmer
or tradesman be, by flood or by fire, so totally ruined as to
be compelled, surrounded by his family, to resort to the
parish-book, would you break the last heart-string of such a
man by making him feel the degrading loss of his political
rights ?
Here, here is the point, on which we are to take our
stand. There are always men enough to plead the cause
of the rich ; enough and enough to echo the woes of the fal-
len great ; but, be it our part to show compassion for, and
maintain the rights of, those who labour. Poverty is not a
crime, and, though it sometimes arises from faults, it is no>t,
even in that case, to be visited by punishment beyond that
which it brings with itself. Remember, that poverty is de-
creed by the very nature of man. The Scripture says, that
*^ the poor shall never cease from out of the lami ;^' that is
to say, that there shall always be some very poor people.
This is inevitable from the very nature of things. It is ne-
cessary to the existence of mankind, that a very large por-
tion of every people should live by manual labour ; and, as
such labour is pain, more or less, and as no living creature
likes pain, it must be, that the far greater part of labouring
people will endure only just as much of this pain as is abso-
lutely necessary to the supply of their dazli/ wants. Expe-
rience says that this has always been, and reason and
nature tell us that this must always be. Therefore, when
ailments, when losses, when untoward circumstances of any
sort, stop or diminish the daily supply, 7v ant comes -, and
every just government will provide, from the general stock,
the means to satisfy this want. Vf - ■
110 Two-penny Trash ;
Nor IS the deepest poverty without its useful effects in
society. To the practice of the virtues of abstinence, sobriety,
care, frugality, industry, and even honesty and amiable
manners and acquirement of talent, the two great motives
are, to get upwards in riches or fame, and to avoid going
downwards to poverty , the last of which is the most power-
ful of the two. It is, therefore, not with contempt, but with
compassion that we should look on those whose state is one
of the decress of nature, from w^hose sad example we profit,
and to whom, in return, we ought to make compensation by
every indulgent and kind act in our power, and particularly
by a defence of their rights. To those who labour, we, who
labour not with our hands, owe all that we eat, drink, and
wear ; all that shades us by day and that shelters us by
night ; all the means of enjoying health and pleasure ; and
therefore, if we possess talent for the task, we are ungrateful
or cowardly, or both, if we omit any effort within our power
to prevent them from being slaves ; and, disguise the matter
how we may, a slave, a real slave, every man is, who has
no share in making the laws which he is compelled to obey.
What is a slave ? For, let us not be amused by a name ;
but look well into the matter. A slave is, in the first place,
a man who has 7io property ; and property means some-
, thing that he has, and that nobody can take from him with-
out his leave, or consent. Whatever man, no matter what
he may call himself or any-body else may call him, can have
his money or his goods taken from him by force, by virtue
of an order, or ordinance, or law, which he has had no hand
in making, and to which jie has not given his assent, has
no property, and is merely a depositary of the goods of his
master. A slave has no property in his labour ; and any
man who is compelled to give up the fruit of his labour to
another, at the arbitrary will of that other, has no property
in his labour, and is, therefore, a slave, whether the fruit
1st November, 1831. Ill
of his labour be taken from him directly or indirectly. If it
be said that he gives up this fruit of his labour by his ovva
will, and that it is not forced from him ; I answer, To be
sure he may avoid eating and drinking and may go naked ;
but then he must die ; and on this condition, and this con-
dition only, can he refuse to give up the fruit of his labour,
" Die, wretch, or surrender as much of your income, or the
fruit of your labour, as your masters choose to take." This is,
in fact, the language of the rulers to every man who is re-
fused to have a share in the making of the laws to which he
is forced to submit.
But, some one may say, slaves are private property, and
may be bought and sold, out and out, like cattle. And,
what is it to the slave, whether he be the property of one or
of many ; or, what matters it to him, whether he pass from
master to master by a sale for an indefinite term, or be let
to hire by the year, month, or w^eek ? It is, in no case, the
flesh and blood and bones that are sold, but the labour ;
and, if you actually sell the labour of man, is not that man a
slave, though you sell it for only a short time at once? And,
as to the principle, so ostentatiously displayed in the case of
the black slave-trade, that ^* man ought not to have a pro^
petty in man^^ it is even an advantage to the slave to be
private property, because the owner has then a clear and
powerful interest in the preservation of his life, health and
strength, and will, therefore, furnish him amply with the
food and raiment necessary for this end. Every one
knows that public property is never so well taken care of as
private property ; and this, too, on the maxim, that " that
which is every-body's business is nobody's business/*
Every one know^s that a rented farm is not so well kept in
heart, as a farm in the hands of the owner. And, as to
punishment and restraints, what difference is there, w^he-
ther these be inflicted and imposed by a private owner, or
112 Two-penny Trash;
his overseer, or by the agents and overseers of a body of
proprietors ? In short, if j^ou can cause a man to be impri-
soned or whipped if he do not work enough to please you ;
if you can sell him by auction for a time limited ; if you can
forcibly separate him from his wife to prevent their having
children ; if you can shut him up in his dwelling place
when you please, and for as lon^ a time as you please ; if
you can force him to draw a cart or w^agon like a beast of
draught; if you can, vfhen the humour seizes you, and at
the suggestion of your mere fears, or whim, cause him to be
shut up in a dungeon during your pleasure: if you can, at
your pleasure, do these things to him, is it not to be inso-
lently hypocritical to affect to call him a free vian'i But,
after all, these may all be wanting, and yet the man be a
slave, if he be allowed to have no propertt/ ; and, as I have
shown, no property he can have, not even in that labour
which is not only property, but tlie basis of all other property,
unless he have a share in making the laws to which he is
compelled to submit.
It is said, that he may have this share virtually though
not in form and name- for that his employers may
have such share, and they will, as a matter of course, act
for him. This doctrine, pushed home, would make the
chief of the nation the sole maker of the laws ; for, if the
rich can thus act for the poor, why should not the King act
for the rich ? This matter is very completely explained by
the practice in the United States of America. There
the general rule is, that every free man^ with the excep-
tion of men stained with crime and men insane, has a right
to have a voice in choosing those who make the laws. The
number of representatives sent to the Congress is, in each
state, proportioned to the number oi free people. But as
there are slaves in some of the states, these states have a
certain portion of additional numbers on account of those
1st November, 1831. 113
slaves ! Thus the slaves are represented by their owners;,
and this is real^ practical, open and undisguised virtual
representation ! No doubt that white men may be repre-
sented in the same way ; for the colour of the skin is nothing;
but let them be called slaves, then ; let it not be pretended
that they are free men ; let not the word liberty be polluted
by being applied to their state ; let it be openly and honestly
avowed, as in America, that they are slaves ; and then will
come the question whether men ought to exist in such a
state, or whether they ought to do every thing in their power
to rescue themselves from it.
If the right to have a share in making the laws were
merely a feather ; if it were a fanciful thing ; if it were only
a speculative theory ; if it were but an abstract jpriyiciple ;
on any of these suppositions, it might be considered as of
little importance. But it is none of these ; it is a practical
matter ; the want of it not only is, but must of necessity be,
felt by every man who lives under that want. If it were
proposed to the shopkeepers in a town, that a rich man or
two, living in the neighbourhood, should have power to send
whenever they pleased, and take away as much as they
pleased of the money of the shopkeepers, and apply it ta
what uses they pleased ; what an outcry the shopkeepers would
make ! And yet, what would this be more than taxes im-
posed on those who have no voice in choosing the persons
who impose them ] Who lets another man put his hand
into his purse when he pleases ? Who that has the power
to help himself, surrenders his goods or his money to the
will of another? Has it not always been, and must it not
always be, true, that, if your property be at the absolute
disposal of others, your ruin is certain *? And if this be, of
necessity, the case amongst individuals and parts of the
community, it must be the case with regard to the whole
community.
114 Two-penny Trash;
Ay, and experience shows us that it always has been the
case. The natural and inevitable consequences of a want
of this right in the people have, in all countries, been taxes
pressing the industrious and laborious to the earth ; severe
laws and standing armies to compel the people to submit to
those taxes; wealth, luxury, and splendour, amongst those
who make the laws and receive the taxes ; poverty, misery,
immorality, amongst those who bear the burdens ; and, at
last, commotion, revolt, revenge, and rivers of blood. Such
have always been, and such must always be, the conse-
quences of a want of this right of all men to share in the
making of the laws, a right, as I have before shown, derived
immediately from the law of nature, springing up out of the
same source with civil society, and cherished in the heart
of man by reason and by experience.
Such is the foundation of this rights and such are the
general consequences of a want of the enjoyment of it; of
all which consequences, the last only excepted, we have
already amply tasted in this country. If this right had been
enjoyed in England, should we have seen the families of the
aristocracy fed from the pension and sinecure lists ; that is
to say, on the fruit of the people's labour ] Should we have
seen men transported for seven years for what is called
poaching ; that is to say, for taking, or attempting to take,
wild animals, and thereby disturb the sports of the rich ?
Should we have seen laws inflicting ruin, and, contingently^
destruction of body, on the people, for turning barley into
malt, or gathering hops from their hedges ? Should we have
seen old men, and even women, harnessed and made to d^raw
carts and wagons like beasts of burden ? Should we have
seen a law to hang a man for striking another without doing
him any bodily harm?. Should we have seen Lords Guild-
ford and Walsingham (both of whom v^oted against the
Reform Bill) with four church-livings each, while those
1st November, 1831. 115
who do the duties of the parishes are little better off than
labouring men ? Should we have seen the Dean and Chap-
ter of Ely taking away the great tithes of the parish of
Lekexheath, a Vicar (who has another living) taking
away the small tithes^ w^hile a curate wuth ten chil*
di-en, has seventy-Jive pounds a year allowed him, and
no house to live in, and who digs, like a common labourer,
to raise potatoes as his almost only food ? Should we have
seen military and naval academies, for the purpose of edu-
cating the children of the rich, by means of taxes raised on
the poor ? Should we have seen the magistrates allow, for
the maintenance of the hard-working man, not half so much
as the subsistence of the lowest common soldier ? Should we
have seen that soldier receive and send his letters postage^
free, while the working man is compelled to pay an enor-
mous tax (besides the cost of carriage) on his letters ?
Should we have seen any of these things? Should we ever
have seen Pitt's and Sid mouth's and Castlereagh's dungeoning
and gagging Bills? And would our miserable fellow-subjects
in Ireland ever have seen laws to shut them up in their
houses from sun-set to sun-rise on pain of transportation?
Would they ever have seen any of the scores of horrid scenes
of which that of Newtown barry is only one'i And,
should we ever have been covered with the eternal disgrace
of leaving them without poor-laws, while thousands upon
thousands of them have died from starvation, after having
eked out their existence by feeding on sea-weed and other
such thingSjWhile the potts of their fine country were crowded
with ships and steam-boats, carrying away its beef, pork,
flour, butter, sheep, hogs, and poultry? Should we ever have
heard of a surpluS'population and a surplus-produce at
the same time? Should we ever have heard of taxes, raised
for the purpose of getting the working people out of the
country, while the lands are half cultivated ; and (for I must
116 Two-PEKNY Trash;
stop somewhere) should we ever have seen, at the same
time, enormous taxes raised in order to give premiums to the
idlers to increase their numbers '? No : none of these things
should we ever have seen ; nor any of these corn-laws, com-
bination-laws, or laws about truck, or about St urges
Bourne; for neither of these things would have found a
place in the mind of man.
Well, then, if such be the foundation and nature of this
right; if the consequences of a want of its enjoyment be
such ; and if, with the exceptions above-stated, it is clearly
a right belonging to every man, what injustice to attempt
to withhold it even from the small portion of working men
to whom this rejected bill would have yielded it! And
what impudence, what insolence, to accord this right to a
tax or tithe-eater^ who is, only by taxes or tithes, enabled
to live in a house of twenty pounds a -year, while you with-
hold it from the man from whose labour come those taxes
and those tithes ! The bare thought of such insolence awakens
indignation that sets utterance at defiance ! Go, Den man;
go to Nottingham again, and tell them there that you
belong to a ministry who think right to TAKE AWAY,
directly, the suffrages of out-lying voters, and, in future^
of all burgesses 3,nd free?nen ; and who have now found out,
that a rent of ten pounds a year^ in great towns, is too low
to qualify a man to give a vote for a member to serve in
Parliament! Go, Denman • go and tell them that! You
need not, then, put forward your claims on them for your
trouble in the prosecution of me and for your mighty and
anxious labours in Hampshire and Wiltshire. You have
only to tell them THAT ! Ah ! but, will you not be pre-
served from this for six years to come ! I verily believe,
that even that will be attempted.
Let it ! I would much rather it should, than that this
withholding of the ten-pound suffrage should take place.
1st November, 1831. 117
What did I support the Reform Bill for ? Not because it
gave all that I thought it ought to give. It was expressly
stated by the advocates of the Bill, that the ballot and the
duration of Parliaments were to become subjects of distinct
and subsequent discussion. The suffrage was the great
matter; and though it fell far short of justice to the
working people, I saw that, by making the standard so low
as ten pounds rent in the great towns, the working people
would, in a few years, return from fifty to a hundred mem-
bers, who would be likely to maintain their rights. I saw
the injustice of shutting out the agricultural labourers, as
the Bill completely did ; but then I knew, that it was impos-
sible for a member to be faithful to the interests of the
w^eaver and to neglect those of the hedger and the plough-
man. I saw but a few members, comparatively, to be
returned by the' working people; but then I knew' that those
few would be REAL MEN; and that Baring saw too,
when he foreboded that the great towns would send '' push^
" ing men, who would look info all the papers laid before
*' the House." I saw these things ; and on this ground, and
no other, I supported the Reform-Bill.
But, if the ten-pound suffrage be to be raised, or, if it be
to be so altered, by transferring it from rent to rate, or in
any manner to lessen the number of voters in the great
towns ; then I say, that the bill is an evil, clearly an evil,
instead of a good ; for then it will be a bill to disfranchise
the few working men icho now have votes, and 7iot to
enfranchise one single working man in the whole king-
dom ! It will immediately disfranchise the out-lying bur-
gesses and freemen, and also disfranchise the scot-and-lot
voters ; and it will, in a short time, disfranchise the resident
burgesses and freemen ; while to not one single working man
in any part of the kingdom will it give a vote ; and, with
regard to political rights, all the working millions of this
118 Two-penny Trash;
kingdom will be ** virtually represented ; '' that is to say,
by their masters^ precisely as the blacks in Virginia are by
theirs !
And I am to express my '^ confideuQe^^ am I, in a minis-
try who, I fear (and have given reasons for my fearing),
entertain a design to do this act of insolent injustice ! Of
all men I shall be the most ready and the most happy to find,
and to acknowledge, that my fears have been unfounded ;
and, in that case, I shall again be ready to give '* the whole
bill " a ''fair trial; '' and shall be the last man in Eng-
land to cavil at the acts of ministers, or to do anything to
annoy them, or make their course difficult. But, as things
now stand; with announced ''alterations'* in the Bill;
with the nature of those alterations kept a secret from us ;
and with the speech of the Lord Chancellor before our eyes,
it would not only be folly, but downright baseness, in me,
and treachery to you, the working people, were I to refrain
from expressing beforehand my opinions upon the subject.
If this foul deed should be attempted in a new bill, I
shall lose not a moment in petitioning against that bill
myself; and I shall advise all others, and especially the
working people, to do the same. I would fain have ground
for hoping that the necessity will not arise ; but, if the new
bill contain any-thing, no matter what, to lessen the num-
ber of voters in the great towns ; then let the working peo-
ple in those towns, and in the small towns and the counties
also, turn with scorn from the preachers up of patience !
What was the ground on which I gave my support to the
Bill ? I saw that it would immediately disfranchise all non-
resident voters, and, in a short time, all the luorking peo»
pie who now have votes ; but I saw, on the other hand,
that, by giving a vote to ten-pound renters in the great
towns, it would insure the return of from fifty to a hundred
members, by the free and uncorrupt voices of the working
1st November, 1831. 119
people ; and I knew that those members would soon cause
to be done those things which ought to be done. But, if this
provision of the bill be taken out, or damaged, am I still to
approve of the bill 1 Am I to see disfranchised all the work-
ing men who now vote, and to see no working men enfran-
chised in their stead ; am I to see, by a false and base
"pretence dhonf unimiformity ,^^ the qualification in great
towns so raised as to lessen that number of working voters,
which is, according to the bill, already too small ; am I to
see, in addition to the working country -people, those of the
great towns premeditatedly stripped of their rights ; am I to
see the few oligarchs of the boroughs exchanged for a swarm
of oligarchs, one of whom is to be found in every counting-
house, and in every great homestead ; am I to call that *^ a
JReform '' which will be manifestly intended to disfranchise
the whole of the w^orking people, and to make them, for ages,
the slaves of a grinding, an omnipresent, never-sleeping,
oligarchy of money ^ with little finger heavier than the loins
of the boroughmoDgers : suspecting this to be intended, am
I to express my '' confidence " in those by whom I think
the intention to be entertained ! Paralysed be my hand
when I write, blistered and burnt up be my tongue when I
pronounce, such '' confidence ; " and, eternal shame be the
lot of all those who (suspecting as I do) are calling on the
people to express or repose such ^' confidence ! "
My friends, be not deceived, be not cajoled yhe prepared!
The moment I arrive at the certainty that the Ministers in-
tend to do this thing, I will give you my advice as to several
Steps that you ought to take. In the meanwhile,
I remain, your faithful Friend,
Wm. cobbett.
120 Mr. Cobbett's List of Books.
COBBETT'S CORN-BOOK {Piice 2s. 6d.) ; or, A Treatise
on Cobbett's Corn : containing^ Instructions for Propagating and
Cultivating the Plant, and for Harvesting and Preserving the Crop;
and also an Account of the several Uses to which the Produce is
applied, with Minute Directions relative to each mode of Appli-
cation,— This edition 1 sell at 25. 6d., that it may ^Qt into 7iumerous
ha?ids,
COBBETT'S WOODLANDS {Prlre Us.) ; or, A Treatise on
Forest Trees and Underwoods, and the Manner of Collecting, Pre-
serving, and Sowing of the Seed.
COBBETT'S PAPER AGAINST GOLD (Price 55.) ; or, the
History and Mystery of the Bank of England, of the Debt, of the
Stocks, of the Sinking Fund, and of all the other tricks and con-
trivances carried on by the means of Paper Money.
COBBETT'S POOR MAX'S FRIEND (Price M.); or, a De-
fence of the Rights of those who do the Work and fight the Battles.
— ^This is my favourite work. 1 bestowed more labour upon it than
upon any large volume that I ever wrote.
COBBETT'S EMIGRANT'S GUIDE (25. 6^.) ; in Ten Letters,
addressed to the Taxpayers of England.
COBBETT'S HISTORY OF THE PROTESTANT REFOR-
MATION in England and Ireland (Price 4s. i]d.) ; showing how
that Event has impoverished and degraded the main Body of the
People in those Countries : PART 11. (Price 3s. 6d.) ; contain-
ing a List of the Abbeys, Priories, Nunneries, Hospitals, and other
Pceligious Foundations, in England and Wales, and in Ireland,
conriscated, seized on, or alienated, by the Protestant " Reforma-
tion," Sovereigns, and Parlian»ents.
COBBEPl'S HISTORY OF THE REGENCY AND REIGN
OF GEORGE IV. — 'ibis work is published in Nos. at i\d. each, and
shall do justice to the late *' 7mld and rnerciful" King,
LAFAYETTE'S LIFE (Price Is.) A brief Account of the Life
of that brave and honest man, translated from the French, by Mr.
James Cobbett.
MR. JOHN COBBETT'S LETTERS FROM FRANCE (Price
45. 6d.)
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S RIDE OF EIGHT HUNDRED
MILES IN FRANCE (the Third Edition, Price 2s. 6d.)
MR. JAMES COBBETT'S TOUR IN ITALY, and also in Part
of FRANCE and SWITZERLAND (Price As. 6d.)
COi^BETT'S TRANSLATION OF MARTENS'S LAW OF
NATIONS (Price \7s.) : being the Science of National Law,
Covenants, Power, &c. Founded upon the Treaties and Customs
of Modern Nations in Europe.
MR. WM. COBBETT'S LAW OF TURNPIKES (Price 35. 6d.)
[Primed by Wm. Cbbbctt, Johnson's-court, Fleet-street. J
No. 6. Vol. II.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of December, 1831.
PuhlisJied monthly^ sold at I2s, Cd, a hundred, and for 300, taken at
once, lis.
COBBETT-CORN.
TO THE
WORKING PEOPLE AND THE FARMERS
OF
ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, AND IRELAND.
Kensington, 1st December, 1831.
My Friexds,
There never was a subject of such importance as this,
presented to the attention of any people in the world ; for,
if I be correct in my opinions, here are the means point-
ed out of doubling, at the least, the quantity of food,
which the land of this country can be made to produce
without the cultivation of this corn. My eldest son, to
whom belongs all the praise due to the introduction of this
article of food, urged me to the undertaking, on the ground
that the introduction of the plant into general use would
have such prodigious effect ; and the impression made upon
•my mind by his calculations and his reasoning, induced me
to yield to his request.
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street;
and sold by all Booksellers.
G
122 Two-PEN^'Y Trash;
It is to speak greatly within bounds, to state, that, on an
average, this corn would produce, at least, ten quarters of
grain to the acre^ which is more than three times as much
as the average crop of wheat throughout the kingdom.
It stands upon the ground but five months; and admits of a
crop of tares or cabbages during the other part of the year.
The fodder, as I shall further on prove as clear as] day-
light, is worth eight pounds an acre, to speak greatly within
compass. I shall prove, from incontestable evidence, that a
bushel of this corn produces more four than a bushel of
the very best wheat. I shall also prove, that, in point of
real utility, it is of more value, pound for pound, than
w'heat flour ; and if I do prove all this, is not the in-
troduction of this corn the greatest and most laudable
undertaking of which mortal man ever had to ^boast ?
And what a wonderful effect is here from a cause the
most trifling in itself! My son brought three little miserable
ears of this corn to England in the year 1826, neither of
them longer than my middle finger, and neither of them
bigger round than a common mould-candle. I have plenty
of ears from several parts of the country, seven inches long,
and some ears approaching the weight of half a pound.
The corn goes on increasing in size aswell as in goodness of
quality. I can show a bushel of ears equal even in size to
the average of the corn-ears of the general run of crops
in Long Island ; and, as I shall prove before I have done,
our crops are four times as great as their crops, while the
quality of our corn is, beyond all measure, superior to theirs.
This, therefore, I scruple not to say, is the greatest thing
that individual ever did for his country; and such it must
be acknowledged to be, if I prove the truth of the assertions
I have here made.
But it is, first of all, necessary to prove that this corn
will come to perfection in this country ; and that I am now
1st December, 1831. 123
going to prove, in a manner which would close up the gain-
saying jaws of anyone upon earth, the Liar only ex*
cepted. In giving an account of the corn which I have
received from the several counties, I shall begia at the
1^0 RTH, come on towards the south, and then go into the
EAST ; then to the avest ; and then into the four southern*
counties of Surrey, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire,
ending with a very particular account of what has been
done in the parishes round about Battle, and in the little
bunch of HARD PARISHES in the north of Hampshire.
From Mr. Duncan Anderson, of Paisley, I re-
ceived two very fine ears of corn that were gathered in the
month of September : they were not ripe, nor anything like
ripe, nor was the season come for iheir being ripe even in the
south of England ; but Mr. Anderson had a friend coming
from Paisley to London; and he gathered the ears a
month before the time in order not to lose that opportunity.
Paisley is, I believe, four hundred miles to the north of
London. I have received a large bunch of very fine ears of
corn ; not so long nor quite so large as some others, but
perfect in form, and perfectly ripe, growed, this year, by
Mr. Blakey, at Morpeth^ in Northumberland, for
which I am very much obliged to that gentleman. At
Preston^ in Lancashire, Mr. Wilcoxson, the editor of
the Preston Chronicle, to whom I sent a bag of corn in
the spring for distribution, informs me that several persons
to whom he gave the corn have had very fine crops at and
near that place, where it seems eight or ten personspiave
cultivated the corn.
In Lincolnshire, at and near Great Grimsby, the
corn has been growed with great success. Mr. Joshua
Plaskitt, of that place, has sent me twenty^one samples
of corn, growed in and near it, all ripe, sound, andfperfect,
and marked with the names of the several growers, amongst
G 2
124 Two-penny Trash ;
which I have the pleasure to see that there are those of
some labouring men. Mr. Paddisox, of Louth^ in the
same count}^ has sent me a fine sample of corn grovved ia
that neighbourhood. He cannot speak to the amount of
the crop, but says his corn is as fine as any that he
ever saw of my growing, which indeed it appears
to be, from the sample which he has sent. Seven other
(persons in his neighbourhood have growed tlie corn, and
have had very fine crops. Doctor Snaitii^ at Boston,
in the same county, tells me, that he himself has had a
'fine crop ; that the ears are generally finer than those that
he received from me ; that he has received eight or ten
samples from those to whom he gave the corn ; that all
who have cultivated it have had good crops^ excepting one
person ; that the whole neighbourhood is delighted with it,
and that several farmers have applied to him for informa-
tion about it.
From Norfolk I have not received any specific infor-
mation, nor any samples ; but from Suffolk, I have re-
• ceived from Mr. Robert Child, of Bujigay^ samples of
'^v'^ery fine corn, growed this year in several parishes of the
feastern part of that county. From Mr. Clouting, of Eye,
in Suffolk, I have received two ears of beautiful corn. He
tells me that the corn amounts to twenty coombs per acre;
that is to say, ten quarters per acre ; and he tells me, that
he has seen Mr. Kent, of Stanton, who tells him that he
has growed, this year, full twenty coombs upon an acre, and
that the shelled corn weighed 234 pounds the coomb, which
is fifty-eight and a half the bushel. This falls a litle short
of my weight, which I shall have hereafter to state. From
Ipswich I received a very fine sample of corn, and it was
the first I received this year ; but I mislaid the letter, and
be^ pardon of the writer fornot having answered it.
I now go towards the west. In Berkshire I have
1st December, 1831. 125
only to speak of some samples of very good corn raised
by Mr. Bued of Burgliclearc, Mr. Gray of NeivburTjy
and Mr. Forsburg, who lives, I believe, at Newtown, In
Wiltshire some beautiful corn has been growed at and
near Malmeshury, I ought to have accounts from Pewsey
and that neighbourhood ; but they have not arrived. 7'he
•corn has been growed at Fisherton, near Salisbury, by
Mr. Barling, and by others, to whom he gave some of
the corn sent by me. There is no better situation in the
kingdom for the growth of this corn ; but the farms in
Wiltshire have always been large, from the very nature
of that fine and beautiful county. The labourers have worse
gardens than almost anywhere else ; and they have been
brought down closer to the infernal potato level.
From Gloucestershire, I have received a letter from
Mr. Daniel Croome, of Berkeley, and twenty ears of his
own crop of most excellent corn. This gentleman distri-
buted eighty- eight ears of the corn that I sent to him to an
equal number of persons in the parish and neighbourhood.
He tells me, that he finds that the corn has been very pro-
ductive, and ripened well; and that he finds that the leaves,
and even the stems, of the corn-plant, are very good food
for horses, which I well knew before, and which I have
amply experienced this last summer. From Mr. Richard
Iles, of Fairford, I have the following account, which I
am compelled to give in abridgment ; namely, that he has
had, on three quarters of an acre and nine rods, an average
of sixty-eight bushels of shelled corn to the acre. He hav-
ing encountered many disadvantages not to be expected to
be experienced in the ordinary course of things ; but here,
under all these disadvantges, Mr. Iles has eight quarters
and a half oi shelled corn to the acre, which is more than
double the average amount of a crop of Vvheat upon regular
wheat-land; and, observe, always when the wheat is seven
126 T\\^o-PENNY Trash;
shillings and sixpence a bushel, the corn will be worth six
shillings the busheh From Mr. Gomme, bookseller, of
Gloucester, to whom I sent a bag of the corn for distribution,
I have a letter, in which he tells me that he gave the corn
to fifty- seven persons, nearly all labourers ; that they have all
had excellent crops, and that next year, as he believes, the
planting of tbe corn will become very general,
I now return to the south. At Farnham, in Surrey,
some very fine corn has been growed by my nephew, who
is a schoolmaster there ; but it was small in quantity, and his
land is exceedingly good. There is a part of that extensive
parish called tbe Bourne, which in some sort resembles
the seat of the Benedictine Monks in the times of the
ancient and desolating w^ars ; it is a wild common, covered
with heath, with here and there a green dip, lying between
the innumerable little hills ; at least, such was its state
when I was a little boy; and there I spent many a day,
digging after rabbits'-nests, rolling down the sand-hills, and
whipping the little efts that crept about in the heath.
But this scene is quite changed ; the land being generally
too poor to attract the rich, this common has escaped en-
closure bills ; and every little green dip is now become a
cottager's garden or field, appropriated on the principles of
the law of nature ; and, the Bishop being the Lord of the
Manor, while the herbage is hardly worth looking after by his
tenants, these appropriators have been suffered to go on, till
they have formed a grand community of cottages, each with
its plat of ground and its pigsty. Humble as are the dwell-
ings of the '*■ Bourners,'' they have not, it seems, wholly
escaped the viper tongue of envy; and though I do not pre-
tend that their community, like that of the ancient fathers
of Saint Benedict, is, to quote the beautiful description of
Mr. Southey, absolutely " a green Oasis amidst:the desert ;"
and that, '* lile stars in a moonless nighty it shines upon
1st December, 1831. 127
the country round with a tranquil ray •/' though I do not
pretend that the Bourners are equal to the Benedictines,
either in learning or in piety j though I do not pretend, that
the Eourne is that '* Goshen of God, which enjoys its
own light amidst darkness and storms ;'' I do pretend that
this community of cottages, ** trespassers'^ as the occu-
pants are, is a good thing, seeing that it gives bacon to
hundreds who, without it, would have to live upon the
soul-debasing potatoes. And if I live till next spring, and
can possibly find the time, I will go down, and make all
these Bourners cultivate my corn ; and I hereby, to save
postage (and not run the risk of losing a letter to Farnham,
as I lost one from it), request my nephew to rent for me
twenty or thirty rods of pretty good ground, in the Bourne,
on the side of. the Bourne towards the town, or on the
flat ; to give a good rent for it, and to have it dug up
deep, and laid rough, as soon as he can. Standing upon
their pristine privileges ; like the exemplary mistress of the
unfortunate Abelard,
*^ Scorning all laws but those by nature made ;"
being stronger than I, and seeing the corn to be a good thing,
the Bourners may perhaps come and exercise on it le
droit du plus fort: in plain English, take it away; at
which I shall not repine, if they observe but one condition;
namely, not to take it till it be quite ripe! The mode
in which I intend to proceed is this : to carry down a bag
of corn, and to go to every Bourner that has got a pig or a
fowl, show him an ear of the corn, and then toss it down to
his pig or his fowl, letting him draw his information in at
his eyes. They will all soon hear that I have planted a
piece of that corn ; and when they see the crop, the busi-
ness is done, whether they see me take it away in a lump,
or whether they themselves take it away in detail. Now%
-quitting the Bourners till the spring, I go to Chilworth, in
128 Two-penny Trash;
the same county, which lies on the south side of St.Martha^s-
hill, near Guildford^ where Mr. Rowland's sou tells me
that he gave some of the corn to a labouring man, who
brought him, the other day, a sparib, weighing ten pounds
and a half, from a hog fatted, as Mr. Rowland understood,
with the produce of the corn. At Redhill, near ReigatCy
in the same county, Mr. Clarence had tw^enty rods, which
produced nine heaped bushels of corn in the ear, and from
six to seven bushels of shelled corn 3 but he says that a
great part of his corn did not ripen ; and that he used part
of it in the green state. He is of opinion, and so am I too,
that it v^^ill not answer to grow it in considerable quantities,
without the assistance of a kiln ; and that is what I am
croins: to show most clearly before I have concluded this
paper. As Mr. Clarence says nothing about the fodder ^ I
suppose he did not think of using the leaves and tops in that
way ; this is the worst account of the corn I ever received 7
but it is right that I should give the bad as well as the good.
From Kent I have received beautiful samples of corn,
raised by Mr. Fish, brew^er, ^t Maidstone ; and from 7b?i-
bridge a very good account from Mr. Kipping, who says
that the crops are large and well ripened, and who sends me
some very beautiful samples.
In Sussex, I skip over Battle and its neighbourhood for
the present, and go to Fevensey and its celebrated Level,
whence Mr. Thos. Plum ley writes to me, that he had
destined forty rods of ground for the corn, which he planted
in May, one part a little later than the other ; that early in
June, a flock of forty geese got in, and pulled up all that
was out of the ground ; so that he was obliged to trans-
plant^ and not having plants enough, he fell ten rods
short; a part of his ground was planted on the 28th of
May ; and the plants wxre not out of the ground when
the geese got in. He had therefore but tlurty rods of
ground in corn ; and he says, that he shall have twenty
1st December, 1831. 129
bushels of shelled corn, notwithstanding the injury his crop
received. He says that his corn was neither topped nor
bladed. He sends me six ears, which he says were taken
from the plants planted on the 28th of May, and gathered
about the 12th of November ; so that this crop was upon
the ground from the putting in of the seed to the gathering
of the corn, only a hundred and sixty-eight days. Mr.
Plumley says, at the close of his letter, *' I have had one
sack ground ; it weighed two hundred and forty-eight
pounds, which very much surprised me, not thinking it
would weigh so much/' The six ears sent by Mr. Plumley
are amongst the finest that I ever saw ; and one of the
ears is the very largest and heaviest that I ever saw of the
Cohbett-corn. Being here, just upon the edge of the water,
I will step over to Guernsey, whence I have received a
box of most beautiful corn. I thought it exceeded every-
thing till I saw that of Mr. Plumley ; and Mr. Plumley
surpasses it only in one single ear. Some of my own is,
I think, equal to the Guernsey-corn ; but not quite equal to
the corn of Mr. Plumley. It is truly surprising that this
corn never should before have been cultivated in Guernsey
and Jersey, though it has ybr ages and ages been cultivated
at Brittany, where it is still cultivated, but in a miserable
w'ay. The gentlemen who send me these samples of corn
from Guernsey are full of expressions of gratitude for the
good that I have done their country.
Strange thing ! The land is the same, the climate the
same, that they always were; the corn has existed in
the world always; its qualities have always been the same ;
and yet it never was cultivated even in these southern islands,.
until I put pen to paper on the subject. If the whole of the
whig ministry were to live to the age of Methuselah, they
would not do so much good in the world as I have done to
these little islands alone. If this should reach the eye of
g5
130 Two-penny Trash;
any of those gentlemen who have corn to sell, this is to
inform them, and everybody else indeed, that Mr. Saps-
roRD, corner of Queen-Anne and Wimpole streets, v^ill
purchase any quantity at three shillings for a bushel of
ears of sound and dry corn. Thus^ we have the corn
ripening to perfection from the island of Guernsey to
Paisley in Scotland ! Coming back now to Sussex, I have
received, through Mr. George Robinson of Lewes, a
sample of very fine corn, grovv^ed by James Collins of
Isfteld, which, Mr. Robinson tells me, has been very
much admired by many farmers and gentlemen. From
Lodge farm, in the parish of Worthy Mr. Samuel Bra-
zier sends me a very fine specimen of corn, and also a spe-
cimen of Swedish turnips, growed from my seed, one weigh-
ing nine and a half pounds and one seven pounds. Endless
are the lashes which these letters lay upon the back of THE
LIAR. It would be almost repetition to insert the passages
describing his baseness ; but I cannot help inserting the
words of Mr. Brazier, so truly rustic and apt are they.
'' I can say nothing about Hunt, as he holds with the hounds
and runs with the hare T' Brazier knows the fellow of
old, and he knows Brazier well! From Chichester, in
the same county, I have received a great many samples of
very fine corn, the ears all ticketed, and the names of the
growers put to them, and accompanied with the following
letter from Mr. Richard Cosins of Chichester.
St.John^s-street, Chichester, Nov. 2\y 1831.
*' Dear Sir, — With ^reat pleasure I assisted Mr. Gray iu the
distribution of the Cobbett-corn, which you kindly sent to Chi-
chester, in order to be planted last spring".
" We now send you some sanipies of the corn. The ticketed
ears are the growth of the respective growers; on which tickets a
few rerr^arks are made as to the quantity planted and as to the
f^oodness of crop; the quality of the corn will speak for itself.
The untickeied ears are mostly the growth of labourers living ia
different parishes in the neighbourhood of Chichester, who planted
1st December, 1831. 131
patches in their g^ardens, and who in most instances used a great
part of it in its milky state, and the remainder of the corn has since
been griven to their pigs or poultry, but who in every instance have
made a reserve of some of the corn to plant again ; regretting they
have not more ground to plant it in. Now, Sir, you may rely on it
that in every instance where the corn was planted, it more than
realised the expectations of the grower ; and depend upon it that
numbers of others will plant the corn next spring. I aspired to the
honour of being your host had you reached Chichester when on
your tour from Lewis to the west, an honour which I still hope
to have. With sincere wishes for your health and happiness,
** I remain, dear Sir,
Your obedient and humble servant,
** RICHARD COSJNS."
" Oiichester, AW. 21, 1831.
*' Dear Sir, — Immediately on the receipt of your parcel of corn
last April, I took the whole to our mutual friend Mr. R. CosinS,
who being o. retired farmer, and having leisure, I thought would do
the thing better than I could, to whose annexed account I refer
you, which, together with the parcel of corn sent by the bearer,
our friend, Mr. Adams, of our town, will be enough to make Hunt
blush, if his skin is not too thick. Hunt did not send me one of
his circulars.
** Mr. Cosins has no objection to his name appearing in print*
if you think proper. / thw,k if his letter appears in your publica-
tion, it may do good, as he is much looked up to as an upright
man, a consistent politician, a good farmer, and well known through
west Sussex and east Hampshire. At any time you may command
mi/ services, 1 shall hQ proud to oblige you in any way.
'* Your humble servant,
" JAMES GRAY.'*
I nowgointo Hampshire, beginningat Portsea, whence
I have received, through Mr. Bigwood of Queen-street,
fifteen samples of very beautiful corn. He executed my
request very punctually, and has taken great pains in ren-
dering me an account of the result. His indignation against
the LIAR is too great for him to express. One of the sam-
ples of corn sent by Mr. Bigwood was accompanied with a
letter, which is of so interesting a nature that I cannot
refrain from inserting it here.
Elm Cottage, near Kingston Cross ^ Nov, 21, 1831.
*' Sir, — This year I planted a piece of land with corn in open
ground in rows three feet eight inches apart. On the 18th of
132 Tavo-pexny Trash ;
April, when the corn came up, I found that some had failed.
I then transplanted and made good the rows, and seeing they
loi)ked wide a{)art, J planted a row of York cabbage between each
TOW y I cut the cabbage and hoed the corn, and then planted
));i'Coli in tl^e same rows, which is now growing. The ear I have
sent you is a fair sample, there being from two to three on a
stalk, and on some I had four. Now, Sir, I sowed at the same
time a piece of land with barley equal in size to that the corn was
on. The produce of the corn was half as much more in measure
and weight than the barley. 1 had a loaf made of half corn and
half wheat last vear, and it was very good bread. But JNJrs. King
keeps the corn 'or poultry, finding they fatted quickly and firm,
and laid much finer eggs than wiih barley feeding. I find it has
the same effect with pigs as with poultry. 1 gathered several ears
of corn, quite ripe, on the 2d of September, and all was gathered ia
by the middle of October.
'* J remain your bumble servant,
*« VVM. KING."
I cannot sufficiently thank Mr. Big wood for the pains he
has taken ; but he is a really *' public-spirited man, and
requires no thanks ; with him to do good to the country is
to do good to himself i and that is the case with every man
who communicates with me on this most interesting subject.
From Lymington^ Mr. John Tem pl er writes me, that
the corn has succeeded everywhere. I have received ears
Irom a lady living in the neighbourhood of Lymington.
Mr. Templer adds, and " yet Hunt calls the corn that
*' you gave away zl fraud ! Why, what an impudent brazen
*' LIAR the fellow must be ! And this is the use, is it,
** that the fool makes of the povv'er of franking given to
** him by the people of Preston T' At Alton, in the same
county, T saw some as fine corn as I ever saw in my life^
last summer. From Old Alresford, from a Mr. Roberts,
who is I believe both a miller and a farmer, I have
received a bunch of cars of corn as fine as ever grew from
the earth ; not quite so large, so long, nor so heavy, as
S")me of mine, as the Guernsey-corn, and as Mr. Plumley's
of Pevensey ; but certainly rather exceeding all the other
samples, except perhaps one which comes from Suffolk,
1st December, 1831. 133
in which county all the corn appears to have been exceedr
ingly fine. From Mr. Blount of Up-Husband near Andover^
in the same county, I have a little box of very fine corn.
Mr. Blount planted twenty-two rods of ground, and he says
that he had twenty bushels of prime ears, which is at the
rate of eighty bushels of shelled corn to the acre, or there-
abouts ; that this was not half the produce, the rest being
brought in, stalks and all, and tossed down to the cows,
pigs, and poultry. He says that his crop of corn was plun^
dered by the boys, who found out that the ears were
good to eat when green -y just, I suppose, as the Disciples
did, w^hen tliey were going up to Jerusalem on the Sabbath-
day. This is a sort of instinctive task, that will require
Lord Brougham's ^'parish libraries'' to correct; for
Mr. Brazier, of Worth, tells me, that the hop-pickers'
girls and boys took a good deal of his corn in the hop-
picking time.
Here, at Up-flusband, I am v;ithin a few miles of the
hunch of Iktle hard parishes ; but I must slip over to
Battle, in Sussex, and come back to the hard parishes
again. Ahvays-wlien- we are thinking about doing good to
the country, we, in spite of ourselves, ha,ve some particular
part or parts of it more immediately in our eye than the
rest. When I first contemplated the gratuitous distribution
of tlie corn, I had just been in Hampshire, and I had gone
from Winchester to Bullington, to see and console the
widowed mother of those two excellent young men the
Masons. I could not see that bunch of parishes without
feeling a desire to do good to the labourers there, refiectincr^
as I could not help^ doing, on the proceedings of the recent
SPECIAL COMMISSION. I promised the widow, that
I would return in May, to plant for her a piece of ground
to fat a pig or two, which I afterwards did by Mr. Exos
DjD DAMS, shoemaker of Sutton Scotney,who was so kind as
134 Two-penny Trash;
to be my agent in the business. Returning home my ideas
expanded. In getting the parcel ready for Mr. Diddams,
it came into my head to send a number of ears to be dis-
tributed by him to labourers in all the parishes round about.
From that came the notion of sending corn to other persons
for distribution ; and hence the general spread of the corn
over so many counties. But next, after the hard parishes,
came into my mind, the little town of Battle, in Sussex j
and the good and true and virtuous people of its neigh-
bourhood. Mr. James Outsell, at Battle, who is a
tailor, with a great deal more sense than one-half of the
law-makers that I have ever known, was my agent in the
distribution ; and he has now sent me samples of corn,
ticketed with the following names, which I record to his and
their honour. He sends me two ears from each grower.
But I must first insert his letter,
«^To Mr. Wm. Cobbett.
, ''Battle, Nov, 2?,, 1831.
'* Dear Sir,— The ears of Cobbett-Corn which accompany this
are the produce of the seed seut by you for distribution. They are
not the very best that were grown, but may be taken as an average
specimen of the crop in the neighbourhood. In collecting the ears
J made it a point to collect also the opinions of the growers, as
to its uses and advantages over other grain. There is but one
opinion of the advantages which a cultivator of it would obtain ia
point of production, though there is a difference respecting the
probable amount of an average crop. Some think that 100 bushels
to the acre would be a fair crop; others, particularly Messrs. Graw
and Gibson, appear confident of a bushel to the rod, that is, with
skilful management. The labourers are very proud of it ; they
hang it up in their windows as an ornament. I have often thought
of the ** fraud " when 1 have seen it. I heard yesterday, that
Mr. Plumley, of Pevensey, has this year grown 40 bushels on a
quarter of an acre ; the land there is richer than it is here. I have
received some written opinions of some growers, one of which (Mr.
Gibson's, schoolmaster) I send you \ and I must add, that he is
not the only one who thinks it would make good malt ; the same
thing had been stated to me before by men who are better capable
of judging of the matter than I can pretend to be. You ask ' what
use the labourers make of what they get.' They give a little of it
to their hogs by way of experiment j and they tell me * the hogs
1st December, 1831. 135
are crazy for it.* A few have had some ground, and made a loaf
or two; they like it better than any other substitute for wheaten
flour, and they think it would be a most excellent thing in times
of scarcity. Some of the specimens which 1 send have been grown
under great disadvantai^es, being stuck under the shade of a tree,
or squeezed in between potatoes or beans. Another year we shall
see it planted pretty generally in the labourers' gardens ; they keep
a great quantity to distribute to their neighbours ; next year it will
share the ground with the potatoes, and will, I have not the least
doubt, eventually supplant them, except as a vegetable. The an-
swer I got from nearly every one that I questioned as to its prin-
cipal goodjwas, ' hog- fatting.* A few of the small far?ners intend
trying it next year. Even your greatest enemies think there is
some good in it,
" Your most obedient servant,
** JAMES OUTSELL.*'
I shall now insert the names of the growers, oberving
that some of the tickets appear to be rubbed off. Mr. Gut-
sell had not the means of making the collection so extensive
as he would have done if I had given him time to send or
go into all the villages ; but, short as the time was, the
reader will see that my endeavours have been attended with
great effects in this quarter of this good, honest, spirited
county. The following is a list of the names of the growers
that Mr. Outsell has been able to collect samples from.
John Archer, shoemaker, Seddlescomb.
James Plumb, labourer, Battle.
Mr. Gibson, Robert's-bridge.
James Britt, labourer, HoUiugton.
Henry Hades, labourer. Battle.
James Child, Battle.
Mr, Henry Reace, Seddlescomb.
Samuel Britt, labourer, Battle,
Mr. John VVeller, farmer, Westry.
John Waters, gardener, Robert's-bridge»
Edward Cox, labourer, Battle,
James Crowhurst, labourer. Battle.
Robert Parkes, farmer. Battle.
Spencer Tollhurst, labourer, Brede.
Mr. Biner, Seddlescomb.
John White, labourer. Battle.
Mr. Pearson, Battle.
William White, labourer, Battle.
Joha Crouch, millwright, Battle.
136 Two-PEXNY Trash;
•
Ransom, labourer, Battle.
James Pepper, whcelwri-^ht, Seddlescomb.
Colshurst, labourer, Seddlescoiub.
Samuel Siuijock, shoemakf r, Seddle-comb.
Gruwed in Battle Park, under the direction of Lady Webster.
Mr. Gutsell, if he had had time, would have sent into
the parishes more distant from Battle, to Buricash^ Croic-
hurst, and all round about. However, through his kind-
ness, through his real goodness and public spirit, liere is
more good done than would be done in a whole lifetime of
the great, gaping, stupid LIAR, if his life 'were to begin
again, and if his intentions were as benevolent in the new
life as they have been malignant in this. I shall keep this
box of Battle corn, and the box from the hard parishes,
to plant next year as seed. Generally speaking, it is not
equal, in point of size of ear, to some of the corn that I have
mentioned before ; but it is all perfectly sound and good.
I shall have bags made to hold these samples of corn from the
different counties 5 and wliat a convenient thing one of these
bags, when a third part full, would be to lay about the
head of the great stupid LIAR ! He would take it quietly,
I will warrant him. Let him now go and show himself in
any of these counties, let him go to that '*e5^a^^," of which
he told .the poor Prestonians, the other day, that he had
\' jvL&t received the re?itsV' Is '* Charley '' Pearson his
receiver I wonder ?
I now come back to the hard parishes, in the north of
Hampshire^ to which, as I related before, I sent a parcel
of corn to be distiibuted by Mr. Enos Did dams, shoe-
maker, of Sutton Scotndy, which is a hamlet, belonging to
the parish of Wunston. Mr. Diddams has not had time
to collect samples from more than five or six parishes out of
perhaps twenty, in which the corn has been growed. I
shall insert the list of names, occupations, and parishes, as
I did in the case of Battle. But I must first insert Mr»
1st December, 1831. 137
DiDDAMs's letter. I saw Mr. Diddams'scrop in the month of
August, I am sure that he had not a rod and a quarter at
the utmost ; and he-has, you see, nine gallons of shelled
corn, which is at about the rate of twenty quarters to the
acre ; and I am certain that this is- to be done upon a whole
field of good land with skilful cultivation. 1 insert the letter
to Mr. Diddams's honour, and the list to the honour of those
who cultivated the corn.
** VVm. Cobhett, Esq. London.
*' Sutton Scotney, Nov 23, 1831.
<^ Sir,—] shall send ofFa box to-morr.w morning with all the ears
of your com J could collect of the men J gave it to last April. Most
of them put the ticket to their own corn themselves ; as you will see.
All the corn has ripened excellently, and most of it was gathered
by the llth of Octijher. 1 planted about one rod of ground, and
I have got nine gallons of shelled corn. Mr. Shrimpton of Down
Hurstbourne, planted three rods of ground. He has three bushels of
corn. William Hunter, of Lougparish, planted about one rod ; he
is sure that he has cjuite a bubhel or more of shelled corn to the
rod of ground. And a man of the name of Froom, of Longparish,
planted seven or eight rods of ground. He sent word to me, he
had about one bushel to the rod. He had his corn shelled and
ground, and then gave it to his pigs ; and so did Hunter, which is
tiie reason I have not sent you an ear or two of corn from them.
You will see two ears marked Francis Ray, of Bullingtou, and
Jacob Ray, of Sutton ; both of whom planted about a rod of ground,
and had a good crop. You will see some corn marked Tho.'Mas
Bye, of Stoke Charity, who planted about one rod of ground, I
think the best crop 1 ever saw. Mrs. Mason's corn is particularly
good. I gave corn to about 7{) or SO persons ; they generally planted
a row or two in their gardens, except Lovkll and Smith, at AVr-
thingtony who planted a considerable piece of ground each. When
I saw them, some weeks ago, they told me their crops were ex-
cellent. There was some planted at StrattOfi a.nd AJicheidevcr, b\jit
I have not had time to go there ; 1 hear it ripened well, and inJeed
in no one instance have 1 heard it fail. You will see two ears marked
Samuel Phillips, an old Chopstitk, which 1 woiild wish particu-
larly to notice ; he is a good old man, having bred up a lari:e
family by hard labour, and now his v*^ork is not quite done. He
was the first man 1 applied to for tlie corn. I lold him my in-
structions from you to give him 6d. for two years. He said, * No,
I planted 24 corns, and 1 ha^e tliese bunches of fine ears. I have
put some short ones by for seed and Mr. Cohbett, God bless him,
lie is welcome to the whole of them if he wishes it.' 1 will give you
more particulars about the corn when I write again. Please to
write to rae as soon as convenient.
'* 1 am. Sir, your obedient servant,
<* EN05 DID DAMS."
138 Two-penny Trash 5
Enos Diddams, shoemaker, Sutton Scotney.
Thomas Malt, labourer, Bulliugton.
Jolin Diddams, carpenter, Barton Stacey.
Thomas Bye, labourer. Stoke Charity.
James Croucher, labourer, Sutton Scotcey. ^
Georo:e Forde, labourer, Bullington.
James Diddanjs, shoemaker, Barton Stacey.
William Shrimpton, Down- Husband.
Jacob Ray, labourer, Sutton Scotney.
Isaac Farmer, labourer, Barton Stacey.
Widow Mason, Buliiui^ton.
Antony Anthony, tailor. Barton Stacey.
Richard Withers, labourer, Sutton Scotney.
John Hoar, Sutton Scotney.
Thomas Webb, bricklayer, Barton Stacey.
Mrs. Tarrant, Barton Stacey.
Thomas Melsom, Sutton Scotney.
Mr. Jacob Cotton, Barton Stacey.
John Basten, labourer, Bullington.
Samuel Phillips, an old worn-out chopstick, Sutton Scotney.
fieor^e Ball, labourer, Barton Stacey.
William Bye, labourer, Sutton Scotney.
Francis Ray, labourer, Bullington.
William Goodhall, labourer, Barton Stacey.
William Lock, labourer, Barton Stacey.
Daniel Harmswood, Sutton Scotney.
Widow Ireland, Sutton Scotney.
John Twinney Cooper, Sutton Scotney.
Richard Cleverly, labourer, Barton Stacey.
William Shrimpton writes me a letter himself, and tells
me that he sent me two very fine ears by the guard of one
of the coaches, but that the guard told him he had lost them
on the road ! A very good hint never to trust to guards
again ; for, though they may be very good guards of other
things, they do not seem to have much ability in guarding
the ears of corn. Shrimpton, who lives very near to the
spot where the Liar used once to swagger about as lord
of the manor, relates; at the close of his letter, a very pretty
fact concerning THE Liar; which fact he will relate to
the Liar's face, if he dare to show that face in Hampshire
again. 1 hope that I have not omitted to notice any com-
munication that I have received upon this subject. I very
much wished to insert the whole of the details expressed on
the tickets of the various parcels ; but I found it impossible
1st December, 1831. 139
to do this within the space that I have at my command. I
have done this in the cases oi Battle, and of the hard pa-
rishes, for several reasons : in the case of Battle, because the
excellent people of that town and neighbourhood acted so just
and manly a part in the case of Thomas Goodman, and,
by acting that part, blowed to atoms that foul conspiracy
against my liberty and life, in which the bloody old Times
was a conspicuous actor ; in the case of the hard parishes,
because from them those two excellent young men the
Masons were taken and sent from their widowed mother
for life: and, in both cases, because the cultivators of the
corn have been almost exclusively labouring men. I am
equally obliged by the kindness of those gentlemen who have
sent me ticketed corn from other parts ; but I trust that
they will see the reasonableness of the motives from which
the distinction has arisen.
Now, then, we have it incontestably proved, that this corn
will flourish in all the soils and in every degree of climate in
this kingdom. I have samples from Bungay, in Suffolk, to
Berkeley, in Gloucestershire ; and from Pevensey Level to
Paisley. I have it from all soils; marsh, loam, gravel,
clay, sand, and chalk. The ears are longest and biggest
upon the fat land ; but there appears to be no better, closer,
or sounder corn than that grown in the hard parishes, which
is a flinty soil at top^ and chalk at bottom.
WILLIAM COBBETT.
TO THE
FARMERS AND TRADESMEN,
ON THE
ARMING OF PERSONS OF PROPERTY.
Kensington, 2oih Noveynher, 1831.
Farmers and Tradesmen,
The winter before last. Lord Stanhope said, in his
place in the House of Peers, that there was rising up, in
140 ' Two-penny Trash;
the country a general hatred of the poor towards the rich ;
and he suggested the propriety of measures being adopted
in time to correct this mighty evil. It was not rising up :
it had risen up long before. It is indeed an evil far sur-
passing i^ magnitude any other that I can conceive: it has
led to all the horrible scenes which we have been beholding
during the last fifteen months ; and yet never do we hear
from any persons, in povver^ anything to make us hope that
they mean to propose anything tending to put a stop to this
evil, of which they do not appear to have the smallest idea
of the real cause.
Totally ignorant of the causes of the evil, they look upon
all the discontents of the working people as being unreason*
able and unjust ; rejecting all the evidence of facts, they
attribute the loud complaints and the violent acts of the
working people entirely to their bad disposition ; to their
laziness, their greediness, their dishonest propensities; and,
which is very curious, they, at one and the same time,
ascribe their violent acts to want of education and to the
reading of cheap publications. The fable of the town in
danger of being taken by an enemy tells us, that, upon a
consultation amongst the tradesmen upon the best means of
defending the ton^n, the Tanner said, " If you have a mind
*' to have the town well secured, take my mind for it there
*• is nothing like leather;" and we now hear the publishers
of the London daily papers, whenever they hear of a riot or
a fire ; whenever they hear of a workhouse-keeper's or an
overseer's head being broken, or a tread-mill being de-
molished, burst out in indignant rage, that the poor creatures
that commit the violences cannot get a London broadsheet
to read. Jadsrinjr from my own feelings, I should say that
it is hajpy for the grinders and the starvers that the work-
ing people do not get these sheets to read ; for the effect
which the reading of them has upon me invariably, is to fill
me with reveno:e and with rage ; and to such a degree,
IsT December, 1831. * 141
that, if I could be induced to set fire, the reading of these,
at once stupid and atrocious publications, would urge me on
to the act; and operating on me as the music of Timotheus
did upon Alexander, I really am ready, sometimes, upon
flinging down their mass of j-aragraphs, to seize a flambeau,
and rush out to burn up the whole of this infernal Wen ;
this collection of filth, moral as well as physical ; this
poisoner of the mind and destroyer of the bodies of the
whole kingdom; but, above all things, this collection and
amalgamation of literary conceit, corruption, and stupidity.
Never looking at the true causes of the evil ; brutal
enough to believe that the people would have their minds
changed and be made as quiet as they were formerly, by
being generally what these stupid men call educated ; beino*
brutal enough to believe this, at the same time that thev
are making reports v.hich show that, where one workino-
man could read and write formerly, twenty can now : beino-
30 stupid as this; but finding that the education, as they
•call it, does not tend to produce that submission which they
teach, they have recourse to the last remedy know^n to the
minds of such m.en ; namely, to punishment in all its
shapes, forms, and degrees of severity. Jails of a new
«ort; dungeons of a new sort ; hanging in a new fashion
and in new places, and in some cases on the tops of the
new jails; the treadmill, the hulks, and an endless variety
of new modes of inflicting punishment. The prooress has
been very curious. As the taxes increased, the working-
people became poor and miserable. Exactly in proportion
to the increase of taxes has been the increase of the poverty
and the misery ; exactly in proportion to these has beea
the increase of larcenies and felonies. The old laws pro-
vided imprisonment and transportation for the larger part
of these ; but a prison was a paradise compared to star-
YatioD and sleeping under a hedge; and, tjiorgh transpoi-
]42 Two-penny Trash;
tation took a man from his kindred and friends, it took him
also to something to eat, and to drink, and to wear. -To
the prison, therefore, the dungeon and the treadmill were
added, as improvements of the age ; and, instead of trans-
portation, it became necessary in numerous cases to inflict
death. To check rioting and poaching, Ellen borough's
act, improved by Lansdown, made it death even to strike
a man, without doing him any bodily harm, if the jury
should determine that the striking was with intent to do
him grievous bodily harm. It was upon this act that
Henry Cook, the ploughman of Micheldever, was
hanged for striking Bingham Baring. Cook was one of
a party of labourers who were going about demolishing
thrashing-machines. Bingham Baring, with a party of
his men, went up to the party to which Cook belonged and
seized one of them by the collar, upon which Cook, with a
little sled ore- hammer, which he was carrying about for the
purpose of demolishing machines, gave Baring a blow,
which did him no bodily harm whatever, he, Baring, being
out on horseback the next day. For this Cook was hanged
by the neck till he was dead, prosecuted by Denman and
Wild, and sentenced to death by Vaughan, the two
other judges being Park and Alders ox, with whom
were associated in this Special Commission, Denman,
Wild, Wellington, Pollen, and Sturges Bourne.
I could enumerate, if I had time, more than three hun-
dred instances, in which the criminal code has been
hardened during the time that Sir Jemmy Mackintosh
has been receiving the praises of the hypocrites and fools
for the softening which he has produced in it. At last, the
very word liberty, as applied ,to the state of things in Eng-
land, has become ridiculous. Peel's new trespass law has
made it unsafe for any poor man to set his foot upon any
spot of earth except the mere highway. Suppose an En-
1st December, 1831. 143
glishman to be walking along the turnpike-road^ and_, pressed
by feelings of nature and decency, to get over the gate of a
field ; slap comes the farmer, under Peel's new trespass
law, seizes him by the throat, and drags him away as a
malefactor. To shun the penalties of Peel, he is compelled
to set decency at defiance ; but, as nature will not be defied,
he reluctantly yields to an exposure of the person ; slap
comes the informer with Chetwind's exposure act in his
hand, and off he drags him to ^ne and imprisonment.
Duly sensible of both these dangers, on he goes carrying
with him the consequences of his salutary fears 3 and slap
comes upon the surveyor of the highways, who indicts him
as a filthy nuisance ; so that, of all the slaves that the
earth was ever ashamed to bear, the free-born Englishman
is become the most perfect.
Yet, to carry on the system of pension, sinecure, grant,
retired allowance, debt, and dead -weight, such abrogation
of the liberties of the people was absolutely necessary : it is
impossible for a people to enjoy anything worthy of the
name of civil liberty, and to be made to live upon potatoes
at the same time : that is impossible : it is impossible to
make English working people live upon potatoes without
Peel's new felony laws. Peel's new trespass laws ; with-
out Ellenborough's and Lansdown's act, and without a
standing army in time of peace, as great, or greater than in
time of war. But even these are not sufficient ; for, in
comparison with starvation, English people will set] even
hanging at defiance, besides which hanging the parties will
not restore that which they have taken away.j^^^ So that, at
last, it becomes necessary to superintend their| movements
day and night. Hence the half-military police, of which
there are now thousands prowling about this hellish and all-
devouring Wen. Hence the new and monstrous power of
swearing in special constables, and thus enrolling, before-
hand, the tradesmen in towns, against the [working people
144 Two-penny Tkasii ; 1st Decf.mber, 1831.
in the towns. Even this is now found not to be enoush :
and, therefore, there are projects for actually arming per-
sons of property in the towns; actually furnishing them with
arms by the government !
And, FOPt WHAT is all this 1 For what have we now
a permanent standing army of more than a hundred
thousand men ? For what have we yeomanry cavalry corps
paid out of the taxes ? Against whom are persons of pro-
perty in the towns now to be armed ? The yeomanry
cavalry and the volunteering in the brilliant times of
Pitt, Dundas, and Grenville, men could understand.
Fools regarded them as necessary in Yorkshire to keep the
French from landing in Sussex and Kent. Fools regarded
them as absolutely necessary to keep Atheism out of Eng-
land. Men of experience and sense looked upon the dread
of the French as a mere pretence for these armings,
and also for bringing the German troops into England and
Ireland ; but, at any rate, there w^as a pretence, which there
is not now. If you asked the government then w'hat all that
arming was for; why farmers and tradesmen were turned
into soldiers, the answer was, '^ The French ! the French /^'
That was the answer of Pttt, Dundas, and Gren-
ville; but, Lord Grey, I ask you, what this thundering
army in time of peace is for ; what have you augmented
that army for ; what are the yeomanry cavalry for ; what
are the town armings for ; what, for instance, is that of
Chelsea for, w^here the plan, signed by two of your Magis-
trates^ is to exclude all men who are not renters or owners
to the amount of twenty pounds a year? What are all
these armings for ? Against w^hom is all this arming ?
You cannot answer: you could if you would, but you
will not.
Wm. cobbett.
[Primed b^ Wm. CobbeU, Johusou's-court, i'ket-streei.]
No. 7. Vol. II.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of January, 1832.
Published monthly , sold at I2s. a hundred, arid for 300, taken at
once, lis.
TO THE YEOMANRY CAVALRY:
ON THE FIRES.
I CANNOT call yon friends, and I will not call you gentle*
men. This plague of the country is now raging with greater
fury than ever, and I think proper to address you upon the
subject You are called yeomanry cavalry ; though per-
haps more than one half of you are loan-mongers, tax-
gatherers, dead-weight people, stock-jobbers, . shag-bag
attorneys, bailiffs (mostly Scotch), toad-eating shopkeepers,
•who are ready to perform military duty towards the " lower
orders,'^ in order at once to give evidence of your gentility,
and to show your gratitude towards your rich customers for
their paying your long bills without scruple. A very great
part of you come in under one or the other part of this de-
scription ; but to those of you who are farmers ; that is to say
who have land in your occupation ; and who grow corn, and
rear cattle, and who have barns, ricks, and other things,
liable to be set fire to ; to you only do I address myself upoa
LOiNOON : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street j
and sold by all Booksellers.
H
146 Two-penny Trash;
this occasion, being well aware that my arguments would
produce no impression whatever upon your comrades above-
mentioned. First of all, call the roll of your corps over, and
see how many of them there are who are not interested in
the taxes and the tithes, either immediately or through their
relations, landlords, or somebody else. When you have
called the roll, and have separated yourselves from the rest,
get into a plain room, pull off your hairy caps, your parti-
coloured jackets, and your Wellington-boots ; put on your
own Christian-like clothes, your high shoes well nailed ; and
then pick out some one ^ith a good strong voice to read to
you that which I am now about to write.
You are not philosophers; but you have memories; you
have eyes in the front of your head, ears on the side of it,
and, generally speaking, you have brains wherewith to ena-
ble you to draw rational conclusions from the facts which
have been communicated to those brains by the eyes and the
ears, and which have been retained there by those powers of
memory with which God has been pleased to endow you.
The FIRES are blazing more furiously than they were
last year at this time. You go to bed in fear, and do not
yide home from market, or from a neighbour's house, without
apprehension; you are compelled to have ^ war cf 5 or watches
to see to the safety of your property ; in some parts of Norfolk
you have entered into associations to burden your land with
a tax at so much an acre, in order to give rewards to such
men or women as shall assist in bringing their neighbours to
the gallows; and, lastly, to the neglect of your business,
you have enrolled yourselves as soldiers, mounted your
horses which ought to be at plough, and armed yourselves
with deadly weapons, in order, if need be, to wound or
kill somebody or other.
This being your state, and this state being hell upon earth,
if ever there was hell upon earth, it is worth while for you
1st January, 1832. 147
to consider a little, whether your dressing yourselves out,
and arming yourselves in this manner, be at all likely to put
a stop to the fires 5 because as to any other immediate evil,
you appear not to be afflicted with it. If your swaggering
about with hairy caps on your heads could possibly tend to
put out the fires, even then I should despise you ; but it
has not that tendency, and it has a directly contrary tend-
ency; and I am perfectly convinced, as every reflecting man
must be, that the very existence of a corps of yeomanry in
a neighbourhood, in time of peace, has a direct and natural
tendency to produce these fires ; and this you will see
clearly, if you will but cast aside the instigating falsehoods
of your loan-mongering and tax-eating and petty-fogging
comrades, and listen to your own reason.
You have seen all your lifetime, that nine tenths of the
hostile and vindictive proceedings of men, proceed from
provocation arising from words or acts of challenge, threat,
or defiance. Even a dog will let you go by him quietly,
until he sees you take up a stick or a stone ; and does not
the very existence of your corps speak a threat to the
labourers 1 Does not the bare sight of it tell them, that you
mean to shoot them or chop them down, if they do not
quietly submit to live upon what all the world says is insuf-
ficient? You do not tell them in words, that you will shoot
them, or chop them down ; but your swaggering hairy cape
tell them so; aye, and it has been over and over again
stated in speeches in Parliament, that the object of embody-
ing you is to repress disturbance in your counties ; and have
you so great a contempt for the understandings of the work-
ing people as to imagine that they do not fully comprehend
the meaning of these words? Will a parcel of labourers,
working in a farm-yard, see the farmer mount his cavalry
horse, and go swaggering out with pistols in holster, and
sword by side; are you such jolterheads as to imagine, that
H 2
148 Two-penny Trash;
they do not ask one another what that can be for? They
know that the swaggering blade ought to stay at home 3 they,
better than anybody, know how much his absence will cost
him ; and they discuss amongst themselves, to be sure, what
can be the motive of his thus acting, at which motive they
arrive by a process of reasoning, the brevity of which is not
less admirable than the conclusion on their minds is im-
pressive.
In time of war, indeed, there might have existed in their
minds doubts, with regard to this motive. Then they were
told, that the yeomanry corps w^ere destined to fight the
French, if they should land, which French, they were
told, would, if not defeated, come and take from them, not
only their potatoes and water, but also the chastity of their
W'ives and daughters, and their belief in the Christian re-
ligion into the bargain. When, therefore, the labourer's
wife saw th'^ fat-jowled yeomanry cavalry man prancing
along by her cottage, she was filled, stupidly enough to be
sure, with feelings of admiration at the self-devotion of the
patriotic defender. But, NOW, at the end of Sixteen
years of profound peace, with the word war never pro-
nounced, and having almost lost its meaning, even the
women, who used to terrify their children with the name of
^^BoNY," must be filled with astonishment, to see the
Government, especially when it is in the hands of the
liberty 'loving Whigs, calling out corps of yeomanry cavalry.
As if for the express purpose of making the thing complete,
the yeomanry corps were disbanded in the year 1827, as
being unnecessary in time of peace, and especially in the
agricultural counties* To behold them rise up again now,
especially after the riots of last year, what must be the con-
clusion in the minds of the labourers? Why, they know to
a certainty that the corps are raised to make them submit
to that which they would not submit to without compulsion ;
1st January, 1832. 149
they know that, scattered and divided as they are, they
cannot resist that force; but this does not make them love
those who exercise the force ; but on the contrary, fills them
with hostility to a degree which they did not before enter-
tain, and produces in their breasts revenge which otherwise
never would have existed there, and that revenge stimulates
them to deeds, at the thought of which they would other-
wise have startled with horror. The whole of the history
of this horrid plague lies in a very few words. By orders
of magistrates ; by evidence given before the House of Com-
mons ; by numerous documents of character the most authen-
tic, it has been proved, that the labourers have, especially
since the passing of Sturges Bourne's bills, been reduced to a
state, and to a manner of living, beneath those of hounds and
pointers ; that they have been treated with the greatest pos-
sible harshness and insolence ; that hired overseers have beea
set over them to make them draw carts and wagons, and
otherwise to treat them as beasts of burden ; that old men,
little boys, and women, have been harnessed and worked in
this way ; that men have been put up at auction and sold
for length of time to labour for the highest bidder ; that
husbands and wives have been forcibly separated, as the
males and females of live stock are, in order to prevent the
natural consequences of co-habitation; that young w^omen
applying for relief have been, by the lured overseer, by this
salaried hireling and his myrmidons, laid upon the floor, held
down by force, and have had the long hair cut from their
heads with shears, as wool is cut from the body of the sheep;
and that they have been compelled to submit to this, or ta
starve, or to become prostitutes.
You cannot deny, that such has been the barbarous treat-
ment of the labourers and their families ; and your land-
lords, while they have been moulding four farms into one for
their own profit, have not only connived at all this^ but have
150 Two-penny Trash;
upheld you in it, in their capacity of magistrates and parsons.
The labourers know well, that it is unjust to treat them thus:
common sense tells them that God never intended that those
who raise all the food, who make to be all the clothing, all
the fuel, and all the houses, should be turned out into the
wild waste to perish with hunger and with cold. Common
sense tells them that God never intended that they should be
fed worse than gentlemen's dogs, lodged far worse than those
dogs, and treated worse than the least valuable of farmers*
horses. When they read the Bil^le, or hear it read, which
they all do, they find, from one end of the book to the other,
the most positive commands of the rich to treat the labourers
well, to consider them as brothers, by no means to keep from
them a suflSciency of food and of raiment ; and they find
endless denunciations against those who have the hard*
hearted ness to disobey these commands. They find God com**
manding that even the ox was to share in the produce of the
harvest ; that even he was not to be muzzled while treading
out the corn; they find God forbidding the employer to keep
back the wages of a labourer even for a day ; they find Him
commanding the master, at the end of the labourer's servi-
tude, to send him away amply provided for out of his gran-
ary, his flocks, and his wine-press ; they find Him denounc-
ing vengeance and punishment on the oppressors of the widow
and the orphan, those who drove the needy stranger from the
gate, and particularly on those who should lay " Aows- tc^
house and field to fields so as to cause the poor of the la'^d
iofaiiy They find Him threatening miseries unspeakable
upon those who should grudge to give the labourer his due
hire. They have read, or heard read, the following passage
in the epistle of St. James, which Luther, the founder of
this Church-of- England religion, ** called an epistle oj-
straw y You seem to think it an epistle of straw too; but
remember the labourers have all heard it read ; and they
it
a
xi
Jst January, 1832. 151
know that if that be straw, all the rest of the book is straw;
and that then all that the parsons tell them about Christianity
isl- ti farce. I advise you, however, not to consider it as
straw ; but to consider it as valuable grain ^ and that yoa*
may have it to read, here it is in the fifth chapter of the epis-
tle of St. James. ** Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl
^^ for your miseries which shall come upon you. Your riches
^*^are corrupted, and your garments are moth-eaten. Your
" gold and silver is cankered ; and the rust of them shall be
for a testimony against you, and shall eat your flesh like
fire. You have stored up to yourselves wrath against the
" last days. Behold, the hire of the labourers who have^
reaped down your fields, which by fraud has been kept
back by you, crieth ; and the cry of them hath entered
** into the ears of the Lord of sabaoth. You have feasted
" upon earth : and in riotousness you have nourished your
"hearts, in the day of slaughter. You have condemned'
'^ and put to death the just, and he resisted you not."
You may be well assured that the labourers all understand
this. They have read too, or have had it read to them, that^
the children of Israel were ill-treated by the Egyptians ;
that they had task-masters set over them, who compelled
them to make bricks without straw, though we are not told
that they made them draw wagons and carts like beasts of
burden; they have read that Moses, seeing one of these
villanous taskmasters strike one of his brethren, he looked
about him, this way and that way, and seeing no one there,
he slew the taskmaster, and buried him in the sand ; and
they have read, that after this Moses became the servant of
the Lord, and the leader and the guide of his people.
Besides this the labourers well know that the tithes were
not given for the parsons alone ; but that they belong to the
J>ublic generally, and particularly to the poor : they know
that by the ecclesiastical law, by the common law of Eng-
152 Two-penny Trash;
land, and by the statute law of England, that every indigent
person has as much right to relief out of the tithes, whether
clerical or lay, as any landlord has to his rents, or as any
farmer has to the stock upon his farm.
Thus taught by common sense, by the word of God, and
by the w^ell-known laws of the land, they demand that they
shall not be compelled to live upon potatoes, while you are
living on the best of meat and bread, and have beer and wine
always on your table, and are dressed in the best of clothing*
Your answer to them is : We do not want your labour j to
which they reply, Give us then some of the produce without
labour, or give to us some of the numerous farms, four^
five, or ten of which you have turned into one; at any rate^
give us relief according to the law. To prevent this tha
Parliament changes the laws ; it enables you to set hired
overseers over them, who treat them in the manner before
described; till at last all relief is pretty nearly refused..
After long endurance they assemble in groups, arm them*
selves with clubs and with hammefs, and go about com-
pelling you to promise to raise their wages; and here and
there the}'^ ask for money from you and the parsons, to get
them some victuals and drink. For the former they are im-
prisoned for great length of time ; for the latter they are con*
demned to death, some of them transported for life, and
others of them hanged ; though in the whole course of their
proceedings they have neither shed a drop of blood, nor in-
flicted a wound. Fearing the natural consequences of this;
Damely, a more general rising and more violent proceedings,
you arm yourselves, mount your horses, form yourselves into
military corps, assume a menacing attitude, and prance over
the country. They, on their part, unable to collect into large
bodies, and unprovided with sharp and deadly instruments,
see that they cannot answer your threats by open defiance
and attack ; but they know that there is one destructive ele-
1st January, 1832. 153
ment, one irresistible arm always at their command ; and,
thus reduced to extremity, this arm they are now emplo}^ing
with the most deadly effect, as every newspaper from the
country is now proclaiming to the world. Against this arm,
which they employ at their convenience, and with not the
smallest danger to themselves, you have no possible de-
fence ; and this curse to you, and disgrace to the country,
must go on until the cause he removed.
Here then you have the fires traced to the real source.
It is very true, that, while the present taxes and tithes exist,
you have not the means of duly rewarding your labourers ;
but this is what you never tell them-, your answer to them
is, that they ought not to have more than they get : and
therefore they are at issue with you ; and they are not called
upon by reason to look any further than to you. You are at
your wit's end : offering rewards is of no use ; setting guards
and watches is of no use; arming yourselves is of no use;
the labourers have determined to live upon potatoes no
longer ; and live upon potatoes they will not. A writer in a
stupid and base paper, called the Norwich Mercury^ which
appears to be edited by as grovelling a beast as ever fed at
manger, trough, or crib, tells the labourers, that in setting
£re to farm stock they do not injure the farmer, because his
property is always insured! Very well, then, why do you
offer rewards for detecting the burners ; why do you pay
watches and guards ? If the fires do you good by getting
you a market in the lump, ready money down, instead of
being plagued with the thrashing and sending to market, why
do you hire watchers, at high wages, and pamper them with
suppers and with spirits, to prevent these beneficial fires ?
Why do you form yourselves into parochial patrols ; why do
you burn candles all night in your houses, and lie down on
your beds with your clothes on ; wearied, as you must be,
with the military performance of the day ?
h5
154 Two-penny Trash;
Poh ! The Chopsticks know well how the fires affect you ;
they see that at any rate the fires induce this beastly writer
in the Norwich Mercury to suggest, as a remedy, better
treatment of them than they have experienced for many
years past. Just so, gentlemen yeomanry cavalry; that is
the remedy, and the only remedy ; and if this filthy slave of
the bull- frogs of Norfolk should prevail upon you to follow
his advice in this respect, I shall be almost ready to forgive
the dirty fool for ascribing the fires to the instigation ** of
miscreants who mean to make use of these fires as the means
of accomplishing a political revolution !" He includes, I sup-
pose, amongst these miscreants those who do not think that the
old veteran patriot Whig Coke of Norfolk ought to have re-
ceived four thousand pounds a- year of the public money., in:
a snug sinecure, for more than half a century ; and that he
ought to be made to refund that which he has so received.
I am one of these miscreants at any rate ; and I can tell you,
that your hairy-caps and Wellington-boots will not at all
tend to prevent the accomplishment of my wishes, revolu-
tionary as those wishes may be.
Wm. cobbett.
TO THE LABOURERS,
On the Folly of their putting their Money into Clubs,
My FriendSj
It is the general practice of those who invent something
to delude and cheat other people, to give a^ooo? name to the
thing which they invent; and, accordingly, those who have
invented this scheme for inducing you to give up your earn-
ings^ to prevent them from paying poor-rates, have christened
1st Januaty, 1832. 155
these clubs ^' BENEFIT clubs," instead of calling them,
as they ought to have done, clubs to wheedle money out of
the hard-earned pence of the working people, in order to
spare the purses of the landowners, big fanners, and other
rich men. It was not till about seventy years ago that clubs
like these were ever heard of in England. Before this Pro-
testant Church of England sprang up, the poor were relieved
out of the tithes. Since that, the parsons, the bishops, the
deans and chapters, and the nobility and gentry, have taken
all the tithes to themselves; and the poor have been relieved
hy what are called the poor-rates. The same may be said
tvith regard to the church-rates^ which also formerly came
out of the tithes.
There needed no clubs before this Protestant Church esta-
blishment came, because the priests relieved all the poor out
of the tithes, and out of the rents of lands, and other property
which had been bequeathed to the clergy for that purpose.
There was therefore no occasion for poor-rates, for all poor
persons were sure to be taken care of, whether in sickness or
in health, to the end of their days ; and besides so happy was
the state of the country, that there were few persons poor in
any one parish ; the wages paid to labourers were so good,
that no man who was able to work, ever stood in need of re-
lief; and in case of sickness, people in general were so well
©ff, that there were few who could not be conveniently re-
lieved by their relations. This fatal change took place about
two hundred and fifty years ago; and it is about two hun-
dred and thirty years ago that the poor-rates were enacted.
For many years poverty was not so great, wages were not so
low. in proportion to the price of provisions, as to compel
many persons to apply for parish relief. When I was a boy,
it used to be deemed a shame to apply to the parish. But
the desolating Snd extravagantly expensive, and long and
bloody, wars of George III. plugged ihe nation into debts, so
156 Two-penny Trash ;
great, made the taxes so heavy, and made wages so low, io
proportion to the price of provisions, that labouring men were
compelled, in case of sickness especially, either to expose their
families to be starved, or to obtain assistance greater thaa
their relations were able to give them. In this state of
things the cunning fellows, who had to pay the poor-rates,
invented what they called '^ BENEFIT clubs," which was
a scheme for drawing out of the wages of the labourers, who
"were able to work, the means of relieving those who were
unable to work; or, in other words, to make the healthy la-
bourers pinch their bellies and their back/?, in order to re-
lieve the sick labourers, and thus save the pockets of these
cunning rich fellows.
Every penny that a labouring man pays into these clubs, is
a penny given to the rich ; and, besides that, it is a penny
given to uphold Sturges Bourne's bills, and to pay hired
overseers, and in short to pay for causing himself and his
neighbouri to be put into harness and to be made to draw
carts and wagons like beasts of burden. If you could have
any doubt in your minds about the tendency of these clubs,
you would only have to look at the persons who are the most
eager to promote such clubs, and to uphold them and per-
petuate them. There was a fellow, some years ago, a
Scotch fellow, named Old George Rose, who had been
a purser in the navy ; who was a famous tool of the famous
Pitt ; from a Purser he became a right honourable privj/
councillor ; he received for many years not less than tea
thousand pounds a year of the public money; he got a
sinecure place settled upon him for life of three thousand
pounds a year, and settled upon his son, George Rose,
for his life also. This man became, about forty years ago,
the great promoter of benefit clubs ; he lived at Cufnells^ in
the New Forest, in Hampshire ; he was himself a member
of a club there; he used punctually to pay in his pennies;
1st January, 1832. 157
he used to dine with the club ; and thus he drew in, thus
this cunning Scotchman humbugged, all the poor chopsticks
about that country, taking good care never to tell them that
his carriages, and horses, and fine park, and deer, all came
out of their labour.
Another great patron of benefit clubs is that Flem-
IXG (whose name was Willis), who was lately a member
for Hampshire, and who was so pelted off the hustings at
Winchester. Can this man want to do good to the peo-
ple ? Can he be the friend of the working people ? Caa
he, who was the tool in the hands of the parsons in Hamp-
shire, mean to do the working people any good ? Besides^
you see all the greediest of the big farmers, the most eager
to promote and uphold these clubs.
Then, again, mark the conduct of the Government I
What business had it and the Parliament to meddle with
the affairs of these clubs ? What right had they to inter-
fere with the management of these concerns ? What right
had they to meddle with the management and distribution of
money belonging to the members of a club, any more thaa
with money belonging to any partnership whatsoever ? Yet
they have interfered ; they have passed laws to give their
magistrates a superintending power over these clubs ; they
have passed laws to prevent the members from dividing the
money at their own pleasure ; they have passed laws which^
in effect, take the money from under the command of the
members of the club ; and, in a great measure, take it
away and make it a part of what is called the national
debt.
The savings hanks, as they are called, were invented by
that same cunning Scotchman, old George Rose. The
money collected by these things is, what is called, put into
the funds, and the poor people imagine that the funds mean
a chest or box where the money is locked up. Alas ! my
158 Two-penny Trash;
poor friends, there is no such chest or box ; the funds mean
the national or government debt ; and the putting of money
into the funds is the lending of money to the Government ;
and the Government pays the interest of it, not out of any
fund that it has, but out of the taxes, a part of which you
pay in every gallon of malt, pot of beer, pound of sugar, bit
of soap, or candle, that you consume, and upon every bit of
tobacco that goes into your mouth ; so that, first, you put
your earnings into the clubs, or the banks ; next the Govern-
ment borrows it 5 and next, if you ever get any interest, you
get it out of the taxes that you yourselves have paid ! Nothing
that ever was heard of in the world before is equal to this
delusion and folly on your part ; and to the craft of those
who induce you to put your money into these clubs and
banks.
When a club man is ill, the parish give him no relief ;
because he has an allowance out of the club. When a man
becomes seventy years old, he has an allowance from the
club for the rest of his life ; and, w^hether sick or well, the
parish never give him any relief to the day of his death !
One w^ould think that this was enough to open your eyes :
one w^ould think that here was enough to make you see why
the big, the grasping, the grinding farmers, are so eager to
get you into clubs, " into benefit clubs ;" that is to say, into
clubs that are of great benefit to them, and of great injury
to you ; here is enough to make you see why they do you
the honour to come and dine with you once a year, though,
all the rest of the year, they treat you far worse than they
treat their dogs.
If a man earn more money than is necessary to supply
him with food and with raiment and the other things that he
wants, cannot he keep his money himself? Cannot he
tiike as good care of it, as the grinding farmers and the
Government can I yes, and if he happen to be sick, he has
1st January, 1832. 159
relief from the parish, and his own money too, and he ought to
have both ; for the money that he has saved he ought to keep
till old age, as the just reward of his extraordinary industry
and frugality. A drunken and dissolute life produces illness ;
and as there will naturally be some drunken and dissolute
^persons in the club, they will be sick oftener than the rest ;
so that the sober and orderly man has to work to maintain
the profligate in his sickness. Then, again, some men have
hereditary diseases, such as consumption and king's-evil.
These unfortunate persons are entitled to compassion from
the healthy labouring man ; but they are entitled to sup-
port from the lands of the parish, and ought not to be made
in this manner to extract their maintenance from the healthy
labouring men.
The depositing of money in this way, has a very bad moral
effect ; it makes men less careful to adhere to such conduct
as is necessary to the preservatiou of health. It tends to
make them drunkards, and to be less cautious how they ex-
pose themselves to bodily harm. In many cases it makes
them successful hypocrites ; makes them either sham illness
altogether, or to affect its existence after it has ceased.
But, after all, and if all the other objections were re-
moved, what sense is there in the thing ? What is there in
it but pure folly ? What is there in it but giving away your
tnoney ? All the men that enter the club must be young and
healthy at the time ; and why should a young and healthy
man give his money to any-hody else to keep for hiai
against a day of sickness ? Either he pinches his back or
his belly for the sake of lodging this money in the club, or he
has this money over and above that which he wants for bis
back or his belly 3 if the former, then he enfeebles Himself;
makes himself a poor mean-looking fellow ; undermines his
health and strength, solely for the advantage of those who
live in luxury and splendour on the fruit of his toil : if the
160 Two-penny Trash;
latter, why not keep the money in his own chest ? In th«
course of the year he pays thirty or forty shillings into the
all-swallowing club. In the course of five years he pays in tea
pounds perhaps. But suppose it to be only twenty shillings a
year, how many times does a man see an occasion in which,
by the means of this little bit of ready money, he could, to
very great advantage, purchase a pig, plant a bit of ground,
or do something by which the money would produce him
more to eat, drink, or wear, than two pounds laid out from
hand to mouth ? Many are such occasions that present
themselves ; but you cannot avail yourself of them^ for your
money is locked up in the club. You cannot brew without
malt and hops ; the club has got your money, and you must
go to the ale-house, and purchase your beer by the pot. So
that these clubs, view them in what light you will, are in-
jurious to the w^orking people, and serve no otlier purpose
than that of making their lot harder than it would have been
without them. Young men deem a bastard child a great
burden ; but, not to mention, that, in this case, there
has been something like value received, and that time, and
reasonable time too, takes the burden from your shoulders,
which, besides, you may at any time remove by doing
justice to the mother : whereas the club sticks to you all your
life long, while you have health and strength sufficient to
enable you to sit all the day and crack flint stones with a
hammer.
Therefore, my advice to all young men is, Never give a
farthing to one of these clubs; and if you have begun to give,
cease to give immediately; to have been foolish, is no reason
for being foolish still 3 and be you well assured that the first loss
is the best. Stuck on to one of these clubs, you cannot re-
move out of the kingdom ; nor even very wxll from one part
of the kingdom to the other, without losing all that you have
put into this craftily-contrived trap. Get out of it if you be
1st January, 1832. 161
in; keep out of it if you be out; and trust to God, to your
own industry, and sobriety, and to the law of the land, for
aid in case of sickness; and thus merit the commendation of
Your friend,
Wm. COBBETT.
THE FIRES.
The London papers have come to an agreement, it seems,
not to give any account of the fires that are blazing all over
England. The wise politicians, who conduct these daily
supplies of intelligence and knowledge, are constantly telling
us that the fires arise from the working people not being able
to get at the sight of a London paper ; and yet these
patriotic philosophers suppress all mention of the fires, lest
such mention should encourage the labourers to proceed ia
the burnings. These patriots appear to be very pious men ^
and to be duly convinced of the existence of a future
state. So great is their awe, that these present transient
fires seem constantly to remind them of the fire everlastings
at the bare idea of which they seem to tremble. It is very
curious that the two assemblies down at St. Stephen's seem
fully to participate in this reverential feeling 5 they talk of the
unsettled, the dangerous, the horrible state of the country j
they talk about political unions, about unlawful combinations,
and about all sorts of things ; but as if they had bound
themselves by an oath upon the altar not to do it, never does
any one of them, even by accident, or in a figure of rhetoric,
pronounce the word FIRE ! Nevertheless, that the fires-
do blaze, will appear from the following paper, which I have
received in a great staring placard, printed by Baker, of
Dereham, in Norfolk, and dated on the 28th of November,
1831. It comes from that part of Norfolk which is called
the hundred of La un ditch, in which, it seems, great sums.
162 Two-penny Trash j
of money have been raised ; a large subscription has beeft
made for giving rewards to informers, and for employing
guards, I will insert this paper just as it stands in the
placard, except that I shall number the paragraphs, in order
to be able to refer to them with more ease.
FIVE HUNDRED POUNDS REWARD,
In addition to any Sum which Government may offer*
To the Well-disposed Cottagers of the Hundred of Launditch.
Friends and Neighbours y
1. Will you listen for a few mioutes to a friendly address from
persons who, thougli uuknowa to many of you, are well-wishers to
you all? We would talk with you of the dreadful scenes which
many of you have witnessed with your own eyes. You have seen
the darkness of night suddenly lit up with a terrible blaze. You
have asked the cause of this unnatural sight, and you have beeu
shocked (o learn that it was the wickedness of man destroying the
bounty of God* As your heart has sickened at the sight, you have
said to yourselves, — " What wretched times are these !** Wretched
times indeed they are, and such as call upon every man of right'
feeling, whether high or low, rich or poor, to do bis best to improve
them. We are persuaded that we are now speaking to persons who
detest these horrid practices. We believe that most of you, who-
ever think seriously upon the matter, would 7'aMer thrust your hand
into your own fire than employ it in setting fire to the property of
others. Some of you have, perhaps, grown a little corn yourselves :
almost all have had a little gathered in by the gleaning of your
family. If any person, who fancied himself ill-treated by you,
should steal to your little store, and set fire to it at the risk of burning
you in your bed, what a vile and wicked fellow would you call him I
You would all agree to scout such a villain from your company.
Nay, if you knew of any one's intending to do such mischief to a
xieighbour, your conscience would never rest without giving your
neighbour notice of it. Now the wickedness of such a man is
exactly of the same kind as that of him who steals to a stack or
barn and sets fire to it, cai'cleis whether or not any lives may be
lost. We trust, therefore, your conscience will not rest without
giving all the information you can, if you happen to hear of any
one who threatens to set fire to stacks or houses, or who has already
xlone so. By so doing you will certainly gain the favour and en-
couragement of all good men ; and we are sure that if you do other-
wise, you will carry a sadly-'burdened conscience to the grave.
There can be no doubt but that in the sight of God, as well as in the
eye of the law, a person who allows any crime to be committed,
I
1st January, 1832. 163
which it is in his power to \)re\'ent, is as guilii/ as he who actually
commits it. And little less is the guilt of any one who encourages
such Crimes by helping to conceal them after they are committed.
It is great folly for such a one to talk of not liking to injure his
neighbour. He is really injuring an innocent neighbour in order
to spare a wicked one. And can this be right ? But, as we said,
we believe far better things of you. Oar fear is most for young and
thoughtless men J who give themselves up to the feelings of the mo-
ment, and bestow no thought upon the awful consequences of what
they are doing. Some of you may, perhaps, have some such
thoughtless connexions or acquaintances. We would help you td
open their eyes to the madness of such practices. We would re-
commend you solemnly lo show them, in the first place, —
2. How wicked such burnings are in the sight of God, It is
almost impossible to look at a yard full of corn- stacks without lift-
ing up our hearts in thankfulness to that bountiful Providence
who has given such a provision for the support of his creatures^
And when one of those creatures dares to commit this provision to
the flames, does he not seem to throw back tiie blessings of God ia
his face, and to say, " / despise the gift of thy hand?'* The
wickedness of man did once, you know, provoke God to curse the
earth, and make it bring forth thorns and thistles. Is not such
base ingratitude almost enough to bring down a second and a
heavier curse — that it shall bring forth nothing but thorns and
thistles ? Show them next, —
3. How foolish such burnings are in respect to their own wants^
A moment's thought must show them, that if they could destroy the
whole property of their employer^ instead of paying them better, he
would be able to pay them, nothing at all ; and that the very lasC
means to make bread cheap is to make wheat scarce. Show them
again, —
4. How little after all these burnings injure the property of the
corn grower. This indeed is a wretched reason for not doing a
wicked act : but they who will listen to no other, may perhaps stay
their hand, from the knowledge that almost every grower of coru
takes care to protect himself by insurance of his stock to its full
amount in some public office. — Show them again, — .
5. How thoroughly un-engliah these burnings are. A bad cha-
racter enough is the open ri)bber who dares to commit his crime ia
the face of day. But the villain who skreens the workings of his
deadly malice under the darkness of night, — who has courage only
to do that which a mere infant might do, — whose villany is of so
black a kind that he dares not confess it to his most intimate ac-
quaintance, but is obliged to 5^w/^ about and hide his crime in so-^
litary silence, scarcely daring to look an honest neighbour in the
face; — does such a wretch deserve the name of an Englishman?
As you value that high title yourselves, we call upon you, friends
AND NEIGHBOURS, notto allow it to be disgraced by such miscreants^
as these, but to take the first opportunity of dragging them iojus"
tice. — Lastly, show your young friends y —
6*. How dangerous to themselves these burnings are. All the
honest part of the public are joining together to detect and punish
164 Two-penny Trash ;
these destroyers. In your own hundred an association has been
formed, headed by gentlemen of the highest character and largest
property, and joined by almost every man of substance and respect-
ability, for the express purpose of preventing and punishing this
horrid crime. A number of active men will he on the constant look^
€ut against these practices. When a fire has taken place, they will
be soon upon the spot, and spare neither time nor labour to detect
the criminal. Nor will expense be grudged, A large subscription
of money has been made to furnish the means of detection and the
reward of discoverers. The very first person who shall be the means
of bringing to justice a single offender on the property of a sub-
scriber, will receive the above reward, a sum which may place him.
for all his life out of the reach of poverty. When once convicted,
the criminal can have no hope of mercy: the law will assuredly
take its course, and the miserable man will quickly end his days
under a load of infamy and remorse of conscience and forebodings
of the vengeance of God.
7. We would hope, friends and neighbours, that if you press
these considerations closely upon the thoughts of the young and
JieedlesSf they may be sufficient to chech the first rising of any desire
to do these deeds of darkness.
8. We have taken up more of your time than we intended: but we
cannot conclude without one other friendly caution to all of you,
young and old. Our country is overrun with STRANGERS of the
onost mischievous cha acter. They hope to prosper by the progress
of crime, and will therefore leave no stone unturned to make others
as wicked as themselves. They will tell a thousand false tales to
delude the unwary, and lead them into practices which may end in
their ruin. Be on your guard against these men, and believe no"
thing that they say. The county of Norfolk was always famous for
its honesty : do not endanger your character, your conscience,
perhaps your life, by listening to these artful and wicked strangers,
S.We speak on the part of the association which we have men-
tioned above, and with sincere wishes for your welfare are
Your faithful friends and neighbours,
November 28th, 1831. THE COMMITTEE.
First of all, let me observe that this Committee do not
cboose to tell their names ; and this clearly proves that there
Tvas no man amongst them bold enough to sign this, at once,
canting, threatening, and stupid address. In paragraph 1,
we have a deal of cant and one lie ; for whoever had the
impudence or the folly to say before that a man, who haa
had it in his power to prevent the commission of a crime,
and does not prevent it, is equally guilty with him who
actually commits the crime ? If for instance I were to see a
chopstick about to give this canting fool a drubbing, I should
be able to prevent him from doing it ; but I certainly should
1st January, 1832. 165
not prevent him ; but must I then he guilty of an assault ?
Poh ! impudent canter. This is not the way to produce a
cessation of the fires. In this first paragraph a miserable at-
tempt is made to persuade the labourers in general, that they
are not suspected ; that they are now become '^friends and
neighbourSf' who used to be low orders, peasantry, and
mob. Yet the writer is very much puzzled to find out some-
body to whom to impute the fires ; and in short it is impossi-
ble for any labourer to read this without being filled with
contempt for the writer ; he must see the insincerity of the
stuff 3 he must see the meanness of the coaxing; he must
clearly perceive the wretched motive; and the impression
upon his mind must be quite the contrary of that which the
writer intends to produce.
In paragraph 2, this wise Committee call upon God
They tell the labourers, that when they see a yard full of
corn-stacks, they ought to lift up their hearts in thankfulness
for this provision which God had made for his creatures.
They seem to have forgotten that the labourers know that
the provisions have been made by their hands ; and they
should have shown them, that they were amongst the
creatures who partook of the provision. Poh! foolish
canters ! they know well enough that the land will bring
forth something besides thorns and thistles ; they know that
it will continue to bring forth potatoes. In paragraph 3,
the labourers are told that the burnings will not raise their
wages, but will make the farmers unable to pay them any
wages at all ; and that they will make bread dear instead of
making it cheap. They should have showed them that what
they get now, in the shape of wages, is sufiicient to keep
them from being half starved ; and when they were repre-
senting it as desirable to them that breadt should be cheap^
they should have explained to them very clearly, what it was
that made Daddy Coke and the rest of the land-holders
and big farmers, especially in Norfolk, never cease to worry
366 Two-penny Trash;
the Gorernment, till they had got the Corn Bill passed for
the express purpose of making bread dear, for what they
called the ^'protection of agriculture," But it would
not have answered to mention this, because the burners
might then have proceeded in their Avork, looking upon
themselves as protectors of agriculture. The foolishness,
the shocking emptiness of paragraph 4, are fully exposed
by the contents of paragraph 5 and 6 ; for if the fires do the
owner of the consumed property no harm, why be in such
a passion with the burners? Why call them villains, sculk-
ing cowards, wretches and miscreants ; why keep guards
constantly on foot ; why make subscriptions ; why offer a
reward so enormous ; as to ^^ place the ijiformer for hi$
life out of the reach of poverty ;'' why hold outthis temp.-
tation to perjury, the like of which v^as committed in Berk-
shire last year; and why put into print the infamous lie,
that death is sure to follow conviction^ v^h^n it is notorious
to all England, that THOMAS GOODMAN, who set five
fires with his own hand, and for private malice too, had his
life spared ?
If, in paragraph 7, the ^^ friends and neighbo24rs^' hB.d
been requested to press some good lumps of beef and bacon
and some good beer down into the bellies of the ^^ young and
heedless,'' instead of pressing this rubbishing threatening
stuff upon their ^^ thoughts," there would have been some
sense in the request ; but even this would have been swept
away by the stupid stuff of the next paragraph, about the
country being overrun with STRANGERS, which impu-
dent lie is still kept up for the basest of all purposes.
Whether the county of Norfolk always was, as this fellow
says it was, '^ famous for its honesty," I know not. I be-
lieve that, in that;^ respect, it always fully participated with
the rest of this once-happy country ; but if it had that fame,
this canting, mean, lying, and at the same time, threatening
Committee have done their best to deprive it of that fame.
^1
1st January, 1832, 167
In the sentiments expressed in the concluding paragraph I
heartily concur ; that is to say, I sincerely wish for the
ivelfa7*e of the labourers ; but the welfare that I mean has
something tangible and even corporeal in it ; namely^ good
wages to the labourer, paid him by the farmer, at the fire-
side, over a familiar mug of ale, as in former times ; and
not half wages, handed to him by a bailiff from one of the
out-house windows of Daddy Coke's agricultural villas.
'* The young and thoughtless T' those young and thought-
less, ought to be sleeping in the farmer s house, and not
driven out to make room for the music and the dancing
master. Here is the root of all the evil ; and until this
Toot be torn up, you may cant and coax and bully and
threaten and watch and offer rewards and lie till you be
black in the face, you never will have peace again. But,
how is anybody to compel the farmers to take yearly servants
into the house as formerly? An Act of Parliament, with-
out anything unconstitutional in it; without any injustice to
anybody ; without any direct interference in private affairs ;
without any penalty inflicted on anybody, would have ac^
complished the whole thing in one single year ; but, to have
such an Act of Parliament, we must first drive away the
candles and Bellamy and his regiment of cooks and cork-
drawers. In short when Daddy Coke shall cease to pocket
the proceeds of the light-house, the young and thoughtless
country people will again live in the farm-houses, and then
the fires will totally cease.
Wm. COBBETT.
ANSWER
Of the Labourer's to the above Canting and Bullying Address.
Mr. Committee, We have read the following in the Cam*
bridge and Huntingdon Independent Press, of the 10th
Dec. ; "We last week copied from a Tory paper, the Hertford
163 Two-penny Trash ; 1st January, 1832.
*^ County Press, a statement of a poor man at Ware, who
^* having been yoked by the neck to a gravel cart, was
" dragged beneath the wheel and crushed to death. Is it
'* to be wondered that the minds of the poor become brutal^
^* ized while their tasks are assimilated to those of beasts of
'* burden V — There, Mr. Committee ! Now come and cant
again to us, and call us your " neighbours and friends,*'
That is our answer to you. Go, you hypocrites ! Nothing
but that^re, to which the Bible dooms you, will ever softea
your iron hearts 1
We read also, in the Scotsman newspaper of the 30th
November, the following: — *' Barbarity . — A case, indicat-
ing such a total want of feeling as Scotland could scarcely
have been expected to exhibit, occurred a few days ago
in Calton, Glasgow. The child of a poor man having
died, he was under the necessity of applying to the elder
*' of his district for a coffin. It being a rule lately adopted
*^ by the heritors of the Barony, that the elders are not to
'* be allowed to give any occasional aid during the interval
'^ of their meetings, in other v»^ords, to give no aid to a pauper
without authority obtained at the monthly meetings, the
elder applied to was not at liberty to do more for the poor
man than to give him the coffin, but out of his own pocket he
^^ gave him Is. 6d, to aid him in burying his child. The
'^ body wasenclosed in the coffin, carried to the church-yard
'^ and deposited in the grave 3 but there it was destined not
'^ to remain. The poor man was unable to pay the ex-
penses required by the bailie of the burying-ground,
and the elder not having authority to pay them from the
funds of the parish, the body was disinterred and given
back to the parent, who carried the coffin home under
^* his arm! Could it have been believed that in Scotland,
" enlightened Scotland, such barbarity would have been
*^ practised ?" ''Enlightened!'' Oh no! You, Mr. Com-
mittee, are more enlightened than these poor Scotch people !
And, in time, you will be, and they too, most effectually
enlightened\ Poh! you fools! keep your breath to coo^
you. Go, and get justice for this Englishman and this
Scotchman, before you call on us to fear the vengeance of
God!
[Printed by Wm. Cobbctt, Johnson's-coart, Fket-stieet.]
<6
i<
No. 8. Vol. II.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of February, 1832.
Published monthly ^ sold at \2s. a hundred, and for 300, taken at
once, lis.
TO THE WORKING PEOPLE:
ON THE NEW DEAD-BODY BILL.
Stockport, in Cheshire, 2UhJan. 1832.
My Friends,
The above subject is very interesting to you^ and I beg
you to give it your particular attention. You have been
informed of the horrible murders in London, committed by
the bloody Bishop and others; and I will now explain to
you the cause of those murders. When you clearly see this
cause, you will know how you ought to think ^xi^Xfeel
upon the subject.
There are in London^and some other great towns^
places where men are engaged in cutting up dead human,
bodies. What they do this for ; that is to say, under
what 'pretence they do this, I will speak by-and-by ; at
present I have only to speak of the fact, and to show
you that it is the cause of the horrible murders that you
have lately read of. The cutters- up of human bodies, or
body- cutters, purchase dead bodies to cut up, and with
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street;
and sold by all Booksellers.
170 Two-penny Trash;
just as little scruple and ceremony as cut ting -butchers
purchase the dead bodies of pigs or sheep from the
carcass-butchers. The law, as it now stands^ makes it
only a misdemeanor^ that is to say, a crime punishable
hyjine and imprisonment^ as a common assault is, or as a
libel is, to steal, to sell^ or to purchase^ a dead human
body 3 and I pray you mark, that to steal the dead body
of a sheep, or pig, or calf, or ox, or fowl o? any sort, is a
capital felony, punished with DEATH j and ihat to
receive any such body, or to have it in your possession,
^knowing it to be stolen, is also a felony, punished with
TRANSPORTATION. This law extends to all sorts of
moveable property 5 and a bookseller named Cahuack
(or some such name) zvas transported, some few years
ago, for purchasing and having in his possession some
copies of a book which had been stolen out of the ware-
house of Mr. BensleYj in Bolt-court. This bookseller
had a family, carried on a respectable business, and bore
a fair character 3 and he alleged that he did not know the
books to have been stolen. From the circumstances,
however, the jury were satisfied that he did know them to
have been stolen -, and he was transported ; and very
justly transported; for he was as criminal as the thief
himself.
But, my friends, if it he just (and it is so) to punish with
transportation a man who receives the dead body of a
pig, knowing it to be stolen, what are we to say to the law
which punishes so slightly, and, in practice ^ punishes not at
all, he who receives and cuts up the dead body of one of the
people, though he MUST KNOW that it has been stolen,
if not murdered ? What are we to say of suck a law ?
And while the law stands thus, what is the protection that
the labouring people receive from the law ?
On the 12th of December last, the following letter was
1st February, 1832. 171
published in all the London newspapers. I beg you to read
it with attention.
" Sir, — Having dined yesterday with some of my bro-
'* ther magistrates, I learned, upon information which I
" have no reason to distrust, that beside the confessions
*' published, another was made on Sunday last, which
" comprehended a catalogue of about sixty murders^ and
*^ would have probably gone on to a much greater extent,
*^ but for th-e interference of the ordinary. When to this
" is added the large supply which by the published con-
'* fessioDs, Bishop appears to have furnished for dissec-
" tion, the great number of persons employed in the same
" way, the [)robable profligacy of such persons, and, as
*' asserted, a great falling off in the number of burials^
" notwithstanding the increased population of this me-
" tropolis, there is certainly but too much reason to
^' believe that this si/stem of murder amongst the poor^
" which Bishop said he resorted to as both less expensive
^^ and less hazardous than collecting from cemeteries, is
• " become extremely common^ that it is in a state of pro^
^^ gression, and that neiu and extraordinary modes, how-
'^ ever inconvenient to the professors and students of
" anatomy, MUST BE HAD RECOURSE TO, FOR
" THE PREVENTION OF SUCH ATROCIOUS
" CRIMES. *« J. Sewell
" 21, Cumberland-street,
** Purtinan- square, Dec. 8."
This Mr. Sewell is a police magistrate, and, besides
this, his statement is notoriously true. Thus, then, sixty
poor persons, at the very least, have been murdered in
London alone. Probably hundreds 3 but sixty at the least.
And, observe, they have all been RECEIVED by the
cutters'up', and no detectiot. of the murderers ever took
place, until that of the bloody Bishop and his associates,
1 2
172 Two-penny Trash ;
whose conduct was so open and unwary that the receivers
saw that they were liable to be implicated themselves in
the crime of wxirder. The apology, the impudent, the
audacious excuse of the cutters-up, is, that " they cannot
^^ always distinguish the body of a person who has been
** murdered from that of one who has died a natural
^^ deaths This is stated by the council of the Royal
College of Surgeons^ in their letter to Lord Melbourne of
the 10th of December last ; a document the most impudent
and unfeeling (see it, Register^ Jan. 14,) that ever was
put upon paper. Well, then, since they declare, that even
they are unable to distinguish a murdered body from one
that has died a natural death ; and, since it is notorious
that there are hundreds (ay, hundreds!) of cutters-up of
human bodies ; and that there are many places for the
receiving and purchasing of human bo/lies, and that, too,
in open defiance of the present law ; what ought the Par-
liament to have done the moment it met, after the detection
of the recent horrible murders r Why, pass a law, to be
sure, making the stealing and the receiving of the dead
body of a human being a crime as great, at the least, as
the stealing and the receiving of the dead body o^ a pig or
a sheep. This is what the Parliament ought to have done
at the least. And, indeed, it ought to have done much
more. The College of Surgeons allow, that even they are
not, in all cases, able to distinguish betvveen murdered
bodies and bodies stolen from the coffin. The cutter-up and
the receiver never know that they are not accessaries to the
commission of murder : they proceed in their bloody work,
knowing that they may be such accessaries. No man,
nothing short of a monster, will deny that it is as great a
crime to steal the dead body of a human being, as it is to
steal the dead body of a sheep or a pig. Therefore, that
crime ought to be punished with death as is the crime of
1st February, 1832. 173
stealing the dead body of a pig or sheep ; and death ought
also to be the punishment of the receiver and the cutter'
vp J because they can, according to their own confession,
never know that they are not wilfully and premeditatedly
engaged in an act which makes them accessaries to the
commission of murder, both before and after the fact. la
short, an act ought to have been passed, the moment the
Parliament met, to punish as murderers, all those who
should, in future, be found to have ^?^ their possession any
human body, or part of any human body, not delivered
up to them in consequence of a sentence in a court of
justice.
This is what the Parliament ought to have done. And
what have they done ? Why, one Warburton has brought
in a bill, which is now before the House of Commons.
I hare not seen this bill j but the following has beea
published ffs an abstract of it -, and this abstract is quite
enough for me, I will first insert it, and then remark
upon it.
SCHOOLS OF ANATOMY.
The preamble of this bill states, that whereas a knowledge of .be
causes aud nature of very mauy diseases which affect the body, and
of the best methods of treating and curing such diseases, aud of
healiug and repairing divers wounds and injuries, to which the
human frame is liable, cannot he acquired but by anatomical e.ra-
mination; and whereas, therefore, it is higJdy expedient to give
protection^ under certain regulations, to the study aud practice of
anatomy :—
Clause I. therefore enacts the Secretary of State to appoint In-
spectors of Schools of Anatomy.
II. Name of Inspector, and District to which he belongs, to be
published in the London Gazette,
III. One Inspector to reside in Loadon, and one other in
Edinburgh.
iV. Inspectors to receive returns and certificates.
V. To visit any place where auatomy is carried on.
VI. Salaries to Inspectors.
VII. Executors may permit bodies to undergo anatomical exa-
mination in certain cases.
VIII. The same not to be removed from the place where such-
person may have died, without a certificate.
174 Two-penny Trash ;
IX. Professors, surgeons, and others, may receive bodies for ana-
tomical examination.
X. Such person to receive with the body a certificate, as afore-
said.
XI. Persons described in this Act not to he liable to punishment
for hoving- in their possession human bodies^ nor for any offence
against this Act, unless the prosecution is instituted by the Attorney^
General.
Xil. This Act not to pvoh\hit post-mortem examination.
XIII. So much of 9 Geo. IV., c. 31, as directs that the bodies of
murderers may be dissected is repealed.
XIV. Bodies of murderers to be buried in the highway, or Jiung
in chains.
XV. This Act not to extend to Ireland. — \_Andwhy notT\
Pray look well at clauses 9 and 11 3 especially at clause
11 ; and observe, that nobody is to prosecute but the At'
iorney-General! Pray mark that. THIS SAME WAR-
BURTON brought in a bill, in 18^9, to authorise masters
ofxi'orkhouses, overseers of the poor, keepers of hospitals,
and keepers of prisons, to dispose of (and, of course, to
sell) the bodies of all persons dying under their keeping,
or power, unless such bodies were claimed by relations ;
and, even then, such relations were not to have the bodies,
unless they could give security for the burial of them ac*
cording to the rites of the church. Thus were the very
poorest of the poor to have their bodies sold to be cut up \
Thus were the Parliament to fulfil the command of God,
and to show their belief in his word. " Despise not the
poor because he is poor," says the Bible. What would
this law have said } Why, ** cut him up because he is
poor ? "
This bill passed the House of Commons; and was carried
to THE Lords, who, to their great honour, rejected it.
W^hen it went to the Lords, 1 petitioned against it. I
gave my petition to the Bishop of London, who presented
it^on the 26th May, 1829. Now, my friends, read this
petition attentively. It states your case. It puts forward
your claim to protection against the cutters-up and the
grave-robbers and the murderers.
1st February, 1832. 175
To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament
assembled.
The petition of William Cobbett, of Kensington,
ftfost humbly showeth,
That a bill has just passed the Commons' House of Parliament,
which bill gives authority to overseers, or other persons who have
the char^^e of poor-houses and hospitals, to dispose of (and, of
course, to sell) the dead bodies of those paupers and patients who
may die in workhouses and hospitals, and whose bodies are not
claimed by their relations, those relations giving security that they
will, at their own charge, cause the said bodies to be buried.
That your humble petitioner is quite sure that your Right Ho-
nourable House will clearly perceive that such a law is just the
same thing as a law to authorise overseers and hospital- keepers to
disposeof the dead bodies of all poor persons wfiatsoevery dying under
their charg's ; for that the bare fact of the death taking place under
such circumstances, is quite enough to convince every one, that the
bodies of such poor persons will, on accoujot of the poverty of their
relations, never be claimed, especially if the claim be to compel the
claimant to give security for defraying the expense of an inter-
ment; and that, therefore, this is, in short, a bill to enable the
agents of the rich to dispose of the dead bodies of the most unfor-
tunate of the poor, and that, too, for the benefit of those rich.
That your humble petitioner begs to be permitted to state to your
Right Honourable House, that those poor and necessitous persons,
whom the law calls paupers, have a clear and undoubted right to be
relieved out of the property of the owners and occupiers of the
houses and the lands ; that this law is, as stated by Blackstone,
founded in the principles of civil society ; that it has been confirmed
by the canon law, by the writings of the Christian fathers, by the
law of nations as laid down by civilians, by the common law of
England, and, lastly, by the statute law of England ; and that this
right extends to interment after death, according to the rights and
ceremonies of the established church.
That the unfortunate persons who die in poor-houses and hos-
pitals have, in numerous cases, seen better days, and have, during
many years, contributed by direct payments towards the mainten-
ance of the poor and the sick ; that those of them who have not
thus contributed, have all been, as long as able to work, compelled
to pay heavy taxes out of the fruits of their hard labour ; that
every working man, of whatever description, pays full the one-half
of his wages in taxes ; and that, therefore, when he becomes so
poor, helpless, and destitute, as to die in a poor-house or in a
hospital, it is unjust, cruel, barbarous to the last degree, to dispose
of his dead body to be cut up like that of a murderer, and to let
him know beforehand, too, that his body is thus to be treated^
thereby adding to the pangs of death itself.
That your humble petitioner beseeches your Right Honourable
House to bear in mind, that, in ISO'^, a Return, laid before Parlia-
ment, stated that upwards of two thousand persons^ men, women^
176 Two-penny Trash;
and children, belonging to nol)l€ or rich families, were receivings
annually large sums of money out of the taxes in the shape of pen-
sions and sinecures, and that none of these persons had ever ren-
dered any service to the public for the suras thus by them received ;
that your petiliouer does not think it probable that a less sum is on
this account now paid out of the taxes than was paid in 1808 ; that,
in like manner, large sums of money, amounting in the whole to
more than a million and a half of pounds sterling, have, within
these few years, been given by the Parliament for ** the relief of
the poor clergy of the church of England; *' that those who are now
patipers have, during their whole lives, been paying taxes to support
these poor 7iobIes and clergy ; that they have, in fact, for the far
greater part, been reduced to a state of pauperism by the taxes,
and by the taxes alone; and that those bodies which have beea
"worn out or debilitated by labours performed and privations endured
for the benefit of the rich, are now, when breathless, to be sold and
cut up for the benefit of those same rich.
That all nations, even the most barbarous, have shown respect
for the remains of the dead ; that the Holy Scriptures invariably
speak of the rites of bift-ial as being honourable, and of the
refusal of thpse rites as an infamous punishment and signal dis-
grace ; that in the )5th chap, of Genesis, 15th verse, it is recorded,
that amongst the gracious promises that God made to Abraham,
on account of his faith, one was that he should be buried m a good
old age; that David (2 Samuel, chap. 2.), when the men of
Jabesh-gilead had buried Sa.u\y blessed them for his kindness, and
said the Lord would reward them ; that the Psalmist, in descrihing
the desolation of Jerusalem by the hands of the heathen, says
that these latter had given the dead bodies of the Israelites to be
meat unto the fowls of the heavens, that they shed their blood
like water^ and that there was none to bury them, which, he adds,
has made the Israelites a reproach to the other nations ; that
iu Ecclesiastes, chap. 6, verse 3, it is said, that if a man have
ever- so prosperous ai.d long a life, if he have 7io burial he had
better never have been born ; that we find by Ezekiel, chap. 39,
that even enemies were to be buried, and that if a humnn bone
-was found above ground, it was to be deemed a duty to inter it;
that the prophet Isaiah, chap. 14, says that the King of Babylon
shall be kept out of the grave, like an abominable branch, and shall
not be buried, because he has been a tyrant ; that the prophet Jere-
' miab, chap. 7 and 8, at the conclusion of a long and terrible de-
nunciation against the Jews, tells them that they shall not be
gathered nor be buried, and that they shall be as dung upon the
face of the earth ; that the same prophet chap. 14, says, that the
people who listen to false prophets shall die of" famine and the
sword, and shall have none to bury them ; that the same prophet,
chap. 16, foretelling the ruin of the Jews, says that they shall die of
grievous deaths, that they shall not be lamented, neither shall they
he buried, but shall be as dung upon the face of the earth ; that
the same prophet, chap. 22, pronounces judgment on Jehoiakim,
King of Juda, for covetousness, for shedding innocent blood, for
oppression and violence, that he shall be buried with the burial of
1st February, 1832. 177
an ass, drawn and cast forth before the gates of Jerusalem ; that in
the New Testament, we find that devout men carried Stephen to
his burial; and, finally, that hy our own burial service and canons
we are taught, that to be buried in consecrated ground is a right
belonging to every person who has been baptized, who is not, at
the hour of death, excommunicated, and who has not killed him or
herself.
That seeing that such is the language of Holy Writ, your humble
petitioner has waited until now, hoping that the bill in question
would be zealously anr! effectually opposed by the clergy of the-
Established Church ; that, if the bodies of poor persons can be
disposed of and cut up into pieces, without any detriment to our
faith, our hope, our religious feeling ; if no burial service is at all
necessary in these cases, if this be told to the people by this bill, it
is manifest, that that same people will not long think that the
burial service can in any case be necessary, and that they will, in a
short time, look upon all other parts of the church service as equally
useless; because, as your petitioner presumes, there is no ground
whatever for believing in the sacredness of one rite or cereniony
any more than in that of another, and that, of course, if the Burial
of the Dead can be dispensed with, so may Baptism, Confirmation,
Marriage, and the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
That your humble petitioner is firmly persuaded, that a belief
in the resurrection, and in a future state of rewards and punish-
ments, cannot exist for any length of time in a country where
human bodies are by law permitted to be disi)osed of, and that,
too, for the avowed purpose of being cut to pieces for the use of
the parties acquiring them ; and that, therefore, atheism, generally
prevalent throughout the country, must be one of the natural con-
sequences of this bill, if, unhappily, it become a law.
That your humble petitioner hopes that your Right Honour-
able House will perceive, that if this bill were to become a law,
the hatred of the rich by the poor must become implacable and
universal, while the latter would be taught by this bill atheism,,
and obduracy of heart, and familiarity with ferocious ideas and
bloody deeds ; and that it would require greater powers of per-
suasion than even eloquent men generally possess, to convince
the poor that they ought to be restrained by anything but want
of power, while the same Government which takes from them a
large part of their earnings for the support of the rich, condemns
their bodies^to be disposed of after deaths for the benefit of those
same rich.
That, for these reasons, your humble petitioner prays, that your
Right Honourable House will not pass the bill afore- mentioned, but
will protect the poor against a species of oppression more odious
as well as more cruel and more hostile to feelings of humanity
than any ever before heard of in the world.
And your petitioner will ever pray. Wm. COBBETT.
London, 22d May, 182*J.
Now, my friends, the present bill differs from the former
one^ in some respects 3 but its main tendency is the same*
I 5
178 Two-penny Trash;
What it will be at last, we cannot as yet precisely say -,
but, in the meanwhile, look at the following report of a.
debate, which took place in the House of Commons on
the 17th instant.
Mr. Warburton raoved the second reading of the bill for pro-
viding subjects for the anatomical schools. The honourable mem-
ber, who spoke in a low tone, was understood to say, that as the
bill had been twice before the House, which has assented to its
principles on former occasions, he thought any explanation unne-
cessarv.
Sir Robert Inglis did not think it sufficient that this bill had
been twice before the House formerly, to induce the House to pass
It. He required further explanation. He was glad to observe that
in the present bill there was a distinct enactment separating the
dissection from the crime of murder ; he was satisfied that the study
of anatomy was necessary for the successful practice of medicine,
and that, therefore, some means must be taken to reniedy the
present state of the law. He had ascertained that during last year
there were onli/ eleven bodies which could be legally disposed of as
subjects, and these were to supply eight hundred students of medicine.
While the principles of the bill were deserving the attention of the
House, so were its details. There was one of these to which he
objected. He thought the relations of persons dying in jails, work'
JwuseSy dfc., should have their bodies if they chose to dema^id them.
He would not oppose the second reading of the bill.
Mr. Cresset Pelham opposed the bill, and contended that it
merely gave « legal encouragement to the traffic in human blood,
Mr. Hume supported the bill, ai;d expressed his surprise that the
honourable Barunet, the member for Oxford (Sir R. Inglis), should
not perceive that the bill would male subjects cheap, and that
its provisions were therefore the more likely to put an end to the
traffic of those who calculated on a high price as a reward for
the perpetration of crime.
Mr, Perceval recommended that the mere possession of dead
bodies should be held to be a felony. The knowledge of surgery
could not be lost in the short space of two years, and if they were
to try an experiment for that time, he was sure that medical men
would then resort to the dissection of animals, and obtain from it
■when conducted under proper regulations, all the knowledge ne-
cessary for their profession.
Mr. F. Pollock defended the principle of the bill, and expressed
hrs surprise to see it maintained as just that medical men were to
be civilly, aye, and criminally punished for ignorance of their
profession, and yet punished at the same time for any attempt to
acquire knowledge. He was convinced that the bill would effect
a most beneficial change, without in the slightest degree M'oww</iwg-
that sensitive feeling among the lower classes, which he should be
one of the last to wish wholly obliterated.
The Attorney-General was in favour of the bill. It made
no alteration in the punishment of those who were guilty of
1st February, 1832. 179
crime. Burkiqg" was still murder, and punishable with all the
severity it deserved ; but the bill took away one of the incitements
to the crime, by diminishing the expense and the risk of procuring
subjects.
Mr. Warburton briefly replied. The bill was intended to do
equal justice to the poor and the rich, and it excepted only two cases
from its operation. The first was when a person specially re-
quested that his body might not be dissected ; and the second was,
when the next of kin was decidedly averse to the performance of the
operation. Nothing could be more idle than to exclaim that the
rich were solely benefited by the diffusion of the knowledge of
anatomy. The very contrary was the fact. The rich employ
those who had obtained, at a great cost, their knowledge of their
profession abroad, while the poor were compelled to accept that
kind of assistance which was within their reach, and which,
if it did not include practical information on the structure of the
human frame, would soon be lamentably inefficient.
From this we are to conclude, that the bodies of the poor,
who die in prisons, hospitals^ and poor-houses, are to be
disposed of to the cutters-up. No matter on what con^
dition: I care not a straw about that : here will be a law
to give up the dead bodies of the poor to the hackers
and cutters ; and that is quite enough for me. I agree
with Mr. Felham and Mr. Perceval; and 1 abhor the
expressions of Hume and of Denman about making dead
bodies CHEAP ! Pollock will find, I fancy, that it will
^' wound the sensitive feelings of the poor." He has not
read that part of my first Lecture at Manchester, which
related to this matter. It is curious that the Whig re-
formers are for this bill, and that the Tories are against
it ! What sort of a reform the Whigs have in view we
may guess from this circumstance. For my part, I ani
very hard to believe that those who are for this bill mean
the people any good by the Reform Bill: I repeat here my
words at Manchester • namely, that if a reformed Parlia-
ment cannot find the means of protecting the dead bodies
of the working people, while such ample means are found
for protecting the dead body of a hare, a pheasant^ or a
partridge 3 then, indeed the bishops did right in opposins^
the Reform Bill 3 for a greater delusion, a greater frauds
never was attempted to be practised on any part of man-
kind. Let me stop here to request your particular attentioa
to this matter relating to the want of law to protect the
dead bodies of the working people. You all know, or at
least every Englishman ought to know, that for an ua-
180 Two-penny Trash;
qualified person to have in his possession the body of a hare,
pheasant, or partridge, was, a few months back, a crime^
punishable by fine or imprisonment ; that to have in his
possession wires, or other implements, for taking any of
these wild animals, is still a crime, punishable in the same
manner 5 that, to be out in the night in pursuit of, and
seeking after, the bodies of either of these wild animals,
and carrying with him the implements wherewith to take
or kill them, is still a crime, punishable with transportation
for seven years, and this punishment may be inflicted, too,
and has been, and is, frequently inflicted without the
sanction of a judge, and at the sole discretion and pleasure
of the justices in quarter -sessions, who, as you well know,
are the game-preservers themselves. Yet those who could,
and so recently too, pass over this last-mentioned law, and
those new and "• liberal'' members who have been able to
sit quietly, and say not a word about this law for transport-
ing men for making free with the bodies of wild animals,
"which, according to Blackstone, are the property of no
man, and which belong in common to all men 5 those who
could make and so vigilantly enforce this law, cannot, for
the lives and souls of them, find out the means of passing
a law to protect the bodies, alive or dead, of the working
people ; other than that of making it lawful to sell their
bodies when dead^ to cut up and cast away like the bodies
of murderers or traitors. From everything that I have
ever heard here in the North, and particularly in this town,
I believe, that if the horrible bill to which I have just al-
luded had become a law, that law would have never been
acted upon by the parochial authorities of Manchester. I
hope that the same would generally have been the case j
but I have no scruple to say, that an attempt to enforce the
law in any of the agricultural counties would have pro-
duced open and desperate rebellion. Judge you of the
feelings of the country people on this subject, when I tell
vou that there are clubs in the country parishes in Sussex,
Kent, Surrey, Hampshire, and, I suppose, in all the southern
counties, which clubs are for the purpose of forming a
fund for defraying the expenses of ivatching the graves of
the relations of the members of the club, if any of them
should die, or the graves of the members themselves if they
should die 1 How honourable to the feelings of the work-
1st. February, 1832, 181
ing people, and how disgraceful. to the Parliament, is this-
fact ! Judge you what would have been the consequences
of an attempt to enforce amongst such a people the atro-
cious bill for selling their bodies to be cut up like those of
the most heinous malefactors ! A labouring man, James
Ives, who worked constantly for me some time ago, came
to me, with tears in his eyes, to get 125. in^advance of his
wages, to pay (that being the price) for watching the
grave of Ids daughter, who was just then about to be
buried ! Why what government- prof ection could this man
discover } What had this man to make him willing to be
obedient to the laws ? Great care is taken of the properti^
of therich -, the law hunts it with inflexible eagerness go
whither it may ; here the law has grown harder and
harder, till it has made the receiving of stolen goods afe^
lonious offence, punishable with transportation. But those
who passed and have enforced so rigidly this law, have
not been able to find out by any means whatever to punisb
the RECEIVERS OF STOLEN BODIES; though they
MUST of necessity KNOW them to have been stolen, if
not murdered as well as stolen ! Common justice, even
ncitural justice, would make it felony, punishable with
death, in any one to have in his possession a dead body, or a
part of a dead body, unless able to produce proof that he
obtained it in consequence of a sentence of a court of
justice.
If reform be to bring us laws like this -, if it be to give
us rulers, who think it a good thing to make the trade in
human bodies free ; if this be the ^'free trade '' they mean
to give us ; if this be a specimen of ihe'w political econo*
mg ; if " cheap ^' human bodies be their sign of national
prosperity ; in short, if measures like this be to be the result
of Parliamentary reform^ better, far better, remain as we
were, poor and oppressed 3 but not put upon a level loitk
the beasts that perish, and see the flesh and bones of our
relations, parents, wives, and children, tossed about to be
devoured by the fowls of the air ; or, like the body of
Jezebel, to be torn about by dogs. Warburton's is a
miserable attempt to make us believe that the cutting-up
is for the benefit of the poor, and that the law is to be im-
partial. The \evy preamble of the bill is false : and this I
will now show to you in the words of a very eminent phy-
sician, who wrote to Warburton on the subject, when
182 Two-penny Trash;
he brought in his first bill, and whose letter was published
all over the country at the lime. This physician proved,
that the proposed law was not only vnnecessary to a
thorough knowledge of surgery ; but that it was the con-
trary ; that the cutting up of human bodies was injurious
to the science of surgery. Here is his letter : 1 beg you
to read it witk attention. This physician recommends that
which I recommend ; namely, to make grave-robbing a
capital felony, I pray you to read this letter : it will show
you that that bloody practice is not at all necessary to the
making of a man a skilful surgeon. If it were, I am pre-
pared to prove, that this bill ought not to become a law :
but first of all, read this letter ; and you will be satisfied
that the law is wholly unnecessary for the purpose for
which it professes to be intended.
*' ' Cuilibet in arte sua credendum est/'*
** Sir, — As an ardently devoted and experienced member of the
profession, pardon my questioning; your philanthropy regarding
the g^eneral expediency of ' Human Dissections.* He who has
dissected and anatomised so much, from pure inclination, cannot
reasonably be thought to be prejudiced against them. My firm
conviction is, that they are by no means essential to the successful
practice of the physician, nor, indeed, ordinary general practitioner.
** The study of anatomy and physiology {i. e, structure and
function of the human body) 1 admit to be essential to the per-
fection of medical and surgical science, 1 repeat study, for the
knowledge of both is perfectly attainable, without the aid of dissec-
tions, from our present fruits of them, in the way of preservations,
engravings, explicit lectures, and scientific records.
** I canvass, primarily, the physician's vocation — and what have
dissections performed for him? First, as to the knowledge of
disease. Disease, at its onset, indeed throughout, consists mainly
of functional derangement ; and what discovery of function has
been made through dissection ? For by function the symptoms and
distinctions of disease are elicited. The perfection of this vitally-
important branch of the profession (pathology) is acquirable only
by experience, which enables the physician to distinguish functional
from organic affection. What information derived of vital functioa
(i.e. brain, heart, lungs, stomach, and alimentary passages) by our
minutest dissections .'' Has the discovery of injury of brain, after
death, thrown any important light on the valued functions of its
particular parts } Anatomy (i.e. dissections) throws no light what-
ever upon those prevailing and appalling maladies, St. Vitus's-
dance, epilepsy, palsy, and apoplexy ; and why ? because, gener-
ally speaking, they are functional rather than organic affections.
Much the same might be said of inflammations of mucous and
serous surfaces, where life had been sacrificed to them ; the blood,
at the moment of dissolution, receding from arterial to venous
cavities^ leaving such surfaces more blanched than florid by it.
1st February, 1832. 183
Now tbis I affirm, not from mere prejudice or hypothesis, but ex-
perience. Again, consumption illustrates another ground of posi^
tion, viz., as to the ulceration of the lungs. We know full well,,
without the forlorn aid of dissections, or stethoscope itself, that
ulceration is consequent upon the inflammation of mucous and
serous surfaces ; nay more, that such ulceration of internal and
vital organs, almost without exception, is death. We prevent,
therefore, but cannot cure consumption, as lamentable experience
has taught us. In a word, we need not dissections to tell us that the
organic affections of vital parts usually prove fatal. Be it no longer
said that they are essential to successful practice ; for it is most
disreputable to science aad the ))rofession to have it supposed even
that one consigned to our skill, should have expired without our
knowledge (care being out of the ijuestion) of his malady.
" Seeing clearly our weapons must be such as to combat with
morbid [i. e, deranged) function, it remains to be inquired what
aids towards relief or cure liave been derived through dissections ?
Our remedies, of any real efficacy at least, for the relief (cure, if
you would rather) of functional derangement, are few ; and these
with a view to subdue inflammation, correct secret secretion,
promote or restrain excretion, and give tone or vigour to the system.
We are not assuredly indebted to dissections for our treatment of
inflammation, morbid secretion, or debility; but rather to the
lights of function and regimen, aided not a little by pathological
and therapeutical experiences.
'* I pass over the absurdity of medical testimony (grounded on
dissections) in cases of abortion, rape, infanticide, idiotism, and
insanity; and, from moti\es of delicacy, forbear the discussion of
them. Under dread of poison, dissections at best are fallacious, and
our knowledge derived more from chemical than anatomical
acumen.
'' Your ' report,' Sir, if I comprehend it aright, is to the effect —
first, that all must dissect to qualify them for successful practice;
secondly, that the bodies of executed criminals are insuflicient for
the purpose ; and, thirdly, that the repeal of such Act, and the
substitution of another (confessedly more productive) are essential
to the perfection of medical science, and the well-being of mankind.
'' Now, first, as to the expediency ! 'Tis obvious ; pardon me. Sir,
that by far too much importance has been attached to the testimony
of Sir Astley Cooper and Mr. Abernethy, who are teachers of
anatomy, and not physic, in London. 1 mean no disrespect nor
disparagement towards these gentlemen ; but why this stress upon
their testimony ? Sir A. C, after many years' painful and toilsome
experiences, is doomed to confess that the operations are a re-
proach to surgery. Mr. A., to his honour be it said, has ever been
opposed to them. It would be superfluous at this moment to speak
of their physical attainments (apart, at any rate, from dissections
and operations), notwithstanding I affirm that these, and not dis-
sections, are the very bulwarks of surgery. It were as manifest as
the * sun at noon-day,* that bodies became needful in support of
the college law and rage for dissections; but your honourable
Committee required, bona fide^ to know whether such dissectioas
were demanded for the benefits of science and prosperity of the
184 Two-penny Trash;
human race ; for requisite assuredly they had made them for stu-
dents passing college, or becoming licentiates of the Society of
Apothecaries, I may humbly be permitted to suggest — teach
students upon more rational and physical principles ; require them
to possess a sufficient classical education ; sound physiological,
pathological, therapeutical, and chemical knowledge; and aiford
them ample physical and surgical experiences; then hopes may
be entertained of their becoming expert and skilful practitioners.
** Be it not said, for mercy's sake, that we require many operative
surgeons (when, in fact, were matters managed better, few, very
few, indeed, would be needed) ; and let these be select, so that
matured by much experience, they may be fully competent to the
important duties thereof.
'* Clinical experiences, beyond all your dissections, pt;ove a trea-
sure |to the student ; these eminently and truly teach him to
distinguish between functional derangement and organic affection ;.
to perceive the operation and the effects of remedies themselves,
and, I had almost said, the divine influeiice of regimen. Em-
boldened by such, and the like, experiences, with confidence ere
long he predicts the convalescence, or perchance the dissolution, of
his patient. To sum up — the true doctrines of physic are founded
upon unerring and fundamental principles ; and such, believe me,
as are eminently calculated to avert pending calamity ; i. e. to
supersede the necessity for operations, which, at best, are painful
and calamitous to the afflicted.
*^ By the judicious treatment of gravel and stone; hernia and
aneurisms ; glandular affections and white swellings ; fractures
and dislocations ; to the honour of science and the profession be it
said, we save much and calamitous suffering in the world.
'* Not to encroach upon your valuable time. Sir, or be thought
prolix, I proceed, secondly, to remark, briefly, on the insufficiency
of the bodies of executed criminals for scientific purposes. Immor-
tality to our predecessors, we require not dissections at this day
for the acquirement, much less the perfection, of physiological
and physical science. The mechanism of the human body is
amply displayed through the medium of engravings and preserva-
tions ; and its functions, derangements, and diseases, are to be
known and amended only upon the living body,
'* Most unwillingly I advert to morbid dissections, the last refuge
of the inexperieitced, and the blot of our art. Few things have tended
more to cast a stigma upon the profession, and afford a disrelish for
dissections, than the heartless performance of them in private life.
Forlorn, indeed our hope, if we expect to attain skill or eminence
in the profession through such dissections, I speak not from pre-
judice, personality, or mere hypothesis, but from long and exten-
sive observation and experience. Why most of our sudden deaths
originating in derangement of vital functions, leave no traces.of the
source of dissolution behind them ; and such as expire under more
lingering indisposition, manifest to the experienced at least, organic
affection peculiar to the structures of the aft'ected organ or organs.
We require not, therefore, to ascertain such appearances, nor would
our doing so aid us at all in the knowledge or cure of them. To be
brief— civilized beings naturally are averse to dissections ; and God
1st Ffbruary, 1832. 185
forbid they should ever become reconciled to them, or adieu to the
ties of consanguinity, and those devoutly-to-be-admired sympathies-
of our nature, for which Britons, 1 am proud to confess, have been
renowned from time immemorial. Thirdly, Sir, you resolve to-
legalize pauper dissections^ after the provisions^ of foreigners, and
speak of the advanta^^es to be derived from them. The thing itself
may be politic enough in the way of trade ; but, for the honour of
science, the credit of the profession, and the peace of society, I
conjure you to pause ere your Committee sanction with their ho-
noured names so degrading^, and at the same time so uncalled-for
an expedient. Since, however, we must model our practice and
schools of physic after the fashion of the Frerichy I claim privilege
briefly to advert to the benefits which science and the profession
hitherto have derived from them.
" In anatomy and physiology, it must be confessed, the French
have excelled ; but have they comparatively benefited physic or
surgery by it? Have Drs. Gall and Spurzheim, by their minute,
dissections of the brain, added anything to our knowledge of it?
We required not to know the seat and directions (nor indeed the
functions) of its vast nerves and blood-vessels. Why, therefore,
perplex ourselves about its mental developments, placed, doubtless,,
tor the wisest of purposes, by an inscrutable Providence, beyond
the reach or the scrutiny of man ? Nor have we yet to learn,—
thanks not to dissections, but experiences — that the brain's de-
rangement of circulation is productive of correspondent derange^
ment of function, and its organic affection, death. Bichat, Brous-
sais, and Majendie, it is due to them to say, have called attention
to mucous and serous surfaces, hitherto but insufficiently regarded
(and imperfectly understood by many) in practice. Notwithstand-
ing such acknowledged advantages, the French, I affirm, are in-
efficient practitioners. Do they not to this day, under the most
acute inflammations (and inflammations, moreover, of vital or-
gans), content themselves with ptisan?, syrups, anodynes, leech«»
ings, and enemas, calculated for the relief only of particular symp-
toms, leaving the malady itself to commit its ravages upon the af-
ected organ, or constitution generally ? How calamitous the con-
sequences of tampering with the inflammations of vital organs ! —
take, for example, the lungs. Has not consumption afforded us a
lesson ; bid defiance to our every exertion, in spite of our discove-
ries and dissections ; and are we siill at a loss as to its origin, or the
prevention (cure 1 maintain tobe outof the question) of it? If not,
why trifle (worse than trifle) with palliatives, which, under fevers
and inflammations, (without more efficient measures) seal the
doom of the patients ? A breath as to their surgical eminence, and
I am done. Baron Larry and Dupuytrien have distinguished them-
selves in surgery ; but have they not been indebted mainly to theic
experiences ? The former had most extensive field and hospital
practice during the campaigns of the immortal Buonaparte ; and
the latter for many years has been engaged in the performance of
vast hospital duties, being at this moment chief surgeon to the
Hotel Dieu, in France.
** Impressed with the firmest conviction (inspired by an almost
unparalleled devotedness to the profession) that experience, and by
186 Two-penny Trash;
no means dissections, qualify alone for successful practice, I have
been induced to impart these solemn convictions to you, Sir, in
justice to a much-injured profession, and compassion towards a
suffering public, whose condition (in lieu of the Act contemplated)
you would best ameliorate by rendering exhumation felony, and
quackery fraud.
'* Finally, Sir, would mankind benefit their health or condition
in society, I conjure them, without delay, to petition Parliament
against a measure confessedly uncalled for, and fraught with
sufferance and degradation to them. ' Virtus in actione cousistit.*
** I have the honour to be, Sir,
'* Your obedient, humble servant,
«* WM. HORSLEY, M.D.
<' North Shields, Dec. 1828.'*
Now, my friends, observe, that no answer was ever
given to this letter. Doctor Payne, an eminent phy-
sician of Nottingham, has just published a letter, sent by
him to Warburton, expressing similar opinions, and con-
cluding with the following words :
'* There appears to be a path now presenting itself, by which the
detestable crimes of burking and violating the remains of the dead
may be no longer practised. The remains of murderers should as
usual be given for dissection, but the bodies of none others ; and
transportation for those who steal or receive dead bodies. A law
should also be passed to compel the teaching of anatomy by the
artificial subject as in France.
'* I hope the idea of giving up the bodies of the unclaimed dead
will be immediately abandoned, as it increases the exasperation
which is constantly souring the minds of the working and middle
classes, and rendering it unsafe to dwell in the land. It reminds
them of the words of Southey the poet : —
a c Wretched is the infant's lot,
Born within tlie straw-roofd cot;
Be he generous, wise, or brave,
He must only be a slave I
Long, long labour, little rest,
Still to toil to be oppressed ;
Drained by taxes of Ijis store, —
Punished next for being poor.
This is the poor wretch's lot.
Born within the straw-roof'd cot.'
^ Yes, the people make their remarks, * When we have lost our
* all, and have outlived our friends and relations, our hodies are
^ to be given up for dissection ' '
" I remain, with much respect,
'* Yours respectfully,
** H.Payne, M.D.
^' Nottingham, Dec. 10, 1831."
1st February, 1832. 187
Thus, then, the preamble of the bill is false : this cuttino^
up of human bodies is unnecessary to the learning of sur-
gery. But now, if it ivere necessary to the perfection of
that science, still a law like this ought not to be passed ;
and nothing ought to be done tending to put the bodies of
the people on a level wit/i the bodies of beasts. The asser-
tion of the advocates of this carcass-cutting system is this :
that unless the carcass and cutting fellows be allowed to
carry on their practices, the knowledge of surgery ivill be
impeyfect 'y and that, therefore, the hacking and bloody
practice must continue, and dead human bodies (to use
the vulgar and unfeeling phrase of Hume) must become
^' cheap'' in the marhet -, or that some complaints to which
we are liable must remain ivithout a cure, and that many
persons would, of course, die sooner than they would die,
if the cutting and hacking system continued, and if
Hume's cheap human jiesh continued amply to supply the
market.
This is the ASSERTION on which Warburton, Hume,
Denman, and the rest of them, ground their project for
making human bodies *^ CHEAP,'' as Hume calls it 3 and
the bill, taken along with this argument of these men,
will, if it become a law, say this to the nation : '^ Your
'^ dead bodies must be made to come cheap to those who
" deal in them and cut them up ; or some of you will die
" sooner than you otherwise would die*' This is the sum
total of all that they have to say. Hume has totted the
matter up ; and this is the '^ tottaV of it. And now, my
friends, hear my answer to tiiese advocates of free trade in
your flesh, blood, and bones.
First of all 3 we have not only the opinions of Dr.
Horsley against the utility of the butchery, but his opt-
nion that it is inischievous ; and he produces other high
authorities in support of his opinions. But we have his
reasons in support of the opinions ; and we have, as far as
I have observed, had 710 answer to these reasons.
Next 3 if this cutting-up work be so necessary, so in-
dispensable, to the learning of surgery ; how comes it
that this did not use to be the case ? How comes it that
this traffic in human bodies, that the making of human
flesh and bones ^' cheap,'' as Hume calls it, was never
found to be necessary IBEFORE ? Men's bodies have
''•«»fK9^n<«iMM<
188 Two-penny Trash;
always been constructed as they are now -, they have al-
ways been subject to the same ailments that they are sub-
ject to now ; life has always been valued as highly as it
is now ^ and yet never until now was this cutting up and
hacking to pieces of the dead people deemed necessary to
the health of the living people 3 and never until now did
a band of surgeons take it into their heads to apply to the
government to set aside the ancient law of the land^ in
order that they might h?L\'Q free trade in human bodies^ to
cut up and hack about at their pleasure ! This is like the
case of the poor-law -. it did very well for two hundred
and fifty years ; but now it is found out that it does harnty
and that STURGES BOURNE'S BILLS, and HAR-
NESSING the poor, and that DISPOSING OF THEIR
DEAD BODIES to be cut up, are necessar3% Strange
thing, that this Warburton should tell us, that he means
his iawyo?' the benefit of the poor^ while he talks of no law
to repeal Slurges Bourne's Bills -, no law to put a stop to
the harnessing of them, and making them draw like
BEASTS OF BURDEN ; no law to prevent hired over-
seers from cutting oflr the hair of young girls; no law to
prevent them from being treated like beasts -, and only a
law to make it no crime to receive their dead bodies and
to hack them to pieces 3 and this too out of kindness to
them !
So much for authority and experience to show that the
horrible traffic in human fiesh is not necessary. Indeed,
as Dr. HoRSLEY says, "it is of no use to anybody but illi-
terate quacks : it is, as he says, the scandal and disgrace
of a most learned, honourable, and useful profession.
Rousseau said long ago, that a great increase of the
number of medical and surgical practitioners was a sure
sign of i\\e, decay of a nation : and this is one of the signs
of our decay at this moment. But, all this aside -, setting
all these arguments against the horrible practice down
for nothing ; and admitting the above assertion of the
advocates of free trade in human bodies to be true :
admitting that your dead bodies must, in the words of
Hume and Denman, be made *' cheap " to those who cut
them up : admitting that *' your dead bodies must be
made to come cheap to those who deal in them and cut
them up, or that some of you would die sooner than you
1st February, 1832. 189
otherwise would die,'' I deny it 5 but, let us, for argument's
sake, admit it in its fullest extent -, and then let us see,
whether it be not far better that we should be exposed
to the endurance of some, and even io ^^reat bodily ills -,
and that some, and even many of us, should die sooner
than we should if the horrible butchery were to go on :
the question is, whether this would not be preferable to
the suflfering of this traffic to continue : whether it would
not be belter f r us to endure these i)ls, and be subject to
these dangers, than to insure, even to INSURE, ourselves
against them, by sanctioning this horrible traffic in dead
bodies ? This, is the que.^tlon : and this question every
man that has anything of real humanity left about him,
every man who cannot coolly tot-np the value of hum^n
feelings, will, without any hesitation, not only answer in
the affirmative, but will feel somewhat offended at the
question being put to him.
Tho^e who make the above-slated assertion, and who,
on its being admitted, seem to think it conclusive for their
purpose, proceed upon the truly base idea, that there is
NOTHING SO VALUABLE AS LIFE; an idea just
upon a level with the instinctive feeling of the most
insensible of brutes. But, is this the idea of those who
are worthy to be called vieu and icomen?. Where is the
man (worthy of that name) who would not prefer the
death of a wife or daughter to her prostitution ; where is
the man (vronhy of that name) who would not prefer
his own death to his assent to such prostitution ? In
thousands of instances, men (and working men too) have,
gone to certain death, rather than live with the reproach
of having betrayed other men. There is, then, some-
thing more valuable than life ; and is the value of life, then,
to be put in competition with the value of all those feelings
which distinguish men from brutes ? And all, yea all, these
feelings must be banished from the breast, before the
mind will cease to contemplate with reverence and awe
the remains of the dead.
As to theCnRiSTTAN religion, it is pure, not hj^pocrisy,
but sheer impudence, to pretend to believe that it can
long exist in a country where the law makes human bodies
the subject of open traffic, where it authorises the cutting
of them up, 'the ripping and hacking of them to pieces.
190 Two-penny Trash ;
with no more ceremony than the cutting-up of the bodies
of sheep and pigs. VVe all know, for we have all first
or last felt, that the bare sight of a dead human body
fills us with serious thoughts, and that even a funeral,
passing by, has^ in some degree, the same effect. Can
this continue to be the case, if it shall become a fact
familiar to every mind^ that a human body has belonging
to it nothing more sacred than the body of a hog or a
dog ? People of all the sects of Christians have been careful
to set apart places for the burial of the dead. However
they disagree in other matters, they are all of accord in
this, to reverence the remains of the dead. But how
is this feeling to exist, when they shall know that the
trade in dead bodies is frte ; and that, as Sir Robert
Inglis stales it, there are always '' EIGHT HUNDRED
MEN in London " engaged in learning how to cut human
bodies to pieces! ''
If this law pass, what becomes of the '^ consecration of
ground^. " What becomes of the Church Service ? What
becomes of the Jiubrick; what of ** the burial of the
deadV* Dispense with that-, declare, by law, that that
is useless 'j and, then, where will th-rebe to be found even
a parson, though with half-a-dozen benefices, brazen
enough to tell any of the people of any of his parishes^
that any part of the Book of Common Prayer is worthy
of their attention? What, if a law like this be passed, will
any parson, after that, demand /e<^5 fur saying prayers over
dead bodies ? It is as well, for morals and religion, that
those bodies be sold and cut up, as that they be buried in a
church-yard with the usual solemnities 5 or, it is not. If
the latter, the intended law is injurious to morals and
religion : if the former, we have long been paying burial
fees merely to fatten the parsons. In short, it must be
evident to every man who reflects but for a moment, that
a belief in a future state of existence is impossible to be
kept alive, for any length of time, in a country where the
law makes (as law would make) no distinction in the treat-
ment of the dead body of a man and that of the dead body
of a horse ; both being alike articles of traffic ; both being
openly cut up for the use of the purchaser j both being
hacked about with an equal absence of all ceremony.
We all know the power of habit -^ we all know that th.e
1st February, 1832. 191
blackest crimes proceed from small beginnings', theft,
robbery, burglary, murder, is generally the march. The
habit of our thoughts has made the most of men hesitate
at the commission of the last horrid crime : they have
hitherto seen something in a human body that held back
their hands : but when, as in the case of the monster
Bishop, they have been accustomed to consider human
bodies as nothing more sacred than those of pigs and
sheep, what is to restrain them from resorting to the kill-
ing of those bodies? This bill may, perhaps, not directly^
authorise the selling of the bodies of poor people dying in
poor-houses and hospitals and prisons 5 but that such are
the tendency and intention of it nobody can doubt. It is
well known, that the rich have the means of protecting
the dead bodies of their relations, and that the poor have
not. And where is the man so brutal as to say that his
heart is not chilled with the thought of proclaiming openly
to the unfortunate poor, that their carcasses when dead are
to be sold for dissection ? What ! is there a man in Eng-
land to propose this ? And is this proposition to be made
even to the Parliament, and that too in a country where
the depositories of the dead, and the decent interment of
dead bodies, have always been objects of such attention ?
Are there men hardy enough for this ? What ! the poor
labourer, who, after having toiled all his life 3 after having
brought himself to death, at a premature old age, very
likely, by the excess of his toil -, is he, because in his old
age he is compelled to resort to the parish for relief, to be
harassed in his last moments with the thought that in a
few minutes the butchers will have their knives in his
belly, and be hacking and chopping him to pieces like the
carcass of a dead dog ? Oh ! nj. England will never see
this. Is the husband to see his dead wife taken away in
the butcher's cart, and carried to the slaughter-house,
instead of having the mournful duty to perform of fol-
lowing her to the grave ? Are fathers and mothers to see
their children, and are children to see their parents, tossed
into the bloody cart and carried away for dissection ? The
very thought fills me, and I trust it will fill every English-
man who is worthy of the name, with indignation not to
be expressed.
The working people in the country have given the best
195 Two-penny Trash; 1st February, 1832.
possible proof of their abhorrence of any law, having
such a tendency, by fornming themselves into CLUBS for
the purpose of providing the means of WATCHING
THEIR OWN GRAVES, AND THOSE OF THEIR
NEAR AND DEAR RELATIONS; a fact to their ever-
lasting honour, and to the everlasting disgrace of those
who have rendered this measure necessary. Talk of Re"
form^ indeed! The people will be able easily to estimate
the character and views of those " Ileformers *' who want
to make dead human bodies '''cheap'* in the dissecting
market! This is now, apparently, become a measure of
the " Reforming Ministry,'' The.people will at last have
to rely, I dare £ay, upon the Lords Vi^^m ; and if they drive
this bill from them with indignation, they will not only act
justly, but wis^ily 3 and will, by this one act, do more for
the honour and stability of their order, than by all the
other means that human vnt would be able to devise.
Now, my friends, keep your eye on all those whom you
perceive to be 171 favour of this bill. I will do my best to
place them safely upon record. For my part, my deter-
mination is, that if this bill pass, to do my utmost to cause
its repeal, and never to hold any confidential intercourse
with any one of those who may have supported it. And in
the meanwhile I remain your friend,
Wm. cobbett.
£Printedby Wm. Cobbett, Johnson's-court, Fleet-street.]
No. 9. Vol II.
COBBEXrS
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of April, 1832.
Published monthly , sold at 12*. a hundred, and for 300, taken at
once, lis.
TO THE
PEOPLE OF PRESTON,
1. On the Cultivation of Cobbett's Corn,
2. On the Lies of the FOOL-LIAR respecting it, and
particularly on his Lies relative to Mr, Did dams,
of Sutton Scotney in Hampshire,
3. On his Charges against Mitchell and Smithsok.
Kensington, 1 Jpril, 1 832,
My Friends,
Great as has been my satisfaction at seeing the succe&s
of my corn generally, it has in hardly any case been so
great as in learning its success at, and in the neighbourhood
of, Preston, where I saw so many fine specimens, and
where I saw every prospect of a great extension of the ciiU
tivation of the corn. I am now about to repeat my instruc*
tions for raising the corn ; and I address myself to you
in particular, because you have the misfortune to have to do
with the FOOL-LIAR, who has been making all the efforts
that his beastly stupidity would permit him to make for the
purpose of preventing the working people from benefiting
from this, as Arthur Young calls it, " the greatest bles-
sing that God ever gave to manT It is curious enough
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court^ Fleet-street,
and sold by all Booksellers.
K
194 Two-penny Trash;
that the fool-liar should so cordially pull with the par-
sons in this aflPair; for I have heard of several of them
who have told the working people that the corn was good
for nothing ; and I know one of the latter, who had fatted
a pig upon the corn, hold up a piece of the bacon to the
parson, saying, " Is't good for nought!'' However, I will
first give 3"ou my instructions for the raising of the corn,
and then the fool-liar shall yield us some sport, and we
will find out^ if w^e can, where that ** jjatrimony " is of
which he told you he had **jusl received the rents/' when
he was called upon to pay for ** the medals,'*
Before I proceed further, however, I ought to notice, that
when I returned home the other day, I found numerous par^
eels of corn from different counties, and amongst the rest,
one parcel grown in Westmoreland, So that I have now re-
ceived fine well-ripened corn from every county in England,
Cornwall excepted. The corn which I have now re-
ceived from Sutton -Valence in Kent, from Hlgh- Wy-
combe, Bucks, and three ears that came without any name,
wrapped up in wool, are amongst the finest samples that I
have seen, and all of them finer than the average of my own
corn ; and I am very much obliged to all the gentlemen who
have taken the pains to send me these samples. I would
write to each of them if I had the time ; but I have it not.
They will have the satisfaction to see their cares and public
spirit rewarded by the success of our undertakings and
they will have the pleasure to reflect, that the thing has been
accomplished, notonly without the aid, but, apparently, solely
against the wishes of the government ! Oh, no ! it is not
corn; not puddings and bread and bacon that they want
the working people to have: '' nice 'talies" 2Lre their favour-
ites ; 80 that they may have the meat and bread for them-
selves, and for those who uphold and wait on them ! The
Irish' diet (for English labourers) is their favourite ; but the
English labourers will not, thank God, live on it ; and I hope
that the Irish will not do it much longer. The sword- bear*
ing police do not, I warrant them, live on " nice mealy
taties."
1st April, 1832. 195
Instructions to Labourers for raising
Cobbett's Corn.
I will first describe this corn to you. It is that which is
sometimes called Indian corn; and sometimes people call
it Indian wheat. It is that sort of corn which the disciples
ate as they were going up to Jerusalem on the Sabbath-day,
They gathered it in the fields as they went along and ate it
green, they being ** an hungered," for which, you know^
they were reproved by the pharisees. I have written a trea-
tise on this corn, in a book, which I sell for two and six*
pence, giving a minute account of the qualities, the culture,
the harvesting, and the various uses of this corn ; but I
fihall here confine myself to what is necessary for a labourer
to know about it, so that he may be induced to raise, and
3Knay be enabled to raise enough of it in his garden to fat a
pig of ten score.
There are a great many sorts of this corn. They all
come from countries which are hotter than England. This
Bort, which my eldest son brought into England, is a dwarf
idnd, and is the only kind that I have known to ripen in
this country : and I know that it will ripen in this country in
any summer ; for I had a large field of it in 1 828 and 1 829 ;
and last year (my lease at my farm being out at Michael-
jnas, and this corn not ripening till late in October) I had
about two acres in my garden at Kensington. Within the
^aiemory of man there have not been three summers so cold
as the last, one after another ; and no one so cold as the
last. Yet my corn ripened perfectly well, and this you
will be satisfied of if you be amongst the men to whom this
corn is given from me. You will see that it is in the shape
•of the cone of a spruce fir ; you will see that the grains are
fixed round a stalk which is called the coi). These stalks
or ears come out of the side of the plant which has leaves
like a flag, which plant grows to about three feet high, and
kas two or three, and sometimes more, of these ears or
bunches of grain. Out of the top of the plant comos the-
tassel, which resembles the plumes of leathers upon a
ihearse ; and this is the fiower of the plant.
The grain is, as you will see, about the size of a large
:pea, and there are from two to three hundred of these grains
K 2
196 Two-penny Trash;
upon the ear, or cob. In my treatise I have shown that, in
America, all the hogs and pigs, all the poultry of every sort,
the greater part of the oxen, and a considerable part of the
sheep, are fatted upon this corn ; that it is the best food for
horses ; and that, when ground and dressed in various ways,
it is used in bread, in puddings, in several other ways in fa-
milies, and that, in short, it is the real staff of life, in all
the countries where it is in common culture, and where the
climate is hot. When used for poultry, the grain is rubbed
off the cob. Horses, sheep, and pigs, bite the grain off, and
leave the cob ; but horned cattle eat cob and all.
I am to speak of it to you, however, only as a thing to
make you some bacon, for which use it surpasses all other
grain whatsoever. When the grain is in the whole ear, it is
called corn in the ear ; when it is rubbed off the cob, it is
called shelled corn. Now, observe, ten bushels of shelled
corn are equal, in the fatting of a pig, to fifteen bushels of
barley ; and fifteen bushels of barley, if properly ground and
managed, will make a pig of ten score, if he be not too poor
when you begin to fat him. Observe that everybody who
has been in America knows, that the finest hogs in the world
are fatted in that country ; and no man ever saw a hog
fatted in that country in any other way than tossing the ears
of corn over to him in the sty, leaving him to bite it off the
ear, and deal with it according to his pleasure. The finest
and solidest bacon in the world is produced in this way.
Now, then, I know, that a bushel of shelled corn may be
growm upon one single rood of ground, sixteen feet and a
half each way. I have grown more than that this last
summer ; and any of you may do the same if you will strictly
follow the instructions which I am now about to give you.
1. Late in March (I am doing it now), or in the first
ibrtnight of April, dig your ground up very deep, and let it
lie rough till between the seventh and fifteenth of May.
2. Then (in dry weather if possible) dig up the ground
again, and make it smooth at top. Draw drills with a line
two feet apart, just as you do drills for peas ;' rub the grains
off the cob 3 put a little very rotten and fine manure along
the bottom of the drill ; lay the grains along upon that six
inches apart ; cover the grain over with fine earth, so that
there be about an inch and a half on the top of the grain ;
1st April, 1832. 197
pat the earth down a little with the back of a hoe to make
it lie solid on the grain.
3. If there be any danger of slugs, you must kill them
before the corn comes up if possible ; and the best way to
do this is to put a little hot lime in a bag, and go very early
in the morning, and shake the bag all round the edges of the
ground and over the ground. Doing this three or four times
very early in a dewy morning or just after a shower, will
destroy all the slugs: and this ought to be done for all other
crops as well as for that of corn.
4. When the corn comes up, you must take care to keep
all birds off till it is two or three inches high ; for the spear
is so sweet, that the birds of all sorts are very apt to peck it
off, particularly the doves and the larks and pigeons. As
soon as it is fairly above ground, give the whole of the ground
(in dry weather) a flat hoeing, and be sure to move all the
ground close round the plants. When the weeds begin to
appear again, give the ground another hoeing, but always in
dry weather. When the plants get to be about a foot high
or a little more, dig the ground between the rows, and work
the earth up a little against the stems of the plants.
5. About the middle of August you will see the tassel
springing up out of the middle of the plant, and the ears
coming out of the sides. If weeds appear in the ground
hoe it again to kill the weeds, so that the ground may be
always kept clean. About the middle of September you will
find the grains of the ears to be full of milk, just in the state
that the ears were at Jerusalem when the disciples cropped
them to eat From this milky state they, like the grains of
wheat, grow hard ; and as soon as the grains begin to be
hard, you should cut off the tops of the corn and the long
flaggy leaves, and leave the ears to ripen upon the stalk or
stem. If it be a warm summer, they will be fit to harvest
by the last of October ; but it does not signify if they re-
main out until the middle of November or even later. The
longer they staj^ out the harder the grain will be.
6. Each ear is covered in a very curious manner with a
husk. The best way for you will be when you gather in
your crop to strip off the husks, to tie the ears in bunches of
six or eight or ten, and to hang them up to nails in the w^alls,
or against the beams of your house ; for there is so much
198 Two-penny Trash;
moisture in the cob that the ears are apt to heat if put
together in great parcels. The room in which I write in
London is now hung all round with bunches of this corn.
The bunches may be hung up in a shed or stable for a while,
and, when perfectly dry, they may be put into bags.
7. Now, as to the mode of using the corn : if for poultry,
you must rub the grains off the cob ; but if for pigs, give
them the whole ears. You will find some of the ears in
which the grain is still soft. Give these to your pig first ;
and keep the hardest to the last. You will soon see how
much the pig will require in a day, because pigs, more de-
cent than many rich men, never eat any more than is neces*
sary to them. You will thus have a pig ; you will have two
flitches of bacon, twopig*s cheeks^ one set of souse, two gris*
kins, two spare-ribs.
It is quite sufficient, that the corn will fat hogs better than
any other thing will fat them : it need do nothing else,
considering the amount of the crop, to make it more
valuable than any other crop. But, as food for man, it is
more valuable even than wheat ; because it can be conve-
niently used in so many ways. We use the corn-flour, in
my family, first, as breads two- thirds wheaten and one-
third corn-flour; second, in batter puddings baked, a
pound of flour, a quart of water, two eggs, though these last
are not necessary; third, in plum-puddings, ?l pound of
flour, a pint of water, half a pound of suet, the plums, and
no eggs; fourth, in plain suet-puddings, and the same
wa}^ omitting the plums; fifth, in little round dump '^
lings, with suet or without, and though they are apt to
break, they are very good in this way ; in broth, to thicken
it, for which use it is beyond all measure better than
ivheaten-flour.
Now, to make BREAD, the following are the instructions
which I have received from Mr. Sapsford, baker, No. 20,
the corner of Queen- Anne-street, Wimpole-street, Mary-
bonne. As I have frequently observed, the corn-flour is not
iBO adhesive, that is to say, clammy as the wheat and rye
flour are. It is, therefore, necessary ; cr, at least, it is best
to use it, one-third corn-flour and two-thirds wheat or rye
flour. The rye and the corn do not make bread so bright a«
the wheat and the corn, nor quite so light ; but it is a«
1st April, 1832, 199
good bread as I ever wish to eat, and I would always have
it if I could. Now, for the instructions to make bread with
wheat-flour and corn-flour. Suppose you are going to bake
a batch, consisting of thirty pounds of flour ; you will have,
of course, twenty pounds of wheat-flour and ten pounds of
corn-flour. Set your sponge with the wheat-flour only. As
soon as you have done that, put ten pints of water (warm in
cold weather, and cold in hot weather) to the corn-flour ;
and mix the flour up with the water ; and there let it be for
the present. When the wheat sponge has risen, and has
fallen again, take the v;etted-up corn-flour, and work it ia
with the wheat sponge, and with the dry wheat-flour that
has been round the sponge. Let the whole remain ferment-*
ing together for about half an hour 3 and then make up the
loaves and put them into the oven. The remainder of the
process every one knows. These instructions I have, as I
said before, from Mr. Sapsford ; and I recollect also that
this is the way in which the Americans make their bread.
The bread in Long Island is made nearly always with rye
and corn-flour, that being a beautiful country for rye, and
Dot so very good for wheat. I should add here, that there
is some little precaution necessary with regard to the grind-
ing of the corn. The explanation given to me is this : that
to do it well, it ought to be ground'twice, and between stones
such are used in the grinding of cone-wheat, which is a
bearded wheat, which some people call rivets. This, how-
ever, is a difficulty which will be got over at once as soon as
there shall be only ten small fields of this corn in a county.
Now, my friends, observe, that, do what you will, yoif
cannot get more than about two gallons of wheat on a rod
of ground (16^ feet square), when you can always, with pro-
per care, get eight gallons of corn ; that half a single ear
of corn will plant the rod ; that a rod of wheat requires for
seed a tenth-part of the crop ; that there must be a floor^
to thrash and winnow the wheat, and that the corn may be
ahelled by the fire-side. If a poor man have a little bil of
wheat, he finds it very difficult to do anything with it;
but a bit of corn he can manage as well as a great farmer
can manage his fields. If he have a garden of only ten rods,
only think of the value of ten times 215 pounds of flour;
1?,150 pounds, or within a trifle of six pounds of flour a day
200 Two-penny Trash ;
for the whole year, besides 210 pounds of offal, enough to
fat, with some properly-cooked potatoes, a good hog ! But
while the instances of this crop of a bushel to the statute rod
are innumerable, let us suppose the average crop to be one
half of this. Then there is nearly three pounds of flour
a day all the year round, and half enough offal to fat a
hog; and, observe, I do not here include the value of the
fodder , vj\\\c\i is very great; and, mind, the corn is only
five months on the ground.
But, in short, I need write no more on this subject : the
fine corn that 1 have received from all parts of the country
convinces me, that I have done this great thing for my
country, and especially for the Labouring People, to reduce
whom to live upon potatoes was the damned scheme,
which the sensible and resolute Labourers have defeated.
'' WE WILL NOT LIVE UPON POTATOES." When
the men of Kent raised that motto, the fate of the tithes
and the funds was sealed. If Englishmen could have been
reduced to live upon potatoes; if they could have been
brought down to the Irish scale, the basest of slavery would
have been the lot of us all! The whole people owe their
deliverance to the men of Kent. Ay, ay ! The Whigs
may go on with their arming and with their other works;
but all will be of no avail, since they cannot make the mil-
lions of labourers live upon potatoes. I read, in the pro-
ceedings of the new Mechanics* Institute, at Manchester, a
speech, in which it is remarked, and with apparent pride^
that the members of Mechanics' Institutes NEVER RIOT!
No, *^ intellectual souls: not they! They commit no
violences ! ** Nice taties," and sea-weed and nettles, and
shell-fish that have died a natural death ; these keep their
" intellect^' unclouded by the load on the stomach. I am
for loading the stomach with bacon and bread : the load
may, indeed, be rather less *' celestial,*' less abstracted from
earthly matter ; but, the body is all the better for the load-
ing; and, one would think, that mechanics stood in need of
bodies too.
But, now for the FOOL-LIAR, in connexion, in the first
place, with this corn. The fellow has as much low cunning
as any animal that ever existed, and his disregard of truth
is equal to that of a Negro, Those who have had to do with
1st April, 1832. 201
Negroes, know how difficult it is to make them perceive the
difference between falsehood and truth. Not one in a
thousand of them can be made to see any reason whyjhey
should not say that which it suits them to say at the mo^
ment. The master of a black fellow, in Long Island, who
Lad been sent to fetch up a cow out of the pasture, said,
when the fello\V came with the cow, ** Did you put up the
bars to keep the oxen in?" ^^ 0 yes, Massa!'* There
was a barn, round the end of which he had come with the
cow, and the words were hardly out of his mouth, before
the oxen came round the end of the barn ! " Why," said I,
*' that fellow cannot reason any more than a beast ; for,
** otherwise, he must have known that you would detect the
'^ lie in a minute.*' *' Oh '."said he, ** a minute is a long
*' while: he would swear that he was not eating peaches,
** if you were to tax him with it, with peaches in his hands
"and with his mouth crammed with the pulp." Your
FOOL- LIAR seems to be, in this respect, upon a perfect
equality with the Negroes, He has all their animal-
cunning ; and all their disregard of truth ; or, rather, their
want of capacity to distinguish between truth and falsehood.
These two qualities would carry him very far, were it not
for the counteracting power of his all-predominant malig»
nity. The lying of the Negroes is of little avail to them,
because nobody believes them ; because it is the fashion of
the community never to believe a word that they say. But,
it is difficult to bring ourselves to look upon a white man in
this light. Yet, as you will presently be convinced (if you
be not already), as far at least as relates to this corn-af"
fair, your FOOL-LIAR must be looked upon in precisely
this light ; and it is truly curious that, at the last Somerset-
shire election, they ^should have held up a Negro to call
him ** brother Blackey-man /"
Last year, at this time, I published the names and ad-
dresses of the gentlemen, in each county, to whom I was
about to send corn, free of all cost, even carriage free, for
them to distribute gratis, in their several neighbourhoods,
especially amongst the labourers. It seemed impossible for
the devil himself to find a bad motive in this; yet the
FOOL-LIAR, seeing ia this list the names and addresses
of a number of persons, who, he naturally supposed, had a
K 5
20% Two-penny Trash;
respect for me, availed himself of the power that YOU HAD
GIVEN HIM TO FRANK LETTERS, to send to each of
these persons a printed paper, most infamously slandering
me, signed with his name ; and, to this infamous publica-
tion he added, zn manuscript, that the corn was "' A
FRAUD;" and he begged the persons to whom he address-
ed the letters, not, by any means, to give it to the poor
people to plant !
As I said before, as to truth and falsehood, be is on a
level with the blacks ; but, having low cunning also equal
to theirs, one wonders how he could have thus made sure of
his detection as LIAR, by so many documents under bis
own hand ; and at this every one must wonder, until tkey
reflect on the power of the fellow's malignity, which is so
•great that it overpowers all his Negro- like cunning. I re-
member Farmer Brazier of Worth, in Sussex, w^here
THE LIAR lived for a while, saying, that at times, his
very look was so malignant, that if a drop were to fall from
his eyes, it would burn cloth, or any other substance, lik«
nqiia for lis ! This was a strong figure, to be sare; but
really if we look at the fellow^'s conduct about this com, w»e
cannot help believing that the farmer was right. The fellow
is monstrously ignorant, to be sure : I remember him tilling
his audience, ** I have lautely bin in Normany, Genmun; a
^xedit forren country in Vrance, Genmun." But brutally
ignorant as he is, he knew that his lies upon this subject
must he detected at the end of about six months. Yet so
great was his malignity, so deadly was his hatred of me^
that he put forth this lie with as much alacrity as if tlie
saving of his own carcase from a beating (upon wbicVi
point he is very tender !) had depended upon the success of
the lie.
The six months ended ; the lie w^as exposed ; two thou*
sand and forty -three persons, more than half of them
farm- labourers, have (by themselves or neighbours) sent
me samples of their crops ; all sending expressions of gra-
titude; M deVighted -with then future prospects ; marrj^ of
them execrating the slanderous liar; and more of them
expressing their contempt of so beastly a fool, viho has
thus sent documents all over the countr}^, signed by himself,
to be at all times produced, if necessary, to prove Wm £i)ol
1st April, 1832. 203
and liar, without an equal in the world, amongst either
blacks or whites. But now let me exhibit to you in detail
some of the works of this malignant liar ; and then, I think,
you will agree with Farmer Brazier in the aqua-fortis
opinion.
You may remember that, in the Trash for December
last, and in the Register of the third of that month, I pub-
lished a letter from Mr. Enos Diddams of Sutton Scotney,
near Winchester, giving me an account of the fine crops of
corn, growed by the labourers and others, in that and the
adjoining parishes, composing those which I have called
^*The Little Hard Parishes/' Mr. Djddams is a
Village shoemaker, a man very much respected, and he
recommended himself to my notice by his zealous endeavours
to save several of the men who were transported by the
Special Commission in Hampshire. I went, in the fall
of 1830, to find out the Widow Mason, and I was directed
to this Mr. Diddams, as a person likely to give me infor-
mation. I have known him ever since^ and from all that
I have seen and heard of him, I believe him to be a worthy
man. Now, observe, on the 4th of December last, I heard
that THE LIAR had been received into, and entertained
in, the house of a man in Hampshire, who bad been, and
was, ill the habit of corresponding and otherwise communi-
cating with me ; whereupon I at once told the latter that
the communication between him and me must cease. Upon
this he observed to me, that THE LIAR had been received
ulso by Mr, Diddams, and that Mr. Diddams would, he
was sure, hold correspondence with THE LIAR. I be-
Heved neither of these: 1 did not believe that Mr. Diddams
would let the fellow into his house, if he knew who he was ;
and, as to corresponding with him, I was sure that Mr.
Diddams would have his hand chopped off rather than
doit.
However, I wrote to Mr. Diddams to tell me what
THE LIAR said to him, and how he received him. In
answer I received two letters from Mr. Diddams, which I
shall insert here, without the smallest alteration, either in
spelling, pointing, or any-thing else. It is the plain state-
ment of a plain and sensible man, and a man of honesty
a,nd sincerity. When at Manchester, I wrote to Mr. Did-
204 Two-penny Trash;
DAMS, asking his leave to publish the letters: he gave me
leave, as you will see in an extract from a third letter.
After this I showed the letters in Lancashire and York-
shire, particularly at Leeds. You will see what use THE
LIAR made of Tiis having got into Mr. Diddams's house;
and I told my other correspondent in Hampshire that this
would be the case; and that, therefore, I must cease all
correspondence with him.
MR. DIDDAMS's first LETTER.
Sutton Scotney, Dec. 6, 1831.
Sir, — Hunt call'd on rae munday week past. You wish to koow
what he said to me and how 1 received bim. I do not know a bet-
ter way to explain it to you than to relate the whole of the conver-
sation that passed between us as far as 1 can recolect. He stoped at
the Wicket in his gigg, 1 went out to him, I did not know who he
waSj he call'd me by name, and asked me if I was not a grower of
Cobhett's corn, I said yes, he said he should like to see some. I
said walk in Sir, I will help you to the site of some Directly. I
showed him my corn what I had in the ear and also what I had
sheli'd. He said it was very fine, never saw any riper or better, he
asked me what I meant to do with it; I told him, that in the ear I
should save for seed, the other 1 should have ground, he asked mo
what it was jfood for then, 1 told him it would make very good
pudings I was sure as 1 had tasted of it in that way, and 1 had been
told it would make Bread, but I did not know that, but 1 should try
it and then I should know. He said his opinion was otherwise.—
He then asked me if there was many that planted the corn in thit
neighbourhood, I told him a great many in small quantity. Did it
ripen well, I told him yes, in every instance. Did I think it would
answer to plant a whole field. I told him yes, under proper cultiva-
tion it would pay better than any thing else. He thought it would
not. Then he asked me how Mrs. Mason's Crop was, I told hira
very good. He said he had heard that this corn would kill the pigs
fed with it by giving them the murrin, and by making pudings
and bread witli it it would give people the yellow janders. I
told him that was not very likely in my opinion. Then he asked me
if I did not know him, I said no. He said his name was Hunt,
lie asked me if 1 did not know what the people said of him. I
told him most people said he had sold himself to the Torys, He
asked me if I tkousht so, I told him / did not know, hut if he had
J was sorry for it. 1 thought at this time particularly every man
ought to do his duty. He said he hud not i}&r never would. I told
him I did not wonder at his speaking against the corn now I knew
who he VJas, as I had a letter by me which he sent last april saying
it would not ripen and that it was a fraud j he did not seem to re-
colect any thing about it, 1 said it appears that you and Mr. Cob-
bett have a quarrel between you, but the nature of the Quarrel I
do not know neither do 1 wish to know, but I thiuk you have acted
1st April, 1832. 205
very wrong in Speaking against the corn as you have and do now,
-when you see it will ripen well, and 1 as well as many more in this
part of the country are sure it will answer a good purpose and
prove to be a great good. And 1 said I would not talk any more
OB that subject. Then we began talking about t!»e Reform. He
said the Bill would do no good, I told him Mr. Cobbett*s opinion
was it would do much good, I mean the first Bill. He said he had
a quarrel with Mr. Cobbett, but nevertheless he Esteemed him
highly as a publick man, I told him if so how wrong it Mas in
bim to try to set the naition together by the ears through a per-
sonal Disspute ; then he asked about the masons^ and Cook that was
hanged, and asked me if I did not recolect he made a motion in
the house about the men that was transported. 1 told him yes.
He said he had been about to get InformaAion on that subject, and he
meant to face the Attorney General again when the parlimeut met.
He said he was going to Wallop and could not stop longer. He
said he knew the corn would ripen, but did not think it would
come so fine in this country. This is all that passed between us as
far as I can Recolect now. This is the substance of it at any rate,
and I believe he went away some what Disoppointed, he gave me
three Little papers somthing about his Speech at Leeds, some time
past, but 1 have not had time to Read it. 1 heard he was at Whit*
church the day after he was with me. I think he was with me about
half an hour. 1 hope you and your good family are well, and I
remain^ Sir,
Your obedient servant,
E. DIDDAMS.
SECOND LETTER.
Sutton Scotney, Dec. 13, 1831.
Sir, — When I wrote last to you 1 told you all 1 could recolect
about Hunt's visit to me since that time 1 have thought the matter
over more particularly to myself, and what 1 have heard since fully
confirms me in the belief that he is a — and that the object of his
Journey to this part of the country, and his visit to me in particular
was for no good ; before he made himself known to me he asked me
many strange questions. Such as did I know the Barings, what I
thought of them, what I thought of the state of people's minds, and if
they ware Quiet, and did I think they would continue Quiet,and many
such like Questions, but to all of them I gave no positive answer, or
made no reply, fori asure you I received him as I allways do those
that are Strangers, with great caution. Before he made himselfknown
to me and was at the door he asked me if I had any fire within, as
his feet was very cold, I said yes, he went in and warmed his feet,
and then he asked me if I had any Bacon in the house, which I
thought was a very Strange Question. He said he should like some
fat Bacon and Bread, at these words 1 was very much surprised. I
thought surely there is something wrong. 1 said I had none but a
piece of lean Bacon which was not fit to be Brought out to him nor
did 1 offer to do it, though I had a nice peice of Bacon in the House
206 Two-PENKY Trash ;
that we (lined oflf the day before (\%hich was Sunday) with some o(
the cabbages that those plants J had of you prodused. Aud iheo he
asked me how far it was to WaJlop, J toldibim about eleven miles,
he said he eould reach there in time for dinner, and when he found
he could get no Bacon of me he left directly. He never asked me
to correspoinl with him, only after he was up in his gigg:, and got ^s
much as ten yards from the wicket where I was standing he looke4
round an said good buy, I should be glad to hear from you at any
time. I noded my head but made no answer. I have not wrote to
him nor had I ever any intention to do it, for as soon as he was
gone, my wife and me talked over the nature of his visit and we
concluded between ourselves that there was somewhat of a mistery
in it, and you must know Sir that it is. not likely but 1 have been
visited by many persons that I have had every reason to believe
was — ^, and that is the reason I receive all Strangers and allso many
other persons with great caution, and I know he cannot do n»e any
barm if it was his intention. When 1 wrote to you about the oora
I had forgot to tell you that I had sent a good parsel of corn to
LoNGPARiSH, to another person (besides Hunter and Froom). Last
Sunday 1 heard from him, he distributed it to several of his neigh-
bours, he sent word to me they all of them had excelent crops, and
are going to plant a considerable Quantity next year, and so are
several about this place, 1 believe there will be some acres planted
in this parish next year. Hunt went also to Longparish the day
after he was wiili me, and tryed to persuade them tha^ the corn
would give them the Jaundice and the pigs the murran, but they
laught at him, but whether he got any Bacon there or not I do not
know ; one more thing 1 forgot to tell you in my last letter about
the murrian. He said that you killed a great many pigs with the
corn at Barn elm farm, they all died with the murrian, which I
said was very strange if true, seeing you so strongly recommended
the use of it in the same way to other people ; then he told me a
good round lie to finish with which 1 thought not worth telling
you about in my last letter, but I will tell you now Just to make
you Laugh, he asked me if I thought the corn was better than po^
ialoes, 1 said yes a great deal, he said he thought otherwise and Mr.
Cobbett may say what he pleased about it but he once dined with
Mr. Cobbett and other Gentelmen when there w'as all sorts of meat
and every thing that was good. But he saw Mr. Cobbett take a great
Quantity of potatoes on his plate bethought half a gailon, v/it)si
some butter, and he made his Dinner on that and nothing else, and
after 'Dinner saw him Drink as much as three Bottles of wine. And
as soon as he was gone my Wife said if I was in that mans place I
would lie if I did lie as some one could lie with me, for that lie was
too bare faced. I will gt) to Longparish soon and get all the parti-
culars about his foolishness. I hope the R«'form Bill that was to
be brought forward munday evening will be satisfactory to the
country, for I asure you we are in a dreadful Situation, the Fires
are Blazing almost every night, and on Sunday night last Cokham
farm in the parish of Barton Stacey was Burnt, Barns Ricks
Stables and every thing but the House and a Rick or too that stood
1st Apkii^ 1832. 207
at a Distauce from the farm yani, if you have a paper that you
have doue with and can spare that ^ivs the particulars of minis-
ters plan of Reform, I should be much oblig'd if you would send it
ine, as I want to know how it is like to be and so do many of my
neighbours particularly the Chopsticks that ajets ho news but what
they gets from me, and we want to know if possible before Satur-
day. I hope you and your good family are well.
And 1 remain, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
ENOS DIDDAMS.
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Diddams, dated Sutton Scotney,
Jan.2\y 1831.
Respectitig my letters relating to Hunt and the Corn, there is no-
thing in them but what is strictly true, and you are welcome to pub-
lish them if you think proper. Fori think Hunt has used me very ill,
for, since he was with me, he has sent me another Circular with two
of his penny papers enclosed. No. 8 and No. 9, where he has
thought proper to publish a part of our conversation, and some of
it IS not Itme by a great deal. If ever you should see this paper,
he reports that I told him my opinion was that the Corn was too bad
to give to pigs alone without something with it. He was talking
about the murrain, and that the Corn would give it to pigs, parti-
cularly you4ag ones. Now wluit I did say was thisy I had been told
the Coru was too Strong, to give to young pigs alone. And I thought
the best way would be to have it ground and mix it with some
pollard, particularly for young pigs, and if you should publish my
letters, 1 wish you to put this mistatemcnt with it, for 1 do not
like his conduct towards me, and I should like for him to know it,
and to know that I want no more of his letters, nor any ihino- to
do with him, as he has not confined bimsellto truth respecting me«
Now observe, the words put in italicjcs are so put by me^
ia order to point them out to you as worthy of particular
notice ; and J hare left out two words, which it was not
necessary to insert. But, observe, in the extract from the
letter of the 21st January, the danger of eveu being where
THE LIAR is! Mr. Diddams said, that he had been
told that the corn was too strong, if given alone, for younor
pigs: that is, too rick, or too good; and this fellow pub^
li^kes, that Mr. Diddams said, that it was too bad for
ye«ng pigs ! The lie suited him for the moment ; it seemed
as a momentary gratification to his malignity, and that was
enough.
Now, people of Preston, I do not state these things to
yon for the purpose of preventing you from sending this
fellow to Parliament again ; for that I know to be ini'-
208 Two-penny Trash;
possible. I lay them before you, in order to show you what
3, false thing it is; what a shameless LIAR it is; how
clearly everybody sees this ; and with what just scorn your
letter-// anker is treated by those chopsticks of the South,
whom some of you consider as ignorant people. *' The
people at Longparish laughed at himj' Do you not feel
a little ashamed at reading these words? They laughed at
3^our Cock: those *^ ignorant** clod-thumpers laughed at so
barefaced a LIAR; and they wondered, I daresay, what
sort of people those must have been who could choose such
a fellow a second time !
But now let us view him as the traducer of Mr. Mit-
chell. For years one of his cA«r^es against B A INES of
Leeds was, that he had designated Mr. Mitchell to
have been a government spy in the days of Oliver; and
now, he himself calls Mr. Mitchell a spy. And when
did he change? Up to the month of August, 1831, or
thereabouts, Mr. Mitchell was, in his letters, his '* dear
friend Mitchell;** he was to him *' as the apple of his
eye ;'* and always concluded his letters to him with ** may
God bless you and your family J^ What, then, caused him
to see that Mr. Mitchell had been a spy ? Why, read Mr.
Mitchell's history oi the fnances, published in the Preston*
Chronicle of the '26th of November last, and then you
will know. You will know that Mr. Mitchell became a spy
precisely at the time when the subscriptions became eX'
hausted, and when he would give or lend no more money
out of his own pocket. Mr. Mitchell has not done his duty^
his bounden duty, either to himself or to the cause of reform.
His account of the expens.es of the travelling of THE
LIAR; his account of the Stamford-street payments ; his
account of the cost of the processions ; his story of the ten*
pound trip to Liverpool; and, above all, his account of the
subscription to the Catholic charity ball ; all these taken
together, and especially when viewed in the same picture
with the asking for bacon at Mr. Diddams*s, do indeed
present us with the " beau ideal of a sturdy beggar;'' but
this is not enough. We want from Mr. Mitchell's pen, not
reflections, not censure, not sarcasm; but a dry and plain
statement of sums paid, to whom, and /or what, or under
what pretence. This is what we want: the whole is, in
1st April, 1832. 209
this case, a mere matter of money. Put down the '' lodg-
ingSf*' and in short every disbursement, and to whom
paid; into whose hands paid. This is what is wanted ;
and it would be more amusing than any farce or novel that
ever was published. There was, in consequence of the ap-
peal of the people of Preston, a good sum instantly raised
in the City, and I had a sum sent from Lynn, But when
we found the channel into which it was going, we held
our hands^ aiid I ociit my money back to Lynn. We saw
how the money luould go; and we wanted it to go to the
people of Preston, who^ we soon discovered, would never
get a farthing of it.
However, to come, back to the SPY- LIE. For more
than ten years THE LIAR had called this a false and in*
famous charge against Mr. Mitchell, and now he makes
the charge himself. Mr. Mitchell was put into jail two
years by the government, after the charge was 7nade, No
new proof has arisen to support the charge : so that THE
LIAR has been calling Mr. Mitchell his *' dear friend"
and " THE APPLE OF HIS EYE,'' for years, while he 6e-
lieved him to he a government spy ; or he now, when the
subscriptions are exhausted, calls him a spy, and does not
believe him to he one.
When at Leeds, on the 4th of March last, I put Mr.
Mann to the test upon this point. I said to him, " THE
LIAR calls Mitchell a spy ; do you believe that he was
oneT' Mr. Mann answered, " Well." Oh! no *' ivell,''
said I. Two years ago, when 1 was here at Leeds, one of
your grounds of reproach against Baines was, that he had
falsely and basely called Mitchell a spy of the govern-
ment; and do you now hesitate upon the subject ? " Well,*'
said he, ** ask Mr. Johnstone, of Manchester.'' ** I have
" asked him,'' said I; *' that matter was fully discussed
" when I was at his house. At the very utmost nothing
" but indiscretion was ever brought home to Mitchell ; and
" after hearing everything, Mr. Thomas Smith of Liver-
** pool was of opinion, that no proof whatever w^as everpro-
" duced to make out treachery in Mitchell." But, added I,
*' the worst of it is, that YOU could not discover any proof,
" or presumption, of this sort, till it was wanted to uphold
** the brazen assertions of THE LIAR; and he could never
210 Two-penny Trash ;
'^discover any presumption of guilt in Mitchell, as long as
'* the funds lasted ! However, this I know, that when I
" was here last, YOU called Baines * a black-hearted
*' scoundrel' for having called Mitchell a spy ; you have
** been upon the most intimate terms with Mitchell since
" that time ; and now, when the Preston funds fail, you
*' have, all of a sudden, found out that he was a spy; and,
" what is very curious, YOU and THE LIAR make the
" discovery J use, at the ZCLTTIC tlTncf*
With regard to Mr. Smithson the charge is just as
groundless and just as malignant. You are aware, that
when Lord Morpeth presented the 'petition from Leeds
for applying the tithes in Ireland to the relief of the poor,
a base LIAR published in the newspapers, that the meet-
ing at which this petition was passed was *^ got up by one
Smithson, a man who had roasted the Bible. '^ Smith-
son contradicted this by petition to the House ; but his pe-
tition could not be received. This was clearly an attempt,
on the part of this MALIGNANT LIAR, to throw discredit
on this important petition ; and this too in order to favour
the notorious Tory, Sadler. When therefore I got
to Leeds, I was resolved to get at the bottom and at the
motive of this malignant lie. I asked Mr. Mann (the de--
clared enemy of Smithson) what ground there was for the
story, which seemed to me to have been hatched up for no
other purpose than that of injuring a petition which every
good man in the country approved of. He did not tell me
what ground -j but said that he believed the charge to be
true. When I asked Mr. Smithson about it, he treated
it as a vile lie, invented for the occasion* But now finding
Mann, whom I have long known for a very honest apd
punctual bookseller, and Smithson, who is a joiner, and
also keeps a beer-house, and whom I had not known before,
but of whom very worthy men gave a good character ; find-
ing these two at daggers drawn, and causing great division
amongst the woiking-people, I wished to come at the bottom
of their quarrel, in order that I might produce reconciliation
if possible. I began by asking Mann what deadly offence
Smithson had committed against him; because I was not
to be made to believe that the Bible-roasting was his real
offence. Mann told roe, that Smithson had accused him
1st April, 1832. 211
of having been accessory to the death of Thistlewood.
Here was something indeed to ground hostility upon. I
then saw Smith son, and besought him to retract the
charge, which appeared to me to be absurd. Smith son
said, that he never made any 5i:ch charge ; but that seven
l)0U7ids and some odd shillings had been collected by some
persons (whom he named) to send Mann to London, ear?y
in 1820, or late in 1819, to caution Thistlewood against
placing any reliance on support from the country, and to
beseech him not to attempt any tiling desperate or unlaw* ,
ful; that Mann took the money ^nd. never returned it;
that he never went near Thistleiuood to caution him ; and
that, if he had done it, that unfortunate man might have
been restrained from making the attempt that cost him his
life. When I asked Mann for his answer to this, he ac-
knowledged that he took the money ; that he had neven
returned the money ; said that he went to London for the
purpose of executing his mission ; but that he was advised
nat to go near Thistlewood ; and that he did not go near
him. When I asked him WHO it was that advised him
thus, he said '* Major Cartwright for one." I reminded
him, thht I was in London at that time; thj^lk'^aently
saw him there and frequently conversed with him ; and yet,
that he nerer even mentioned tom^ this niission tn Thistle*
wood, much less did he ask my advice, and that if he had
I most assuredly should have advised him to execute his
mission faithfully.
Now, men of Preston, honest and sincere as I believe
you, I pray you to attend to what 1 am now going to say.
Major Cartwright is dead; and dead men are not
witnesses. Mann did not ask MY advice in this case ;
and / a/Ti alive. What other live man's advice he asked
I know not ; but he named nobody but the dead Major.
But there was another man, with whom he was almost
constantly, while in London at that time ; and that was
Hunt. Now Mann did not tell me that this was one of
hisr advisers in the case aforesaid ; and I do not know that
he was ; but take the following undeniable facts, and then
judge for yourselves. 1. That when Mann was in London,
at that time, he was almost constantly with Hunt.
2. That Thistlewood had called Hunt a coward for his
212 Two-penny Trash;
•
conduct at Manchester in the preceding month of August.
3, That, when Thistlewood and his associates were taken
in Cato-street, Hunt published in the newspapers, that they
meaned to assassinate hvn and me as weii as the ministers.
4. That I published a paragraph expressing jny disbelief m
this, as far as related to myself. 5. That, while Thistle-
Vood and the others were waiting their trial, Hunt said, that,
if nobody elsecould be found to hanrj Thistlewood, he would
do it with his own hands; *^aye, and that b his wife
too, for she hates me as much as he does/'
You will observe, that all these i.\ct& can be proved upon
oath ; and you, like just and sensible and humane men, w^ill
consider them well ; and the good and honest and deceived
Radicals at Leeds ought to consider them well. They
ought to see the true object of Mann's recent mission to
Huxr at Manchester. They ought to see that the Bible-
roasting lie is the offspring of this old accusation, now re-
vived by the provocation given by Mann, in his attempt to
cram the great CORN LIAR and FOOL down the throats
of the people of Leeds and SADLER along with him ! But
now for the proof of this lie.
You will bear in mind, that a petition was agreed upon at
Leeds, founded on a motion of Mr. Joshua Bower; that
Slri'lTHSON having supported that motion, Mann opposed
it, though the very best petition ever presented in our day ;
that when the petition came before the House, a BASE
LIAR published, in his newspaper the next day, that the
Leeds meeting had been got up by one Smithson, who
had roasted the Bible ; thereby saying, in fact, that those
who petitioned against tithes were INFIDELS. When
therefore I got into Yorkshire, and v^dismet by Mr. Mann,
at Halifax, and afterw^ards at Dewsbury, I asked him what
foundation there w^as for this charge against Smithson,
which had been attempted to be turned to so mischievous an
account. He said, that he believed the charge to be true ;
but he did not mention any p?'ooy* that he had. Smithson
treated the charge as a base calumny, invented for the pur-
pose of throwing discredit on the meeting and on the peti-
tion. Both Mann and Smithson sold tickets for the Zee*
tures, and I had to see them both frequently. On Friday,
the 24th February, my servant, who had been at Mann's
1st April, 1832. 21.3
shop for something, brought me word, '^that he had seen
an old man there, who had a Bible in a handkerchief, and
who said that " he saw Smithson roast the Bible, and that
"he wanted, the Saturday before^ to roast that which he
"had in his handkerchief; that, upon hearing this relation,
" Mr. Mann CRIED ; that the old man said he would
** make an affidavit of it ; and that Mann took him away
^' to make the affidavit,^' Soon after hearing this wonder-
ful story, the old man came to see me, having a large thing,
in form of a Book, in a handkerchief. My servant I kept
in the room all the time he was there. He said nothing
about Bible-roasting ; but, told me, that he was about
ninety years old, that he lived eight miles off, that his
name was Walker, and that a kind friend always gave
him a bed when he came to Leeds, as he was not able to
walk back the same day, and that he had come in to hear
the Lecture, and to see a man whose writings he had so long
admired, and that, as the Lecture was put oif till Monday,
he had come to see me at the Inn.
The old man had been gone about an hour, perhaps, when
Smithson came to settle something about the Lecture, and
he expressed his sorrow for the postponement, because there
was an old friend of his ninety years of age who had come
in on purpose to hear it, and that he (Smithson) always
gave the poor old fellow a bed when he came to Leeds.
I asked him the old man's name ; he said it was Walker !
It would have been to partake in the perfidy, not to tell
Smithson what this man had said at Mann's, and about the
affi,davit. He was horror-stricken ; and well he might.
In about an hour or so he returned to the Inn in great haste,
and begged that my serA^ant might go to his house with him.
There this old man, in the presence of my servant, said that
the Bible-roastitig took place in 1795, when Smithson wag
a child in petticoats, and that, as to the last Saturday's af-
fair, it was a mere joke in derision of the lie in the House of
Commons. In short, the old man here negatived all that he
had said at Mann's shop, and that had made Mr. Mann
CRY ! I told Mr. Mann how false this old Walker was, and
besought him to confess his error. He said he had other
witnesses. But honest men of Leeds, if he have other wit-
nesses, ivhy did he not name them to me, and why, O why !
^
^14 Two-PE^NY Tra«h ;
did he go away with this old Walker to get HIS AFFIDA-
VIT ! And why, O why! was NOT that affidavit made !
Why, when the story came hefore persons not bereft of tlieir
senses by feelings of deadly enmity, it was seen that it was
false, and that the attempt to uphold it by such means must
co^^r all the parties with everlasting infamy.
Now, good people of Preston and '* Radical Union*'
men of Leeds, it is in the nature of honesty and sincerity
not to be suspicious ; not to be suspicious is to be exposed
to deception by cunning knaves and bold impostors. You
have been deceived in consequence of your own frankness
and sincerity ; any errors that you may have committed in
consequence of that deception are excusable ; but when you
are undeceived, then to persevere in error is not excusable.
I can neither gain by the correction of your errors, nor lose
by your perseverance in them. In addressing you upon
this occasion, I have no motive other than that of wishing
you to act a part tending to the good of the country, and to
your own well-being; and in the hope that you will act that
part, 1 remain your obliged and faithful friend, and most
obedient servant,
WM. COBBETT.
TO COUNTRY PEOPLE.
Let nobody persuade you to quit England to go to COLO»
NIES. You are sure, either to die speedily or to lead most
degraded and miserable lives. If you can get to live under
the cheap government of the United States, it may be
'worth the voyage ; but if you go to Colonies, misery for life
is your lot. However, there is this to be said ; that those
who go to these Colonies are such stupid and base creatures
as not to be fit to be treated in any way other than as cattle.
But you, good bat-men of Kent and Sussex, stay you at
home, and keep the invaders away ; or, if you do move,
move only to the United States.
WM. COBBETT.
I
JsT April, 1832; 215
SEEDS
FOR SALE AT MR. COBBETT'S SHOP, No. 11, BOLT-
COURT, FLEET-STREET.
LOCUST SEEIX
Very fine and fresh, at f>*. a pound. For instructions relative to
sowing of these seeds, for rearing the plants, for making plan-
tations of ihem, for preparing the land to receive them, for the
after cultivations, for the pruning, and for the applicatioaor the
timber; for all these see my ** WOODLANDS;" or Treatise
ON Timber Trees and Underwood. 8vo. 145.
SWEDISH TURNIP SEED,
Any quantity under lOlbs., 10«?. a- pound ; and any quantity
above lOlbs. and under 501bs., 9id. a pound; any quantity above
SOlbs., 9</. a pound ; above lOOlbs., S^d, A parcel of seed may he
sent to any part of the kingdom ; I will find proper bags, will send it
to any coach or van or wagon, and have it booked at ray expense ;
but the money must be paid at my shop before the seed be sent away ;
in consideration of which I have made due allowance in the price.
If the quantity be small, any friend can call and get it for a friend
in the country ; if the quantity be large, it may be sent by me.
The plants were raised from seed given me by Mr. Peppercorn
(of Southwell, Bedfordshire), in 1823. He gave it me as the finest
sort that he had ever seen. 1 raised some plants (for use) in my
garden every year; but, at Barn-Elm I raised a whole field of it,
and had 320 bushels of seed upon 13 acres of land. I pledge ray
word, that there was not one single turnip in the whole field (which
bore seed) not of the true kind. There was hut one of a suspicious
look, and that one 1 pulled up and threw away. So that I war-
rant this seed as being perfectly true, and as having proceeJed
from plants with small necks and greens, and with that reddish
tinge round the collar which is the sure sign of the best sort.
MANGEL-WURZEL SEED.
Any quantity under lOlbs., 7^d» a pound ; any quantity above
lOlbs. and under 501bs., 7d, a pound; any quantity above 50lbs.,
6§rf. a pound ; any quantity above lOOlbs., 6d. a pound. The sell-
ing at the same place as above ; the payment in the same manner.
This seed was also grown at Barn-Elm farm the summer before
the last. It is a seed which is just as good at ten years old as at
one. — The plants were raised in seed-beds in 1828; they were se-
lected, and those of the deepest red planted out in a field of 13
acres, which was admired by all who saw it, as a most even, true,
and beautiful field of the kind. The crop was very large, and out
of it were again selected the plants from which my present stock of
seed was growed^ though, indeed, there was little room for selec-
tion, where «I1 were so good and true. I got my seed from Mr,
216 COBBETT-CORN FloUR.
Pym, of Rei»ate, who raised it from plants proceeding from seed
that I had given him, which seed I had raised at Worth, in Sussex,
and, all the way through, the greatest care had been taken to raise
seed from no plant of a dubious character. This seed, therefore, I
warrant as the very best of the kind. A score or two of persoD6«
who sowed of this seedlast year, have given me an account of the
large crops they have had from it, and have all borne testimony to
its being the truest seed they ever saw of the kind. I sell these
seeds much cheaper than true seed, of the same sorts, can be got at
any other place ; but I have a right to do this, and I choose to
exerci&e my right. My seeds are kept with great care in a proper
place ; and I not only warrant the sorty but also that every seed
grow, if properly put into the ground.
USES OF COBBETT-CORN FLOUR.
We use the corn-flour in my family, first, as breads two-tbirds
wheaten and one-third corn-flour; second, in battel' puddings
baked, a poujad of flour, a quart of water, two eggs, though these
last are not necessary; third, iu plum-puddings , a pound of flour,
a pint of water, half a pound of suet, the V^i^^s and no eggs ;
FOURTH, in plain suet-puddings, and the same way, omitting the
plums ; FIFTH, in little round dmnplings , with suet or without, and
though they are apt to break, they are very good in this way ; io
broth, to thicken it, for which use it is beyond all measure better
than wheateu-fiour.
I sell the corn according to the following table :—
If planted in rows 3 feet apart, and the plants 8 inches in the row,
PRICE.
1 Ear will plant nearly TWO RODS £0 0 3J
1 Bunch will plant more than SEVEN RODS ......... . 0 10
6 Bunches will plant more than 40 rods, or a quarter
of an acre • 0 5 6
12 Bunches will plant more than 80 rods, or half an acre 0 10 6
25 Bunches will plant more than 100 rods, or an acre 10 0
Printed bj Wm. Cobbett, Johnsoii*s-coiirt,Fleet-8ti'eet.
/'
No. 10. Vol. II.
COBBETTS
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of May, 1832. .
Published monthly , sold at \2s, a hundred, and for 300, tahen at
once, lis.
TO THE
WORKING PEOPLE OF ENGLAND
ON THE
EMIGRATION THAT IS NOW GOING ON.
Bolt Courty Fleet Street, London, \st May, 1832.
My Friends,
The government is at work to get people tp emigrate^
that is to say, to get people to go away out of the country,
I shall, by and by, show the folly of this^ and, when I call
it folly, I give it the very mildest name. But there are
certain persons, whose interest it is to get away out of
this country ; and to them it is necessary to be informed
what country they ought to go to; for, assuredly, none
but idiots and mad people would change countries in
order to be worse off than they were before the change.
All the tax-eaters, of every description, wish to get people
to go to English Colonies. They are afraid of their going
to the United States 3 because, if they go there, they
not only carry their property and their talents and labour
to augment the powers of freedom 5 but, they send home
accounts of the blessings, which people enjoy under a cheap
government, under a government chosen by the people,
and which government dares not even talk about pensions,
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street,
aud sold by all Booksellers.
218 Two-penny Trash ;
sinecures^ grants, retired-allowances, dead- v: eights, mili»
tary asendencieSy and military and naval half pay to par*
sons! Those who live on the taxes and the monopolies
here, do not care a curse what becomes of the people,
•whom they get to go away, so that they do not go to
send home accounts of the blessings of cheap government.
But, it is mv affair to make the triith known relative to
this matter ; and, this I shall do by first taking an extract
from my Emigrant's Guide, and then, by offering my
advice on other matters, to the Working People of Eng-
land.
-^ " There is no other country, except English colonies, in
which the English language is spoken, and in which the
habits and manners are the same. This is one great thing;
but there is no other country in which there is a super-
abundance of good lands, and in which an increase of the
population nmst necessarily be an advantage to the country.
There is no other country where there is any room for
numerous strangers j and, besides all these, there is no
other country where the people have to pay so small a
portion of taxes, aad where kind and generous neigtibours
are to be found in abundance. To all these advantages
add that of perfect civil and political liberty ; and that, as
to religion, the law knows nothing at all about it.
^' In English colonies the English language is spoken 5
and, as the support of the governments there comes out
of the pockets of the people of England, there are few
taxes in those colonies^ though I perceive that they have
already an excise even at Botany Bay, But, in the Englisk
colonies, there is a worse species of government than there
is heie^ greater state of dependenc>e, and less protection
from the law. In the year 1826, some persons, displeased
with the freedom of opinion exercised by a printer in
Upper Canada, did not prosecute him^ hut went by fore*
and demolished his press, and flung his types into thelakci
In fact, there is very little money in those colonies (I am
jspeakingof those that can be considered places to emigrate
toy, except that which passes through the hands of the
government. There are no persons of consideralde pro-
perty i ^carc^y one worthy of the name of farmer 5 a»d
no man in those colonies ever thinks of any degree of
1st May, 1832. 219
peace or safety, which he is not to derive from persons
in power.
*' As to New South Wales, as it is called, and Van
Diem en's Land, the distance, in the first place, makes
the voyage a terrible undertaking. When arrived, you
depend on the public authorities for a grant of land. If
you have money to purchase pieces of ground already
cleared and cultivated, your servants are convicts, and
you are at the joint mercy of them and the murdering
natives. Even for the service of the convicts, your sole
dependence is on the pleasure of the public authorities j
and, in short, you are infinitely more def>endent than any
rack-renter under the most greedy and tyrannical Borough-^
monger in England. If you find yourself miserable, and
wish to return, preferring the wretched state that you
have left to that which you find, your means of return are
gone, and you have to undergo another voyage of seven
or eight months, and to return to England a dejected and
broken-hearted beggar.
'' The English colonies in North America consist of
Lower and Upper Canada, New Brunswick, Nova
Scotia, Newfoundland, and Prince Edward's Island.
These form an immense extent of country j but with the
exception of a small part of Canada, and here and there
a little strip of land in New Brunswick, which have
been pre-occupied, the whole is wretchedly poor: heaps
of rocks covered chiefly with fir-trees. These countries
are the offal of North America 5 they are the head, the
shins, the shanks, and hoofs, of that part of the world j
while the United States are their sirloins, the well-
covered and well-lined ribs, and the suet. People who
know nothing of the matter frequently observe, that the
United States will ^ake our American colonies one of
these days. This would be to act the wise part of a thief,
who should come and steal a stone for the pleasure of
carrying it about. These miserable colonies, the whole
of which do not contain, army, blacks, and all, a popula-
tion equal to that of the single state of New York, are
fed-, with the exception of Canada, chiefly by food brought
from the United States. Flour, beef, pork, and even fresh
meat) are brought into these countries from the United
l2
220 Two-rKKNY Trash ;
States : even green peas and many other vegetables are
carried from the United States to regale the petty sove-
reigns ^vho strut in that country, and are maintained by
taxes raised in England. England has possessed those
countries for more than a hundred years, except Canada,
and has possessed that for pretty nearly a century j she
has squandered hundreds of millions upon them ; and if
she were to withdraw the supplies of money which she
now sends thitker, the whole of them, with the exception
of some parts of Canada, would be totally abandoned in
less than a year, except that some of the points near the
sea would be, as they formerly were, resorted to by fisher-
men in the fishing-season. These are no countries to go
to : a small part of Canada might become passable ; but
even there, the government and the state of dependence
are such, that no sensible man will hesitate for a moment
between that country and the United States, where land
is equally abundant, where the products are fine and of
infinite variety, and where, with a moderate portion of
labour and care, every man may do well. In short, the
choice lies between the country which has to send for
green peas to another country, and the country in which
the green peas grow : I am for the latter, and so I think
will be every man who has only a moderate portion of
very common sense.
'*! have, in my 'Year's Residence in America,' given
an account of the prices of land, of labour, of food,^of
clothing, liouse rent, and tlie like. I shall speak of all
these by-and-by ; but they will be found to be mentioned
incidentally in certain original letters from English emi-
grants in America to their friends in England 5 and here
also will be found a striking instance of the worthlessness
of the English colonies compared with the United States.
I shall here insert these letters, first giving an account of
the source from which I have obtained them, and what
led me to seek for that source. The reader is to be in-
formed, then, that, since the publitation of my ** Year's
Residence," several parishes in the East of Sussex have
got rid, as they call it, of many families, that were a great
burden to them, or likely to be so, by shipping them off,
at the parish expense, to the United States of America ;
1st May, 1832. 221
and the letters in question havinir been received by their
relations in Sussex, a gentlcmiin of the name of Benja-
min Smith published a p:^rt of them for the information
of others. I did not know Mr. Smiiii, and therefore I
thought it necessary to ^-^ to the parties themselves^ and
obtain the originals. I did this, and the originals are now
in my hands. I have found Mr. S.\HTn*s publication to be
perfectly correct, the orthography only being mended,
and a little pointing supplied • and, therefore, I avail
myself of his publication, in the repubhshing of the letters,
which form the most interesting collection of documents
that ever passed under my perusal. With these letters
before him, and with no possible doubt as to their authen-
ticity, every man will be able to judge of, every man
will know to a certainty, the exact state of things in the-
United States ; especially as far as regards the titness of
that country as one to emigrate to.
" I shall NUMBER the letters for the ])urpose of more
easy reference when I come afterwards to speak of the
contents. The parties writing the letters, are John
Watson, who went from the parish of Sedlescomb near
Battle ; from Stephen Watson, his brother, who went
from the same place -, from Mary Jane Watson, a
daughter of Stephen Watson 3 from John Parks, who
went f/om Eavhurst near Northiam 5 from John Vkness,
who went from Mountfield near Battle j froui William
Davis, who went from Robertsb ridge ; from Mary
Vexess, who went from Mountfield ; from John
Thorpe, who went from Sedlescomb ; from John
Harden, who went from Robertsbridce, and from
Thoimas Boots, who went from Robertsbridge. To these
1 shall add two letters since received by a gentleman at
Rye, and I suppress not one single word of them. The
oriijinals will be deposited at Fleet Street, for one week
after ihe publication of this book ; and, when that week
is passed, I shall return them to the parties from whom I
have received them. I shall lodge them at Fleet Street,
for the purpose of being inspected by any gentleman who
may have the curiosity to. do it ; and I do it also to the
honour of the parties who have written the letters. We
read the other day (Morning Chronicle of the ^4th of
222 Two-penny Trash;
June) of the execution of nine culprits at once, in the
iinppy colony of New South Wales ; and read in the same
paper that the governor had, by proclamation^ just in-
creased the duties on tobacco and spirits, while, at the
same time, part of the country was in a state of great
alarm, on account of the existence of a ''^formidable body
** of bush-rangers mounted on horseback, and well
" armed." If any man, not actually tired of his life, can
prefer emigrating to a country like this to emigrating to
the United States, he is wholly unworthy of my atten-
tion. I have pointed out certain passages of the letters
by italics, to which 1 request the reader's particulat
attention.
'^ I begin with the letters from John Watson to his
father Stephen Watson of Sedlescomb. This John
Watson, it will be perceived, was carried to our sweet
colony of New Brunswick ; but he soon found that he
could not live there 5 and it will be seen with what won-
drous toil and perseverance he removed himself, his wife,
and his children, first into Lower Canada, then into
Upper Canada, and then into the United States. Let
this man's progress be observed : see the English pauper
become a good solid landowner in America, in the course
of only five years 3 and then come to your decision. You
will remark, that in the very first letter, John Watson
tells his father, that he was discouraged from going to the
United States ; and that many had come from the
States to New Brunswick ! These lies had been stuffed
into his head, as into the heads of thousands of others;
but they all, if they be able, soon quit the miserable colo-
nies, and eret to the United States. I take the follow-
ing extract from a newspaper, called the Enquirer, pub*
lished at New York, in the month of June, 182/. * In
' one canal-boat were eighty settlers, coming into the
* United States from Canada. King George pays
their passage^ and gives them a trifle for pocket-money ;
' and the moment they land at Quebec, without waiting to
* wash a shirt, all the single able men cut and run for the
' United States ; and we have all the benefit of the
' emigration.' This Editor is mistaken : King George
does not pay them for their passage, nor give them the
1st May, 1832. iU
pocket-money; for King George pays no taxes. Thus,
then, the United States send food for the colonies, for
which we pay ; we pay for sending out mouths to eat it j
and the moutlis which have arms and legs attached to
them, go to swallow green peas in the place where they
are raised.
Na 1.
Queensliury, IV^v Bi-unswick,*
Oct. 15, 1810.
Dear Father, — I arrived in St. John the 16'th day of June, after
a disagreeable passage. We were struck with lightning in a
storm, in which we lost one of our sailors. When 1 came into the
above place I saw no prospect of doing anything there, and pro-
ceeded to Fredericton, and had many proposals made me there,
but did not accept them. I am now situated 120 miles up the river
St. John. The gentleman in whose employ I atn, has built me a
house in which I now live. I am to have it, and ten or twelve
acres of land, rent free, for three years. I expect to be able to
inaintain my family on this until 1 get land from Government.
■Every ynarried mem is entitled to 200 acres ^ and every single man
100. As to saying positively what labourers get, I could not ; but
they are paid according to what they can do. I got tive pounds
the first month and my diet, 1 must now tell you we are not pes-
'tered with revenue officers. We area free people; free from rates
and taxes. The following are the prices of provisions : — Flour,
2/. 105. per barrel, of 196 pounds weight; butter, from \s.?>d,to
\s. ^d. per pound ; mutton and beef, from bd.to 6d, per pound ; all
wearing apparel are as dear again as in England. St. John river is a
very fine river, so that brigs of any size can come from St. John
to Fredericton. A man may catch as many fish in an hour as would
do for him and his family for a day. Along the above river it is
'but thinly inhabited, and very few back settlements. There is
plenty of land, but we want men to work it. You would really won-
der to see so many thousands of acres of woody land idle, and good
land. 1 had every idea of going to the States, but the accounts vjerc
so d'lscouraging that I would not go there. I assure you there are
many coming from the States here. Tell my brothers that I have
no doubt, after a while, they would do well here, but I would not
advise them to come now, for they little know the difficulties they
would have to undergo before they would get settled ; but if they (or
1) was once settled here, there would be no fear but they would do
well. Tell William Turner and Samuel Turner, that if they could
come here, and bring their sons, they could be settled, provided
they had 60/. ; or they could get land (cleared) on the half part of
what they could raise, and oxen to plough it. Tell William Glover
• On ttie River St. John, in New Brunswick, about 130 liiites
from the Bay of FuNDY.
324 Two-penny Tuasii;
that I can get a gentleman to send for him next spring", and to
send me an answer if he is willing to come or not. Aiy wife
^vould be obliged to her brother if A|)j>s would send or take a copy
of this letter to her father. We are well, thank God, and it is the
sincere wish of your friend, that I may see you all here, but not
until 1 hear something before you come.
And am, dear father,
Yours truly affectionate,
JOHN WATSON.
N.B. Direct to Mr. John Hust's,Queensbury County, York, New
Brunswick, British America. My wife would he obliged to you,
when you writr, to send word how all her friends are.
Mr. Stephen l^atscn, Sedlescomby
County of Sussex^ England.
No. "2,
Seneca,* County of Ontario, Stale of New York,
August 13th, 1&20.
Dear FATEiE[i,--We left Brunswick on the 8th last March. The
severity of the winter determined me to take this step. We proceeded
up the river St. John towards Quebec. On our way we encountered
great difTicultics, arising from the cold anil ihe country being al-
most an entire wilderness through which we passed. Fn>m Que-
bec we proceeded up the river St. Laurence to Montreal ; from
thence to Kingston, and up the lake to Niagara, where we crossed
over into the United States, and travelled east into the State of New
York, 100 miles, to the English settlement (as it is herp called),
Avhere 1 now live, but do not intend to remain here long; the land
is all taken uj), and too liear for a person in my circumstances to
buy. The Ohio is my ultimate object ; there land may be had in
plenty for a dollar and a quarter, or 5.9. Cd. sterling, per aci^. I
arrived here about the middle of June, and have been, for the j)riu*
cipal part of the time since, in the employ of a Mr. Watson, an
Englishman, from Northuuiberland, of whom 1 bought a coiv, for
•which I paid him in work, besides supporting my faintly. An ho-
nest, industrious man can maintain his family better by three
days* work here, than he can in Eni;land by six. It. is the univer-
sal custom here for the employer to find the person employed in
victuals, r^rain is very low at present; wheat may be bought for
Is, 6d. sterling money per bushel ; and the other kinds of grain
proportionally low. Butcher's meat, of all kinds, is exceedingly
cheap ; every farmer here has an orchard, in which the apples and
peaches Jiang almost as thick as your hops. Clothing is about the
same here as in England. Money is scarce at present, owing to
there being no demand abroad for grain, but everything else is in
the utmost profusion ; aid 1 look for\^ard^ with a confident and
A towr, ')f 4,802 inhabitants, about 200 miles from New York.
1st May, 1832. 225
well-fonnded hope, to the time, as not far distant, when I shall be a
freeholder, and call no manhy the degrading' name of master. This,
you will possibly say, is ail idle rant ; but no, 1 am acquainted with
many here who came to this country poor and pennylcss, z^//o now
possess Jine freeholds of from 100 to 300 acres, fine houses ^ barns
and orchards, thriving flocks of cattle, sheep, S{c. Wl)at others have
done why may not I accomplish ? This is, in truth, the land of
hope. Labour is a pleasurable exertion, because all its profits go
to enrich yourself and not another* As your letters to me may pos-
sibly not arrive before J depart to the Ohio, direct them toRobert
Watson, to be, by him, forwarded to me.
Your dutiful son,
JOHN WATSON.
Mr, Stephen Wats on ^ Sedlescomh, near Battle,
County of Sussex, Old England*
No. 3.
Aurora,* Dearborn Countv, Indiana State,
June 15th, ^822.
Dear Father, — RecoUcctinj^ my promise to you, not to write till
I was perfectly settled, you would not expect a Ittter so soon as
you mig:ht otherwise have done. 1 now consider myself as so set-
tled; and, though 1 have, some time ago, written a letter to you,
yet it may have miscarried ; and 1 not only think it ri»;ht that you
should be acquainted with my situation, but 1 wish that )ou. with
all our family and friends, could be with us. We have suffered
many hardships, as the statement of our journey will show you ;
but they were occasioned by my being a stranger to the country.
You will recollect that 1 started, with my wife and our children, in
the hr\g 1Vellington,for St. John's, NfW Brunswick, where we ar-
river June \bth, 1819, after losing one of our mates, by lightning',
and one seaman ; there we remained till March 15th, 1820. New
Brunswick, the winter too severe to profit much by farming, I de-
termined to leave it, at all hazards ; 1, therefore, with my wife, got
a hand sleigh, in which I placed the children, and drew them
on the ice up the St, John's river, about 360 miles, May and myself
walking, drawing the children after us. You must also recollect
that 100 miles of this was not settled, being all wood. We arrived
at the head of St. John's river. We travt^lled on in the same man-
ner, across snow i\nd ice, to the great river St. Laurence, about
180 miles below Quebec; there we found the country, along the
bank, thickly settled. 1 then built myself a light waggon, and
had all our fiynily provisioned during the time of ?tiaking the wag'
gon for ^^ I thank you:** the good people, who Avere French Cana-
dians, wishing us very much to stay with them. In this waggon
our children were drawn by myself for upwards of 400 fniles, to
Kingston, at the month of the lake Ontario, There (as at every
Population 549.
l5
226 Two-penny Trash;
other place, we met with uncommon kindness) a gentleman, quite
a stranger, not only sent us by the steam-boat, free of all expense^
to Fort George, but put six or seven dollars into our pockets be-
sides. From Fort George we crossed into the United States, and
passed the summer at Geneva, Ontario County, New York State.
Hearing a more favourable account of the State of Indiana, I once
more started on a ramble, and, travelling across the State of New
York, I came to O'Lean Point, on the Alleghany river; which
river, a very rapid one, I came down in a flat boat to Pittsburgti ;
here I staid two days, and, passing on, after being detained by
head winds, and the water being very low, landed at Aurora,
situated at the mouth of Hogan Creek. Here I found myself a
stranger, without friends, acquaintance, utensils of any kind, or
77ionei/y having spent our last dollar a day or two before; added to
which, njyself and all our family were caught by illness for six or
eight weeks, without the power of doing anything. But no sooner
was our situation known, than we had plenty of provisions broxight
to us, and, as our strengtVi recovered, I obtained work at digging,
&c. My ^'ife iookin sewihg, and, by degrees, we liave worked it
to that 1 have two cows, two calves, nine pigs, and one calf expected
in August. James is now at school, and 1 intend to send two in the
winter. I have joined with a farmer in cropping: that is, I re-
ceived one -half of the produce, and had the team found me. 1 now
am working for an English gentleman, named Harris, who is build-
ing in Aurora, and owns four quarter sections up the Creek. Much
good land can be bought, far distant, for one dollar and a quarter
per acre, and improved land for not much more : indeed, so good
is the prospect for a man who must \\yie, by industry, that I wish all
my friends and acquaintance were here with me. J can safely say,
I would not, nor would my Mary, return to England on any account
whatever. We are now all in good health, and are very desirous
of heariiig from you. Direct to John Watson, Aurora, Dearborn
County, Indiaua State, United States. 1 wish you would also be
very particular not to put the letter into the post-office, as it will be
so long in coming; but put it into the letter-bag of some ship
bouiid to New York or Philadelphia. In the earnest desire ofhear-
ijyg from you,
I remain yours,
JOHN WATSON.
The best port foryou to come to would be Philadelphia or Baltimore.
Mr, Stephen TValson, Parish of Sedlescomb,
near Battle^ Sussex, Old England, ^
No. 4.
Aurora, Dearborn County, Indiana,
April 26th, 1823.
Dear Fateier and Mother, — I now write with greater pleasure
than 1 have ever yet done, as it is in answer to yours, dated Feb-
1st May, 1832. 22T
r%»ary the 2nd, the only one I have received ; the others, I suppose,
iniist have gone to Canada, where you might tiiinkl was settled. It
proved very gratifying to us to hear that you all enjoy such general
cood health, excepting father Vaughan and sister, who could not
Eavebeen expected to remain long, having been ill so long. Though
your letter was written by several persons, we cannot answer them se-
}>aratel y, but must beg of you to read all to them. You should hav^
mentioned who my brother Jam^s married ; we suppose it must be
Henry Freeland's sister, ff^e would recommend all our acquaint-
nncesy who are tired of paying tithes and taxes ^ to come here^ V)hei'e
taxes are unknown, and taxes hardly worth mentioning, compared
to what they are with you. The only tax we have paid is one day'*
work on the road, and 50 cents, or 2^. 3«?. for one yoke of oxen.
You say England is in a very bad state, and farmers are got very
low. NVe would say, let them come here : we were worth nothing
when we landed at this place, and now we have one yoke of oxeny
one cow, nine hogs, and we intend having another cow. We arc
not much concerned about Michadmas and Lady-Hay here, for as
many farms as we choose, we could have for paying one-third of
the produce. We have just taken ten acres upon these terms, and
John is busily engaged in ploughing for corn ; he wishes his uncle
Edward was with him to help. Brother Stephen inquires if hft
could get employment; we answer, that any person desirous of
obtaining a living may do it, and that easily : if. he comes, let him
bring all the money he can, and what clothing he has ; but not to
spend any money in buying unnecessary things in England ; here
the mojiey Will pay him much better than there in laud. Rabbits
and pigeons, particularly the latter, are very abundant ; and squir-
rels, which are very fine eating. There are also great plenty of
fish in the river for those who take the trouble to catch them. Part-
ridges are also very numerous, and wild turkeys. We bought one.
for twenty-five cents, or \s, \\d. of your money, which lasted us for,
four meals. Meat we buy for two cents per pound. John often
talks of his grandmother, and says we could keep her without work'
ing. Whilst this letter is writiig, my wife is eating preserved
peaches and bread, and washing them down with good whiskey'
and water. When our last letter was- written, I n\entioned I was
working for Mr. Harris, an English gentleman ; I am still working
for him, and probably shall do for some time. You express a wi^h
to know all our children ; John, bora April 22nd, 1809; James,
October 18th, 1813; Naomi, February 7th, 1815; Henry, April
11th, 1818; Eliza Anne, boni January 21st, 1821, in Langley
township, on Hogan Creek, Dearborn County, Indiana. Henry
is very well, generally in mi'^chief, like all other children, and re-
cfeived a kiss, as did all the others, from sister. All our friends
who come we would recommend to come in an American ship,
atid land either at Baltimore or Philadelphia ; but we should advise
them to start immediately after landing from the western States,
as they afford a better prospect for poor people, or indeed any
other, than the eastern or older States. Among many other ad-
yfetJtages we enjoy in this country, we can make our oton soa^.
228 Two-penny Trash;
candles, and sugars \ which we make hy tapping tlie maple-tree,
in the breaking of the frost, and boiling the water down, clearing
it with eggs or milk. \Wq wish very n»uch to see l)rother William
and Stephen ; if they come they cannot be in a worse situation
tijan we were when we landed, and for many months after : but
then their prospects would be better than by remaining in Eng-
land. Our brother William, sister Sarah, and our dear mother,
must not be hurt if we did not mention them in our last letter ; it
was not an intentional neglect, for our affections for them are as
strong as ever, and very often do we wish they were here; for we
think it would be much better for them, as well as William Glover,
of whom we wish to hear, — nothing being said of him in your
letter. Mary begs you will be particular in mentioning her relations
in your next letter, which you must not be angry if we ask to be
written closer, so as to contain more information, as the postage
of letters is rather expensive ; not that we grudge the money, but
we think the sheet might he made to hold more.
And now, our dear Father and Mother, as it is not very likely
that we shall meet on this side of the grave, may it be oui-fervent
prayer, that in the life to come, where there shall be no alloy, no
griefs or difficulties, we may ail unite; and there may you, with
all the blessed, salute your ever dutiful and affectionate children,
JOHN and MARY WATSON.
P. S. If Stephen comes, we wish him to bring some rye-grass,
trefoil, broom seed, cabbage seeds, and f^U garden seeds. Be sure
if he does come, or any others of our friends, to let us know as soon
as possible. Mary has just made a hushel of soap, which cost me
nxjthing but her attention and a little labour. Those animals called
in your country Exciseman, are not known in this country, so that
we boil soap, make candles, gather hops, and many other things,
without fear, which you must not do. We. are under no fear about
our children not having food: we have finer pork and fowls than
you have, and plenty of them. Fowls are sold from 2^. 3cZ. to 35. ^\d.
per dozen ; pork at \d. per lb, ; eggs \\d. for six dozen.
Mr, Stephen TVatson, sen,^ Sedlescomb, near
Battle, Sussex, Old England,
Per first packet from New York to Liverpool. Paid to New York.
No. 5.
Aurora, March 9th, 1825.
Dear Father and Mother, — It is now two years since we heard
from you, excepting in a letter from brother Stephen, saying you
were all well. We are longing to hear what you are all doing ; the
particulars of all the family : when you sent tlie letter, you did not
say anything about William and Sarah, neither who James and
Ann was married to. J want to know -what is become of William
Glover, and whether he loves drink as well as he used to do ; if he
does, tell him there is plenty of whiskey here ; if a man wants to
1st May, 1832. 229
kill himself, he need not he long about it, for lie may g-et a gallon
a day and his board; but I hope better things of him ; 1 hope he
has seen into the folly of it before thi«. We should be very glad to
hear from all our friends: we think they would do a great deal
betrer here than in England ; we cannot think whnt makes so many
of them go bach, for we would not come hack again for Mr. Tidden
Smiffi's farm and alt he has got. The poor home-sick things !
were it not for their poor children, we would not care if they went
to bed without supper all their lives ! As for brother Stephen, we
should like to know if he is gone back too; for we expected him
this last winter, but have been disappointed ; we are rather uneasy
at not receiving a letter before this; if you Inow anything about
him, we should be glad if you would let us know. We are still
farming, have got this season about ten acres of very promising
wlieat; seven acres of oats, thirteen acres of corn, one acre for flax,
between one and two acres for ])otatoes and other garden stufl*.
We have got a horse, a yoke of oxen, a pair of young steers, a milch
cow, and plenty of pigs and fowls. Tliere are plenty of English
people in and around our nei j;hhourMood : we rent land of an
English woman (true enough, for /have written this letter). We
feel ourselves at home among the people : we have regular preac! -
ing by the Methodists and Baptists, Hit no pm'son to tithe vs. We
make our own soap and candles; we have just got between forty
and fifty yards of linen from the loom from our last year*s flair.
Land is 1| per acre. Congress price; but land near the Ohio is
chiefly taken up, and higher priced. We live a mile from the
river. Aurora is on the bank of the (^hio, so of course we are the
same distance from it. We have another little daughter, named
Sarah Joana ; she was born on the 29th of February, 1824 ; the
other children are all well ; John is grown very nn)ch lately ; he
is almost like a man ; he has just been out a month, and earned
himself a summer's suit of clothes, though he is employed at home
on the farm. 1 let him have his wish ; he sends his best respects
to his grandmother. There is pdenty of walnuts, hickory nuts,
wild graj)es, plums, &c. in the woods; peaches grow in great
abundance ; the trees hear in three years from the stone. Apples,
melons, pumpkins, and a variety of other fruits, are very easily
raised. Write soon, and direct to John Watson, Aurora, Dearhorn
County, Indiana.
From your aflfectionate son and daughter,
JOHN and MARY WATSON.
P. S. We should be very happy to see you ; but as we do not ex-
pect to see VQU this side of Eternity, we beseech you to prepare for
the awful day, when we must all give account of the deeds done in
the body, it is the one thing needful : do not put it off till it is too
late, but fly to the arms of a bleeding Redeemer, who is willing to
save yoa.
Mr, Stephen ffatso7i, Sedlescomb, Battle,
230 Two-PEKNY Trash;
No. 6.
Dearborn County, Indiana,
[November 29th, 1828.
Deah Father and Mother, — We gladly embrace this oppor-
tunity of writing to you, to say that we are all enjoying good health
at present, and we sincerely hope that, at the perusal ol" these few
lines, you will be the same. We received your letter November
8th, which gave us great satisfaction that you are well, and we are
glad to hear that some of you intend coming to America: and we
greatly desire that you would all come to this rich fertile country ;
for we assure you that there is sufficient room for you all in this
Palestine land ; though we do not believe every f>art of America so
good as where we live, and especially the part of America where
brother Stephen lives j for we know, by experience, that it is not
half so good a country for a poor man to get a living as where
we are, though they are well satisfied where they iive, and we be-
lieve their country far better than Old England. Yet we know that
their country is not half so good a part of America as where we
live. But they know no better, for they have not travelled through
America to see the difference. But it is not so with us ; for we
travelled 2000 or 3000 miles through America before we settled
ourselves ; therefore we are better judges than they can be. Here
you can rent land by giving one third of what is raised on the land ;
and a man can get eighteen pounds of pork or beef for a day's worJ^,
or three pecks of wheat, and every other kind of provision cheap
accordingly. Men who labour by the day get the above articles,
and are boarded in time of doing the work. We are highly gratified
to think of father and mother coming, and more so shall we be if
you all will come. We advise you to come to New York, and up '
the river to Albany, where Stephen lives. There you can get infor-
mation of the road to my house ; but if so be that you are willing
to come to us without coming by Stephen, we think it much the bes^
for you to land at Baltimore, and come from there to Pittsburgh, on
the Ohio river, where you can get a passage in the steam -boat,
for a very Ceiy few dollars, to Aurora, within five miles of my house.
It would be a great deal cheaper and nigher from Baltimore or
Philadelphia than Albany, from either of the three ports. You
must inquire for Pittsburgh, on the Ohio river. We want you to
fetch with you early-york, sugar loaf, curtle, savoy ^ imd red cabbage
seeds ; and trefoil y lucerne, and a little broofn seed ; and we wish you
to tell James Bridges to ccime to America if he can, for we know
that he can get a comfortable living with half the labour he has to
do at home. Plenty of land can be bought within twenty miles of
our house for one dollar and a quarter per acrfe. We advise you
to come in an American ship; and, finally, we think it too tedious
to mention all the good things in America, but invite you to come
and see for yourselves. So no more at present from your affec-
tionate son and daughter,
JOHN and MARY WATSON.
: 1st May, 1832. 231
Now, my friends, here you see ^ proof, that the English
colonies are no places to go to, unless for worthless slaves.
For prostitutes^ pickpockets, vagabond idlers, they may
do 5 and, perhaps, they are good enough for the halt and
lame, and the blind and the deformed to creep about in 5
but, for honest people, able and willing to work, the
United States is the country, if people musty or will go
away.
But, now, why should honest people, able and willing
to work, go away at all? The base wretches, who live
on the taxes, say that the people are too numerbus here ;
that there is an over-population^ or over-quantity ofpeo-*
pie! This is, in the first place, a strange thing to hear,
even without our inquiring at all into the facts of the case;
for how comes this to be the case now, which never was
the case before; how comes the people to be too numerous
at this time, when- they were never known to be too nu-
merous before } There is the same propoitionate number
of both sexes, just as there always was ; women are
pregnant the same length of time that they used to be 3
they bring forth still only one child at a time, except now-
and-then, which was always the case. What, then, should
cause this over-stock of people now more thea^ formerly ?
Upon the face of the thing, it is false and ridiculous.
Then, as to the fact, if there be too many working
people in England ; and, let me stop here to observe, that
it is only the working people that these tax-eating vaga-
bonds say are too numerous. They do not say, that the
pensioners, the sinecure folks, the grantees, the allow-
ance-folks, the halt-pay-folks, the military academy folks,
the poor parsons (whom we are taxed to relieve), the
placemen, the taxing people, the fundholders, the swarms
of clerks in offices ; they do not say, that these endless crews
of idlers, all of whom live upon the fruit of the people's
labour 5 the tax-eating vagabonds do not say, that these
are too numerous! If,-then, the working people of Eng-
land be too numerous -, if there be too many of them • if
this be the case, how comes it, that all our great towns
are full of Irish working people ? No English working
people go to Ireland -, and all our great towns are crowded
with Irish. Either they wor^ here, or they live here as
232 Two-penny Trash;
vagabonds : in the Litter case, where is the law : in the
former case, the over-population story must be an tw-
piideiit lie. But, again, if England be over-stocked with
working people, how connes it that swarms of Irish are
wanted to get in the harvest? That they come is certain;
that they are employed at ifhc harvest is certain ; and,
could this possibly be, if we had too many working peo-
ple? ^' Oh !' but *' we have," say tlie tax-eating vaga-
bonds, not '' too many in harvest time, but too many the
^' rest of the year!^ Insolent and brutal vagabonds !
You have not too many footmen, when you have ^"^ par ties j'
but too many at other times ! But, do you discharge
them, when the parties are over, and hire them again for
the next parties? Brutal vagabonds, insolent vagabonds,
that ought to be struck down to the earth, you have not
too ntany hr>rses to draw you about in summer, but do
you keep tiiem without food in winter: Ah! vagabonds,
it is yo^i who xire too numerous ; you know that the Re-
form Bill would make you less numerous, and, therefore,
you are moving earth and hell against the Reform Bill.
One thing is clear, and that is, that, as long as the go-
vernment shall tell the working people, that they are too
numerous, and, at the same time, tax them (as it now
does) to raise money to get some of them away out of the
coimtry; as long as the government shall do this, the
working people have a clear right to make use of all the
means in their power, to keep out, or drive out, the
Irish; and that, in the selection of these means, they
ought to consider themselves as restricted only by the
law. They have, further, a clear right to hate every man
who employs these Irish; and to act toward:^ him as their
enemy, as far, and to the utmost as far, as the law will
allow. For, if they themselves be already loo numerous^
if it be right to tax them, in order to raise money to send
them out of their own country, on account of their over^
numbers, that man who brings Irish here, must be their
enemy, and must deserve all that their enmity can legally
inflict.
Then, again, why do the tax-eaters think the people too
numerous ? A nation can never be too numerous, if there
be enough for them all to eat and drink: and what does
1st May, 1832. 233
this government do? Why shut out Corn by /ait', and
thereby make the quantity of food less than it otherwise
would be; so that, while this government is taxing the
people to raise money to send them away, on the pretence
that there are too many mouths, it has shut out corn on
the pretence that there is too much food ! What a govern-
ment ! what a parliament ! Is it any wonder that the peo-
ple under it are in ruin and misery ! We have too many
7?ieiiths, and the parliament will not let us exchange some
of our manufactured yoods for Corn, though our goods
are at a ruinously low price! We have too many mouths^
and yet we have too much barley, and the parliament
taxes our barley so much, that the mouths are obliged to
take in waler instead of leer ! Oh ! all ye powers that
torment the soul of man^ was the like of this ever heard
of before ! When those who are now in the cradle sliall
hear of this, will they not blush for the tameness of their
fathers ! W^ill they not avert their eyes from the de-
grading picture, and entertain a wish that their progeni-
tors may be for ever forgotten 1
But what can have produced this perverse way of think-
ing and these abominable fooleries about ^n over-popula-
tion? This is the case : the taxing -syst em ^ \\\\\q\\ keeps
such swarms in idleness, has produced, and is producing,
such masses of misery, that the idlers are frightened at the
thought of the conse(]uences. Every one knows, that
such misery never existed before ; the tax-eaters know, as
well as the rest of us, that the misery arises from the tax-
ing-system ; but tliey wish io ascribe it to something else ;
for, if ascribed to the taxing-system, that system must be
destroyed, and the tax-caters along with it. Therefore,
they ascribe the misery to over-population, an evil which
the taxinir-svstem cannot have caused! Here is the real
origin of the GRAND LIE about the populi';tion -, by the
means of which he, barefaced as it is, the tax-eaters, aided
by the villanous press, have deluded the nation for many
years, and-cjuietly sucked up its substance at the same time.
Tiie wretches of the press (I speak with some exceptions)
ViXQ Q, second-hand species of tax-eaters ; and they have
laboured most efficiently to keep up the delusion. They
know^ that, out of the price of every busiiel of malt, two-
234 Two-penny Trash;
thirds is caused by the tasc upon it -, and, yet, the base
dogs, when they see the labourer drink water instead of
beer, that he used to drink, ascribe the cliange to over-
population, and not at all to the tax !j Of all the curses
that ever afflicted mankind, a base aud corrupt press is the
greatest.
However, suppose we were to admit that there is an
over -pop Illation in England, that there are too many
mouths in it, in proportion to the food and drink it pro*
duces 5 suppose we were to admit this ; what are the mea-
sures which a wise lawgiver would take to remedy the
evil ? Why, to cause those, who do not now produce any-
thing, to produce something, if able ; or, if lessening the
number of mouths were the remedy, to send away these
non-producers. One or the other of these is the remedy
that a wise lawgiver would adopt. Our lawgiver pursues
an exactly contrary course : he, great army and sword
police captain as he is, adds daily to the number of
mouths of those who do not work, and who never will
work, until forced, and is sending away, as fast as he can,
those who do work and are ivilling always to work. He
thus diminishes the means of production, while he adds to
the consumption by idlers : and this is his way of removing
the distress of the zuorking-peoplej and restoring general
happiness and content.
. It is here that this government and parliament of ours
are seen in their true light ; here it is, in their invariable
support and favour of all that is idle; of all the swarms
that live oh the fruit of the care, industry, and toil of the
people 3 of every creature, low or high, that lives on the
taxes, whether directly or indirectly. This is the great
characleristic of this government and parliament ; and of
every thing having authority under them, however low
that thing may be 5 and 1 need not tell the readers of the
Trash, that this conduct is precisely the contrary to that
which is pointed out by reason, by justice, and expressly
by HOLY WRIT, which teaches us, that even the '' ox is
not to be muzzled as he treadeth out the corn" that he
has helped to raise, and that ** he who will not work, nei-
ther shall he eat.*' In making this last quotation, a cu-
rious fact occurs to my recollection 3 and it is, too, illustra-
• 1st May, 1832. 235
tive of the conduct, it is a curious instance of the conduct,
of this our celebrated THING.
When I was last winter on my Lecturing tour in the
North, I happened to learn that there was inscribed, in
large letters^ on the POOR-HOUSE, at Maidstone, in
Kent (in which county Castlereagh cut his throat, at
the village of North Cray), these words : ** IF ANY
WILL NOT WORK, NEITHER SHALL HE EAT."
This was a piece of information most opportune for me!
Never did I, after (his, give a lecture without introducing
this Maidstone-Inscription, which was, of course, put
up by authority of the magistrates (parsons as well as
others), and which, so made use of, and by such persons,
and for such an end, was so pat to my purpose, when I
was talking about tiie lord and lady pensioners, the men
and women sinecurists, the grantees, the allowance people,
the dead- weight, and all the tribes of idlers who live upoii
the taxes, and especially about the parsons, who have all
the benejices and none of the praying and preaching ;
all the eating and none of the working ! Upon these
occasions I used to go on in this manner : '* in the first
*' place, gentlemen, these Kentish magistrates have inter-
** polated^ have misquoted, the words of Saint Paul 5 for
" those words are not, ' if any will not work, neither shall
^^ he eat ^' but they are, ' if any would not work, neither
" should he eat.' But the act here is of a nature much
•^ more scandalous than a mere misquotation of the
*^ Scripture : it is a misapplication of it 5 a gross per-
*' version of its meaning ; and that too for the base pur-
*^ pose of justifying cruelty and hardness of heart to-
'^ wards the poor and unfortunate^ as applicable to whom
*' Saint Paul never made use of these words. But on
*' the contrary, he used them in addressing himself to the
" first Christian ministers, enjoining them to work for their
** bread, and not to be chargeable to those whom they
** taught, enjoining on them to eat the bread proceeding
*^ from their own labour. Let us, however, take the whole
*' passage, which you will find in the following words, in
^' the 3d chapter of the second Epistle of Saint Paul to
'^ the Thessalonians, beginning at the sixth verse.
236 . ' Two-rENNY Trash ;
6. Now we command you, brethren, in the name of our Lord
Jesus Christ, that ye withdraw yourselves from every brother that
w.ilketh disorderly, aud not after the tradition which he received
of us.
7. For yourselves know how ye ought to follow us : for we be-
haved not ourselves disorderly amou^ you ;
8. Neither did wc eat any man's bread fornought ; but wrought
with labour and travail night and day, that we might not be
chargeable to any of you t
9. Not because we have not power, but to make ourselves au en-
sample unto you to follow us,
10. For even when we were with you, this we commanded you,
that if any would not work, neither should he eat.
11. For we hear that there are some which walk among you dis-
orderly, working not at all, but are busy bodies.
12. Now them that.ai-e such we command and exhort by our Lord
Jesus Christ, that with quietness they work, aud eat their own
bread.
" Thus you see, gentlemen, those precepts which the
Apostle addressed to the teachers of religion^ these
parsons and justices of Kent addressed to the poorest of
the ivor king-people to the halt, the lame, the blind, the
widow, the orphan, the worn-out labourer, and to tliose
who cannot obtain employment ! It is often said, and
it was once proved, that the Devil can quote Scripture
for his purposes -, and is not this very much like one of
the tricks of the king of hell ? But what audacity was
here! To put up a precept like this, while it was no-
torious that the working- people were taxed to keep
swarms of idlers, numerous as the sands by the sea ;
while it was notorious, that the necessity for building
this poor-house had arisen from the working-people
having hi^d their earnings taken from them to support,
in idleness, whole families of the aristocracy and their
dependents ] while it was notorious, that we had more
idlers to support than all the other nations in the world
put together; while it was notorious, that the dead-
weight alone cost us more annually than the amount
oi all the poor-rates in all the counties, as far as these
were applied, to the relief of the poor ; and while it was
also notorious, that those who did the work of the
church were in a half-starving condition, and those who
did none of its work were wallowing in luxury from its
revenues ! What audacity, what brazen insolence -, what
1st May, 1832. 23
'* a hardened disregard of all decency, to put up, under
" circumstances like these, such an inscription on an
".English poor-house ! Gentlemen, base will be the man
'* who will vote for any one to go into a reformed Par-
'* liament for any part of Kent, if the man he vote for will
" not pledge himself to make this text of Scripture pi^ac^
'* tically apply to the swarms of locusts, who now devour
" the fruit of the people's labour.'*
This was the way in which I used to go on. But the
best part of the story remains to be told. I began to in-
troduce this subject into my lectures, when I was in
Yorkshire •, and I think I did it, for the first time, at
Wakefield, though I am not quite sure of that. When
I came home, it was my intention to have some good sport
at Maidstone, on the score of this inscription ; but
before I took any step in that way, I thought it best to
be sure that my information was correct, or, rather, that
the INSCRIPTION was still on the poor-house; for that it
had been on it I was quite sure, knowing well the strict ve-
racity of my informant, who had first seen it there be-
tween eleven and twelve years ago, who had seen it
many a score times since, who, whenever he saw the
house, had, indeed, always seen it there since he first
knew the building ; but who did not recollect the precise
time when he saw it last. In order to come at the fact,
whether the inscription still remained-(of which I could
have, however, very little doubt), I wrote to a friend at
Maidstone to go and read it, and send me the exact
words <}V\i, THEY WERE GONE ! Gone ! Y^s, painted
over a little while before ! But my friend could distinguish
some of the letters under the paint, and could clearly make
out the word WORK ! This led him to inquire of some
person in authority at the poor-house, WHY the inscrip-
tion had been effaced 3 and he received for answer, that it
had been effaced, " because it was thought arbitrary ;" a
word which the country people always make use of to
characterize any thing tyrannically unjust.
O God ! This tyrannical, this audacious and savage
inscription had remained, stuck up here for a dozen
years, or more, to insult the most unfortunate and
most miserable of the good and industrious, and gen-
238 Two-penny Trash ;
tie and kind, and sincere^ working people of this best
spot of earth that God, in his goodness, ever gave to
man; for a dozen yearSy or more, it had, by authority
of the magistrates and parsons of the county, been stuck
up here, in defiance of the feelings of common humanity,
to give an additional pang to the half-broken hearts of
those who had been driven under the roof of this house
by having the fruit of their labour taken away to support
idlers ; and, at the end of that dozen years, it is painted
over, *' because it is thought arbitrary ! "
Now, who will believe, that it was not my Yorkshire
Lectures that rubbed out this infamously base and insolent
INSCRIPTION ? Perhaps not, perhaps the '* good,*' and
'^ great good too,'^ was done by the Chopsticks themselves.
No matter which : better the latter tlian the former ; but
no matter which. The thing, though small and quiet in
itself, speaks volumes and in a voice of thunder ! It
says this : that it is no longer thought, that the working
millions can be grossly and basely insulted with impu-
nity.
But, now, my friends, the Working People, shall we
suffer this inscription to be painted over r Oh, no ! Let
it be your standing motto 3 your rallying words j inscribe
the words on your banners 3 to the famous motto of the
men of Kent, ^' we will not live upon potatoes,'*
add, " TUOSE who will not work, shall not eat,"
Paint, all you, the electors of England, these words on
your election-banners 5 vote for no man who will hot
pledge himself to cause the latter to be enforced ; and,
then, there will be no over-population ; then there will
be plenty of food and drink, and clothing for all who
deserve them ; then you, who produce everything good,
will have your just reward and due enjoyment in the couu-i-
try of your birth 3 and, let the emigration agents, carry
away the prostitutes, tliieves, and others who will not
work, to starve upon the rocks, or die amongst the swamps
of Nova Scotia and Canada.
WM COBBETT.
1st May, 1832, 239
SEEDS
FOR SALE AT MR. COBBETT'S SHOP, No. 11, BOLT-
COURT, FLEET-STREET.
LOCUST SEED.
'' Very fine and fresh, at 6s, a pound. For instructions relative to
sowing of these seeds, for rearing the plants, for making plan-
tations of them, fur preparing the land to receive them, for the
after cultivations, for the pruning, and for the application of the
timber ; for all these see ray '' WOODLANDS ;'* or Treatise
ON Timber Trees and Underwood. 8vo. 14^.
SWEDISH TURNIP SEED.
•Any quantity under lOlbs., lOd. a pound; and any quantity
jibove lOlbs. and under 501bs*, 9^d. a pound ; any quantity above
501bs., 9</. a pound ; above lOOlbs., B^d. A parcel of seed may be
sent to any part of the kingdom j I will find proper bags, will send it
to any coach or van or wagon, and have it booked at my expense ;
but the money must be paid at my shop before the seed be sent away ;
in consideration of wliich 1 have made due allowance in the price.
If the quantity be small, any friend can call and get it for a friend
in the country; if the quantity be large, it may be sent by me»
The plants were raised from seed given me by Mr. Peppercorn
(of Southwell, Bedfordshire), in 1823. He gave it me as the finest
sort thfit he had ever seen. I raised some plants (for use) in my
garden every year; but, at Barn-Elm I raised a whole field of it,
and had 320 bushels of seed upon 13 acres of land. I pledge ray
word, that there was not one single turnip in the whole field (which
bore seed) not of the true kind. There was but one of a suspicious
look, and that one I pulled up and threw away. So that I war-
re w^ this seed as being perfectly true, and as having proceeded
fi;pm plants with small necks and greens, and with tliat reddish
tinge round the collar which is the sure sign of the best sort.
MANGEL-WURZEL SEEP.
Any quantity under lOlbs., 7^d. a pound; any quantity above
lOlbs. and under SOlbs., 7d» a pound; any quantity above 50lbs,,
6§<?. a pound ; any quantity abore lOOlbs., 6d. a pound. The sell-
ing at the same place as above; the payment in the same manner.
This seed was also grown at Barn-Elm farm the summer before
the last. It is a seed which is just as good at ten years old as at
one. — The plants were raised in seed-beds in 1828 ; they were se-
lected, and those of the deepest red planted out in a field of 13
acres, which was admired by all who saw it, as a most even, true,
and beautiful field of the kind. The crop was very large, and out
of it were again selected the plants from which my present stock of
seed was growed ; though, indeed, there was little room for selec-
tion, where all were so good and true. I got my seed from Mr,
240 COBBETT'CORN FlOUR.
PvM, of Rei^ate, who raised it from plants proceeding from seed
that 1 had given him, which seed I had raised at Worth, in Sussex,
and, all the way through, the greatest care had heen taken to raise
seed from no plant of a dubious character. This seed, therefore, 1
warrant as the very best of the kind. A score or two of persons,
who sowed of this seed last year, have given me an account of the
large crops they have had from it, and have all borne testimony to
its being the truest seed they ever saw of the kind. 1 sell these
seeds much cheaper than true seed, of the same sorts, can be got at
any other place ; but I have a right to do this, and I choose to
exercise my right. My seeds are kept with great care in a proper
place ; and I not only warrant the sort, but also that every seed
grow, if properly put into the ground,
USES OF COBBETT-CORN FLOUR.
We use the corn-flour in my family, first, as bread, two -thirds
wheaten and one-third corn-flour; second, in batter puddings
baked, a pound of flour, a quart of water, two eggs, though these
last are not necessary ; third, in plum-puddings, a pound of flour,
a^pint of water, half a pound of suet, the plums and no eggs ;
FOURTH, in plain suet-puddings, arnd the same way, omitting the
plums ; FIFTH, in little round dumplings , wiih suet or without, and
though they are apt to break, they are very good in this way ; in
broth, to thicken it, for which use it is beyond all measure better
than wheaten-flour.
I sell the corn according to the following table :—
If planted in rows 3 feet apart, and the plants 8 inches in the row,
PRICE.
1 Ear will plant nearly Tvvo RODS.. £0 0 3^
1 Bunch will plant more than ShVEN RODS 0 10
6 Bunches will plant more than 40 rods, or a quarter
of an acre •• 0 5 6
12 Bunches will plant more than 80 rods, or half an acre 0 10 6
25 Bunches will plant more than 100 rods, or an acre 10 0
Printeflljy Wm. Cobbett,Johnson's-court, Fleet-street.
No. 11. Vol. II.
COBBETT'S
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of June, 1832.
Published monthly, sold at \2s, a hundred, and for 300, tahen at
once, lis,
TO THE
ELECTORS UNDER THE REFORM BILL.
On the caution which they will now have to exercise, and
on the duties which they will have to perform.
Kensington, \st Jane, 1832.
My Friends,
Owing to our own exertions, and to nothing else, we
shall now have this Reform Bill ; and it becomes us
to consider what use we shall make of it ; for the mere
name of reform will do us no good at all. I trust that we
shall now cease to be amused with shadows, and that we
shall be satisfied^with nothing but ih^ substance. We want
. the reform, and we have always wanted it, to make us bet^
ter off than we have been, and than we are. Our earnings
have been taken away from us unjustly ; we have been made
poor and miserable by this ; the most unfortunate of us have
been reduced to take, by force or by stealth, the goods of
our neighbours, or to starve ; new jails, new poor-houses,
new mad-houses, fill and disgrace our country ; oflfences
against the law have [increased a hundredfold ; those who
have property dare not go to sleep, lest they should have
it taken from them, or have it destroyed. We ascribe these
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street,
and sold by all Booksellers.
M
242 Two-penny Trash;
evils to the burdens laid upon us ; or, in otlier words, to our
earnings being taken away from us, and given to those
who give us nothing, and who render us no service, in re-
turn. When a man is robbed by a highwayman, or a house-
breaker, he clearly sees that the property taken from him ia
a clear loss; and, my friends, no matter how the fruits of
our industry be taken from us ; no matter as to the manner
of doing this ; no matter by whom the act of taking away is
performed, the effect is the same; the thing taken aw^ay is
a clear loss, if there be not something given, or something
done, in return. This, then, is what we complain of. Our
grievances are not fanciful and theoretical, but real and
practical. We complain that our earnings are unjustly
taken from us ; and w^e always have ascribed, and now do
ascribe, this to our not being represented in Parliament; to
our having been robbed of the right of choosing those who
impose taxes, and who dispose of the maney taken from us
in taxes. This has been, and is, our grievance.
The Reform Bill, to redress this grievance completely,
ought to secure the right of voting to every man of sane
mijid, and unstained by infamous crime; but, for har-
mony's sake, we have, as the Manchester meeting in their
address to the King say, *' agreed to try the effect of a more
limited suffrage; and, for the present, to forego a part of
this our undoubted right." But, my friends, in order that
this Reform Bill may be of real use to us ; in order that it
may be the means of removing our poverty and misery, and
delivering our country from this mass of crime and disgrace,
we must take care to choose trusty and able men to repre-
sent us; and we must take care not to be cheated by in-
triguers, who, under the garb of patriotism, will endeavour
to make us the tools of one or the other of the factions ; and
thus expose us to be plundered as mercilessly as we have
been heretofore.
IstJuke, 1832. 24a
I have to address you, first, on the recent proceedings
relative to the Reform Bill; second, on the arts vrhich will
be made use of to cheat us out of all the good that a reform
ought to produce us; third, on the measures which we
want to have adopted ; and, fourth, on the sort of men
who ought to be chosen, and on the p/erf^^s which they^
oiight to give before they be chosen.
I. On the recent proceedings relative to the Reform BilL
- On the conduct of the Lord s, of the King, of the Minis-
ters and their supporters, of Wellington and his sup-
porters ; of all these you have been pretty w^ell informed,
in one way or another, through the channel of the news-
papers; but, in order not to be cheated, you ought to
be cautioned against giving way to praises bestowed upon
any body. We shall have the Reform Bill ; and we shall
have it solely by our own exertions : we shall owe it to no-^
body but ourselves; and we never ought to forget how much
we owe to the country labourers, and particularly to those of
them who first resolved to live upon potatoes no longer..
Those who live upon the taxes and the tithes are never will-
ing to allow that the people have any merit at all ; and
though it is now ervident to every one that it is the people
themselves who have made the Reform Bill pass, the great-
est possible exertions are making to cause us to believe that
we shall owe that bill entirely to the good -will, talents, and
exertions of the Ministers and of their political party, which
are commonly called the Whigs. Now, my friends,
nothing can be more false than this : it is a lie as impudent
as ever issued from lips, or was ever put upon paper. The
whole of the Ministry themselves, with the exception of my
Lords Grey and Holland, have either been the most
bitter enemies of parliamentary reform all their lives, which
is-the case with Pa lmerston, Goderich, Melbourne,
M 2
244 Two-penny Trash ;
Grant, Graham, and Aucland; or who expressly
abandoned the cause of reform in 1827, and joined Can-
ning, who had always been the reviler of that cause, and
the persecutor of all reformers ; and who, at the very time
when they joined him, and when he was prime minister, de-
clared that he would oppose reform, in every shape and
degree, to the last hour of his life ; and this is the ease
with Brougham, Lord John Russell, Lord Althorp,
little HoBHOUSE, and some of the rest of them.
How, then, can you believe that these men were ever sin-
cere in their wishes for a real reform of the Parliament ?
The facts are these ; that the cause of parliam.entary reform
had been a great cause in England from about the year
3770; that the late Major Cartwright was the great
champion of that cause from its beginning till the day of
his death, which took place a few years ago ; that I, con-
verted to the cause by Major Cartwright, espoused it
with all my might in the year 1806 ; that the reformers were
persecuted, and I more than any of the rest, until the pre-
sent Reform Bill was brought in ; that, in the year 1830,
including the month of December 1829, I went in person
into three-fourths of the counties of England, and delivered
lectures, urging the people to demand a reform of the Par-
liament ; that, when the Parliament met in the month of
October 1830, the demand for reform was general through-
out the country ; that the Duke of Wellington, who was
then prime minister, declared, in the most positive and most
insolent manner, that there should be no reform as long as
he was^in power ; that the people were so enraged at this
that he could neither walk nor ride the streets wuth safety;
that Lord Grey then took the place of Wellington, pro-
mising the nation that he would make a reform of the Par-
.liament. It is, therefore, clear as daylight, that the reform
varose out of the will and resolution of the people ; and that
1st June, 1832. ,245
Lord Grey could not have kept his place any more than
Wellington had done, if it had not been for his promise
to make a reform of the Parliament.
It is equally clear that the Ministry entered upon the
work of reform with extreme reluctance. They put the
work off, in a most unaccountable manner, from thejirst
week in November 1830, to thejirst day in March 1831 5
and, from the statements of several of them, it was made
very clear that they had done what they had done grudg-
ingly; and that they had been unable to bring themselves
to grant that which they had granted, until a very few
days (not more than three) before the bill was actually
brought in. To show with what ill-will they made this
reform, you have to look at their prosecution of me, which
they commenced, or rather determined upon, about a month
before the bill was brought in. You know that they failed
in the prosecution ; you know that I beat them and put
them to shame ; the whole nation cried aloud against them
for this, for no man believed that I had committed any
offence at all. What, then, was the motive to this prose-
cution ? The motive was this : they knew that I had more
weight with the people than any other man ; they knew that
I had the power of exposing their insincerity ; they knew
that they could not deceive me ; they feared that I should
defeat any attempt of theirs to deceive the people ; they
thought that I should oppose the limitation of the suffrage
which they intended to make ; and that I should defeat
their bill, and cause them to experience peril for their places.
They, therefore, fell upon the plan of silencing me by th^
means of this infamous prosecution. The moment they
commenced it, I hurled defiance in their teeth. When
their bill appeared, I received it and supported it, because
it was something gained at any rate : it restored us to a part
of our rights; and a part was better than none. They
4^46 Two-penny Trash;
would now have gladly dropped their prosecution, if they
could have done it with any degree of credit; but while I
supported their bill, I continued to lay the lash upon them,
and to challenge them to come and meet me in the Court
of King's Bench, into which I at last dragged them by force,
and there lashed them, before the face of the whole country,
like so many guilty sheep- biting dogs!
This prosecution showed their inherent hatred of reform
as clearly as setting fire to a farmer*s stacks shows a hatred
to the farmer. The French newspaper-writers expressed
their utter astonishment that a reforming Ministry should
commence such a groundless prosecution against the great
champion of the cause of -reform ! I told the Parlez-votis
that they did not understand the matter; that reform wafi
a lady ; that she was in the family-way by the Minister^,
and that I had furnished a halter for leading the loving
couple to church ! It was precisely thus ; and their feelings
towards me were much about the same as those which a
premature papa entertains towards the parish officer, who
performs the pious act of compelling him, on pain of im-
prisonment, to take the mother of his offspring for bett€ir
for worse.
Thus, then, it was all the work of the people so far. Now
for the rest. When the first Reform Bill was under dis-
cussion in the House of Lords, and when the oppositicm
Lords had expressed their determination to oppose the clause
which enabled ten-pound renters to vote, the Lord Chan-
cellor Brou GUAM expressed his readiness to reconsider that
part of the bil 1. He did not say that he was ready to give
that part of it up; but it is quite clear that he wouW
have given it up rather than lose his place ; and, observe.
Earl Grey expressed no disapprobation of this conduct of
his colleague. It is clear that the Ministers were ready to
alter that clause at that time; but the Tories, who were
1st June, 1832. 247
persuaded by a FOOL-LIAR whom they had in their paijy
that there was a •* re-action^' and that the people would
be quiet though the hill should be thrown out; the Tories,
thus encouraged by this FOOL-LIAR, urged the noble
peers to throw out the bill altogether. They did throw it
out; and thus the Ministers were relieved, for that time,
from their disagreeable job. Bristol, Nottingham,
Derby, every town and village in which an opposition lord
showed his head, soon convinced both Tories and Whigs
that the FOOL-LIAR " had bin a deluden ov umJ' The
Ministers fell to work, to dreadful work, upon those who
had insulted Wetherell and the Duke of Newcastle.
To punish these people seemed now to engage their minds
and hearts. But still the nation called iox another bill!
and a bill too as good as the last, at the least ! This was
very troublesome. Lord Grey was out of humour. We
were threatened with a long prorogation of Parliament; but
petitions, addresses, deputations, political unions, speeches,
and penny-newspapers, so worried him, that, after a suitable
time for screwing his face, as if about to take physic, he got
the Parliament together and brought in another bill, but,
seemingly, without any great stomach to the passing of it ;
for such was the system of procrastination now resorted to,
that the bill, which was brought into the House of Commons
on the 12th of December, did not get out of it until the
27th of March; that is to say, 116 days; though all the
matter of the bill had been fully discussed the year before,
and though, in 1817, a bill to authorise Castlereagii and
SiDMOUTir to shut any man up in a dungeon at their
pleasure^ had not remained in the same house more than
eight-and-forty hours!
Out of the house, however, it did get at last ; and though
the time seemed so long to everybody else, it seemed as
short to the Ministers as the hours do to a man that is going
248 Two-penny Trash ;
to be married against his will; or, which is about the same
thing, is about to have his neck encircled by a rope, instead
of the arms of a disgusting biide. Nevertheless, into the
House of Lords the poor bill gif, the people watching it all
the while as a coney- cut watches the mouth of a rabbit-
burrow. The ten-pound clause was still the burden of
open complaint with the Tories; and, as was evident to
every one, of secret hostility with the Whigs. At the close
of the debate on the second reading, Lord Grey said,
'* that the ten-pound clause was no fart of the principle
" of the hill ; that it might be altered with perfect con-
** sistency with that principle; that if it could be shown that
** any qualification, not so small as ten pounds, would be
*' less open to fraud and abuse, he would not resist the
" correction of such circumstances ; but that the decision
" on this point would depend on the House and not on him.**
In the same speech he said, that, ** let the decision of the
'* House be what it might, he ivould keep the peace of the
" country y If these words had a meaning, their meaning
was, that he was ready to give up the ten-pound clause, and
that he would keep the people quiet, though the bill should
be rejected altogether. In the meanwhile precautions had
been taken by the Ministers to keep the Birmingham
Union quiet; and, it was thought that the Birmingham
Union would be imitated by all the rest of the nation;
but, according to the old rustic saying, "Thought was
in bed once, and thought he was up f and the consequence
was, less cleanly perhaps, but not less ludicrous than it was
now. For, there stood the Birmingham Union, gaping^
like a clown at a puppet-show, while all the rest of the
nation, from Glasgow to London, was sending up ad-
dresses, petitions, and remonstrances, breathing nothing but
suspicion, excited by the speech of Grey, calling aloud for
the whole bill, and especially the ten-pound clause. There
1st June, 1832. 249
was an extraordinarily long Easter adjournment, for the
manifest purpose of giving time for the Birmingham
soporific to work ; but the soporific having failed, the long^
adjournment only gave time for an accumulation of anger^
which had been excited by the suspicions created by Grey's
speech; and, when the Parliament met on the 7th of May,
he was compelled to begin by expressing his determination
to stand or fall by the ten-jpound clause! This produced
Lyndhurst's motion. The rest is known, and will re-
main recorded in the hearts of our children.
II. On the arts which will be made use of to cheat us
out of all the good that a reform ought to produce us.
We have seen with how much reluctance the bill was
brought in and carried along by the Ministers : by watching
and fighting like vigilant and gallant dogs, we shall have it ;
and, now, the last resource of corruption is to cause it to be
of no use to us 5 to get together what will be called a re-
formed Parliament, which may be just as bad as any that
have gone before ; and which, at any rate, will not make
any material alteration of the system under which we have
been suffering so long, and that will call it " revolutionary'^
to propose to touch pensions, sinecures, grants, retired allow-
ances, dead-weight, tithes, crown lands, or what is called
national debt. If we were to submit to this ; if we were
stupid and base enough to permit a thing like this to go on,
we should become the mockery and scorn of the world.
The manner in which it will be attempted to effect thist
object, to practise this last shift of corruption, will be this:
every press will be put in motion, that can be put in motion
for the purpose, to cry up the Ministry, An endeavour
will be made to make us believe that we owe everything t»
the Ministry, When the bill has been passed, the ruflSans
M 5
250 Two-penny Tk^sh;
who live upon the taxes, and those who want, to live upo9
the taxes, w^ill be calling meetings everywhere to send up
addresses of thanks to Lord Grey and the Ministry ; and
after this, it will be very ungrateful in us to complain of
this excellent Ministry on any account; and, as to asking
them to take the pensions and other good things away from
their relations and friends, that will be too bad ! So that
Tve shall have the Reform Bill and be cheated out of the
fruit of it, just as the poor fellows in France have been
cheated out of the fruit of their valour and theic blood. Be
upon your guard, therefore, against all propositions of this
sort ; if any one propose an address of thanks to the Ministers,
move an amenduient to address the political union nearest
to your neighbourhood. Indeed, justice would point out
an address of thanks to me; for I have done more in
making a reform than any other thousand men in England :
it was I who detected the designs of Ministers, and who
urged the people on to compel them to do that which they
have done. But I want no addresses; I want no flummery:
I want to see the people act with resolution and with sense,
ajod to be, as the natural consequence of such conduct, free
and happy as their fathers were.
Already is this system of delusion beginning to be put in
practice: and (for I will never expressly or tacitly aid in
deception) my opinion decidedly is, that the Whig faction
mean to make use of the Birmingham Poxitical llNtON
as their tool in getting up addresses of thanks to the MU
nisters, and in wheedling the people to be content with
sothing but the mere name of reform. I know that I shall
:giye offence by thus frankly stating my opinion 5 but the
effects of that offence are nothing, when compared with the
probable consequences of neglecting my duty. To those who
live in this scene of political intdgue, and who are attentive
observers of occurrences, those of the last fortnighlL mu^
1st June, 1832. 251
have been sufficient in producing in their minds a conviction
of the correctness of this my opinion. The scenes at Guild-
hall and the. Mansion- House; the dinings, and the pre-
senting of the freedom to Mr. Attwood ; the speechings of
our Charley and of my cat's-meat Lord Mayor : these,
to us who live in the hell of corruption, would be more than
enough ; but to those of my readers who are so happy as
to live at a distance from it, it may be necessary to be a
little more particular, beginning with noticing an address,
put forth on the 15th of May, by the council of the Bir-
mingham Political Union.
I have just been observing, that the grand scheme is to
prevail upon the people to praise the Whig Ministry ; to
make them believe, that the very breath in iheir nostrils de-
pends upon the permanent possession of power by that
Ministry, and the permanent predominance of the Whig
faction. If we once adopt this notion. Lord Grey will be
our Louis Philippe, and we shall be cheated as com-
pletely as the French have been. The Birmingham
Council is, as I said before, intended to be the instrument
in the execution of this scheme ; and, it appears to me to
have begun its operations in this way, by' calling upon the
nation to sign a declaration against Wellington,
and in favour of the Ministers. This declaration was
agreed to by the Council on the 14th May; and, on the
15th it was resolved to send it ofif to all the great towns and
districts in the kingdom, in order that signatures to it
might be obtained. It was sent inclosed in a circular letter
addressed to individuals, and that circular together with the
inclosure was sent to me. My answer to the circular con-
tains my objection to affix to it my signature ; and this an-
swer I have sent to the secretary, in the following words :
^^2 Two-PENXY Trash;
To Mr. Benjamin Hadley, Hon. Sec. to the Bir-
» MiNGHAM Political Union.
Godalming, May 24thf 1832.
Sir, — I have received from you a circular letter inclosing
a "Solemn Declaration'' of the Council of the Bir-
mingham Political Union, which documents I will here
copy, and then subjoin to them that answer which I think
it is my duty to give to your application.
Birmitighanit Map 15, 1832. — I am instructed by the Council of
the Birmingham Political Union to request that you will do thena
the honour to allow your 7iame to he affixed to the Solemn Declara-
tion (of which the incIo«ed is a copy), which we have just adopted
and sij^ned, respecting the public conduct of the Duke of Welling-
ton, and his unfitness to he f)laced at the head of the executive
government of a free people. I have the honour to be, your most
obedient servant, Benjamin Hadley, Hob. Sec.
to the Birmingham Political Unioiu
SOLEMN DECLARATION.
Birmingham y May 14, 1832.
WE, the undersigned, think it necessary, in this awful crisis of
our country's fate, to make known to our fellow-countrymen the
alarm and horror with which we are impressed by the report of the
Duke of Wellington's having been placed at the head of his Ma-
jesty's councils. We entertain this alarm and horror on the fol-
lowing grounds : — First, The Duke of Wellington's general
aTOwai of arbitrary principles.— «Stfcow<?. His speech against ALL
REFORM, made only about a year and a half ago. — 7%trrf. His
protest against the Reform Bill, as entered on the journals of
the House of Lords, on the 17th of April last. — Fourth, Hig
reported expressions in the late Parliament, amounting to those
of regret, that the Irish people ** WOULD NOT" break the law.
— Fifth, His being a pensioner of Foreign Despots ; and as such,
exposed to their influence, and unfit to govern a free people.
— Sixth, Hie conduct to Marshal Ney, who was murdered by the
Bourbon Government, in violation of the convention of Paris, not-
\vithstanding his appeal to the Duke of Wellington, who b^d
signed that convention. — Seventh, His general support of arbitrary
power on the coutinent of Europe, and the certainty that his policy,
if be be true to his principles, will necessarily involve the nation ia
unjust and ruinous wars against the liberties of Europe. — Eighths
His utter incompetency to govern England by any other means
than by the sword, which has never yet been, and never will be,
submitted to by the British people.
For these and various other reasons, we hereby solemnly declare
1st May, 1832. 253
our fixed determination to use all the means which the constitutioD
and the law have placed at our disposal, to induce his Majesty to
reject from his councils that faction y at the head of which is thfe
Puke of Wellington, who have by their arbitrary principles ex-
cited the distrust and abhorrence of the whole population of the
United Kingdom, and we declare our firm conviction that the
public excitement and agitation can never be allayed until the great
Bill of Reform shall be carried into law hy that administration^ by
whose wisdom and virtue it was first introduced. These are our
fixed and unalterable sentiments, and we hereby appeal to all our
fellow-couutr^'men, throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland, and
we confidently call on them to unite with us and sign this our
solem declaration^ in support of the liberty and happiness of our
country.
At all times disposed, not only to do ample justice to the
motives of the Council, but also to express my gratitud*
to its members for the good which they have done, it would
have given me great pleasure to put my name to a document
which they have thought worthy of being promulgated by
them ; and as I have insurmountable objections to the
signing of this declaration, it becomes me to state them to
you with that frankness without which intercommunication
of this kind, while it must produce uneasiness in the parties
themselves, never can lead to any beneficial result.
I do not like vague and general charges, even when pre-
ferred against the devil himself; and, therefore, I object
altogether to iYieJirst and seventh of the grounds alleged in
this declaration. The fourth, Jifth, and eighth, relate to
points of fact, of the truth of which I possess no proof, and
am, by you, furnished with no proof. On account of the
second and third grounds, I most cordially detest the Duke ;
on account of the sixth, I have expressed my detestation of
him from the date of the killing of Ney to the present hour.
Either of these grounds would be much more than sufficient
to make me use my utmost efforts to prevent this man from
possessing power in the country of my birth ; though, at the
«ame timCj I think that we should do him much too great an
254 Two- PEiTxNy Trash ;
honour by any proceeding so general and so solemn as that
i^ich is here proposed by the CounciL
But, Sir, I am sorry to say that my strongest objection
still remains to be stated; namely, that by signing the decla-
ration I should solemnly declare it to be my opinion that the
present administration not only have wisdom and virtue^
but that the continuation of their sway is necessary to the
liberty and happiness of our country ; an opinion which I
do not entertain, and which I should blush to express.
In the eighth ground alleged against the Duke, it is as-
serted that he is incompetent to govern England by any
other means than by the sword ; but, in making this allega-
tion, I am surprised that the Council did not recollect,
that one of the first acts of the present Ministers was to aug-
ment the standing army left them by the Duke ; and that
they have more recently literally put swords into the hands
of that police which he left without swords. I would fain
bury in oblivion Hampshire, Wiltshire, and Berk-
shire, Bristol and Nottingham ; but if I could for-
get poor Cook of Micheldever, the two Masons of
Bullington, the seventy- three husbandless wives, and the
hundreds of fatherless children and broken-hearted parents
in that county which I know so w^U, and which is dear to
me from so many causes ; if I could forget all these ; if I
could blot all these from my recollection, I cannot forget
what this same wise and virtuous Ministry, whom you call
on me to support against ** a faction, at the head of which
is the Duke ; '* I cannot forget that this same Ministry, the
existence of whose sway you identify with the liberty and
happiness of England, still make this very Duke lord-lieu-
tenant of that county; aye, and that they made him a
judge, to sic on the bench in that special commission by
whom poor Cook was condemned to the gallows, and whose
1st June, 1832. 255
awful, though legal, judgments filled that unhappy county
with mourning; made it re-echo with the screamings of
mothers^ wives, and children.
Such, Sir, are my reasons for refusing to sign this decla-
ration. While I impute no blame to those by whose direc-
tion it has been sent to me, they will, I trust, find no grounds
of blame in this refusal on the part of,
Sir,
Your most humble and most obedient servant,
Wm. COBBETT.
Every one must see that the real object of this solemn de*
claration was to get the people to pledge themselves to sup^
port the Whiff Ministi^y against the Duke, With exactly
the same view the Birmingham deputation has been ca»
joled and caressed and feasted and freedomed by the Cor-
poration of London. The name of London is great. The
recollection of the famous men who have, at different times>
belonged to its corporation, is always alive in our minds* The
title of Lord Mayor ^ and that of Common Council^ are what
they always were : those, therefore, who live at a distance
from the scene can hardly believe it possible that the thing s,
represented by the same words, are not still the same sort of
things. It is necessary, therefore, now that we are goii^g to
speak of the part that this Corporation has acted in i\m
grand scheme of delusion, to say a little what the things really
now are. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Coun-
cil of Loadon have the fingeriog of the City funds^ partly
consisting of the revenue of estates, and partly of the enor-
mous taxes of various kinds which the boroughmonger Par*
liaments have enabled them to lay upon us* With these
funds they have proceeded in much about the same way that
the boFougbmoiiger Parliaments have proceeded with t^e
funds of tbe nat&n. They have coatraeted a debt greater
256 Two-penny Trash;
than ever can be paid ; they have their pension, sinecure^
retired-allowance, and dead-weight, lists: they vote money
to each other to defray the expenses of their summer excuv"
sions. A few years ago they spent six hundred pounds
on a water party up the Thames to Oxford j and, in
that same year, they gave one hundred pounds to all
the widows of freemen in the city. They have lately
established a Bourbon-like police. As an instance of
their fiscal oppressions, they made me pay nearly thirty
pounds in order to be permitted to keep a shop in the City ;
and, it being their duty to furnish bread to the prisoners ia
Newgate, they were so much in arrear to the baker that he
refused to send any more bread without the money, when,
at that very time, they expended nearly thirty thousand
pounds of our money, in a feast given to this very Wel-
lington and the Holy Allies ; aye, to this very Welling-
ton, against whom this Birmingham Council now calls upon
the nation to sign a solemn declaration ! Their fiscal ex-
actions, for which they obtain Acts of Parliament, are ab-
solutely without end. What I pay to the Government is a
trifle compared with what they compel me to pay. 1 now
have demanded of me enormous rates for an old church
(which has been pulled down), and rates equally epormous
for a new church, which is not yet built j so that I have two
church-rates to pay, and no church to go to. And this is
the body of persons, to receive the ^^ freedom " from whom
Mr. Attwood says, he thinks it is an honour ! I, then, had,
like Malvolio in the play, "honour thrusted upon me;''
for these fellows made me pay them thirty pounds in order
to be permitted to keep a shop ; and this money it is no-
torious that they divide amongst them. With regard to
their political principles, their attachment to the rights of
the people, what need have we of any thing more than
their monstrous conduct with regard to Mr. Scales and
1st June, 1832. 257
the people of Portsoken Ward? By the laws and
usages of the City, the Alderman of a ward is to be
elected by the people of the ward ; that is to say, by the free-
men of the ward. Mr, Scales was so elected by a vast
majority; but the Aldermen would not admit him, but
took a man who had got only a few votes, and the crew of
Common Council approved of what the Aldermen had
done; and there are the people of Portsoken Ward re-
presented by a man whom they have not chosen, while this
brazen corporation has the audacity to rail against rotten-
boroughs, and to present the freedom of the City to Mr.
Attwood, upon the ground of his being a '' distinguished
reformer ;^ and there is Mr. Attwood with folly or mean-
ness sufficient to induce him to receive the " honour " at
their hands ! As if it had been resolved, that nothing
should be wanting to make the thing complete,
"Charley" was chosen to make the motion for confer-
ing the honour, and the motion was seconded by Fig gins,
the printers' 'linker. The report tells us, that Mr» Attwood
said, upon this occasion, that, ** Though he could meet
danger unmoved, he never had his nerves so much shaken
as they had been at receiving the freedom of the City !'*
Faith ; it might well shake his nerves, when he saw
Charley and Figgins stand before him; and especially
when he considered that he was about to receive something
that they had touched : the very thought of it makes my
nerves shake ; and I will bet Mr. Attwood just what he
likes, that he does not find, between Temple-bar and
BisiiopsGA TE, one single shopkeeper who would not run
like a scalded cat and hide himself under his counter, if
he were in danger of being exposed to endure what Mr,
Attwood deemed such an honour.
The thing for us to observe is, however, that this is a
crew of hangers-on of the Ministry. They depend upon
'258 Two-penny Trash;
the breath of every Ministry ; for, if they were to displease
the Ministry, there would soon be an end of their power of
taxing us, and of their making of loans. If Wellington
had remained in for a fortnight, they would have been on his
side. Of every thing that is disgusting we had a specimen
upon this occasion. Two of the deputies from Man-
chester appear to have crept into the society of Charley
and the Lord Mayor, under the skirts of the grand depu-
tation from Birmingham. One of those deputies (Mr.
John Fielden) returned home immediately, as soon as
the duties of his mission had been performed. Whether
Mr. Shuttle WORT II were present at this '* feast of rea-
son," I do not know ; but our prime Lord Mayor, in toasting
thereformers of Manchester, put Mr. Richard Potter
at their head, recollecting, perhaps, that " Dick was elo"
quenter.^* This was of a piece with all the rest ; for this Mr.
Potter is no more at the head of the reformers at Man-
chester than Charley is at the head of the reformers
in London. All was false from the beginning to the end ;
all a ministerial trick, played oflf by their several sets of
tools. A trick, however, which would have been wholly un-
worthy of all this notice from me, were it not calculated as
well as intended to deceive the people at large, and to make
them submit in silence, while they were cheated out of the
fruits of reform. I am not bound to endeavour to unde-
ceive any body but my own readers. To undeceive them
was my duty ; and from a sense of that duty I have be-
stowed these remarks upon the conduct of persons, the far
greater part of whom I should otherwise have deemed
wholly unworthy of attention.
in. On the measures which we want to have adopted.
We want so many things, that a particular descriptioa of
each would fill a volume ; but the substance may be de-
1st June, 1832. 259
scribed in four words: cheap government and cheap
RELIGION. These are what we want; and these we will
have, in spite of the Whigs and the city -jobbers. In order
to have these, the taxes and the tithes must be taken off:
all the latter and a very large part of the former. In short
all the internal taxes and the corn bill may be abolished ;
because when the internal taxes were taken off, we could
raise corn cheaper than any country in the world. I have
not time now to enter into the matter fully ; but I am at all
times ready to prove, that we stand in need of none of these
taxes. I am at all times ready to prove, that the kingly
government would be safer without these taxes than with
them. We have not called for reform for the purpose of
gratifying a theoretical whim; but for the purpose of ob-
taining solid good; for the purpose of relieving ourselves
from the ruin and misery in which we are steeped ; and,
unless it produce these consequences, it will make our con-
dition worse than it was before ; because, to all the pre»
sent evils, will be added the great evil of disappointed
hope. We have, therefore, now to consider of the means
which we ourselves ought to make use of, in order to secure
this great end.
IV. On the sort of men who ought to be chosen, and on
the pledges which they ought to give before they be
chosen.
It is very much to be feared, that the habit of looking up
to men of rank and wealth will still prevail in the selecting
of members of Parliament ; and, if it prevail to any very
great extent, the reform will produce no good effect, and the
miseries of the people would finally produce a general con-
vulsion and total revolution. When an elector observes,
that it i« necessary to have some man of station or wealth,
260 Two-penny Trash;
something like the following dialogue would take place be-
tween him and me.
CoBBETT. Why do you want a man of rank or of
wealth !
Elector. Because he is more likely to be a clever man
and to understand such matters, on account of the superior
education which he has had.
CoBBETT. Is the country in a state of ruin, misery, and
crime ; is it not loaded with an irredeemable debt?
Elector. Yes, certainly.
CoBBETT. Have we not been governed entirely by men
of rank and of wealth ?
Elector. Yes, we certainly have.
CoBBETT. What reason have you to suppose, thea, that
the same sort of men are the only men capable of putting
things to rights ; and do you believe that any thousand men,
caught by the legs, by straining a string across the road,
could have managed their matters worse than to have made
the existence of themselves and the government depend
upon the imaginary value of little bits of thin paper 1
Elector. Why, that is very true, to be sure; but if a
man have not a great stake in the country, how are you to
depend upon his doing right ?
CoBBETT. As to stake, in answer to such an observa-
tion, old TiERNEY once remarked, that stakes of this sort
generally belonged to the public hedge. But, do you think
that the Americans have got a good government ; do you
think that their laws are wise and good ; do you think that
their affairs are managed by able men ?
Elector. Yes; T wish to God ours may be as well
managed ; for see how great and powerful that country has
become ; and see how happy the people are, under the sway
of the Congress.
CoBBETT. Very well, then, that settles the point; for
1st June, 1832. 261
there is no pecuniary qualification whatever for a member
of Congress: very poor men are very frequently chosen,
and very rich men never. There have been seven Pre-
sidents: two of them have died insolvent, and were in-
solvent at the time when they were Presidents.
A foolish man may be in favour of men of rank and
wealth before he hears this dialogue ; but it is only a roguish
one who can persevere in such a choice after he has heard
it. The man to choose is, in the first place, a man that has
no very great regard for riches. Industry, sobriety, mode-
ration in his expenses, no fondness for luxurious living ;
these are qualities that electors ought to look after; and in
addition to these, a good store of knowledge, some talent,
and great resolution.
With regard to the political principles of the man to be
chosen, pledges are the best guarantee of good conduct;
and the pledges which 1 would put, to any man who asked
me for my vote, are these :
1. Will you make a motion, or support a motion, for the
repeal of the malt-tax, the hop-tax, and the soap-tax?
2. Will you do the like with regard to the Corn Bill ?
3. Will you do the like for an abolition of the tithes ?
4. Will you do the like with regard to the assessed taxes ?
5. Will you do the like with regard to the stamp taxes of
every description ?
There are many other things which a member of Parlia-
ment ought to do. Here, however, might be enough to
begin with; and if a candidate refused to answer all these
questions in the affirmative, and to put his name to them, I
should deem that man a traitor to his country who would
give him a vote.
. \
262 Two-F£NNY Trash;
—I-- ^jf" f*"^
COBBETT-CORN.
^ This has been a Hoe season fur plautiog the cum, which
now generally up, 1 was unable to find a liitle farm to suit me,
80 as to be able to plant the corn thii year, in order to raise a hun-
dred quarters according to my wish ; but I found a friend more
than a hundred miles disUnt from London, who had a field of nine
acres, which he was willing to plant. I intended to go myself to
superintend the planting of this field;, and I appointed to be on the
spot on the 6th of May, the ground having been previously pre-
pared. But, on the 25th of April, seeing the political storm that
was gathering, 1 determined ou remaining in London, and on
sending a man down to do the business in my stead. Ou the very
day of Lyndhurst's motion the corn was begun to be planted, and
the planting was finished at the end of four days. I have not heard
of the corn being up; but 1 know that it is up; because 1 planted a
small piece of corn on the same days, the middle day of which was
the 9th of May ; and mii>e is up and looking beautifully well.
The readers of the Register will recollect that, od the 2Uh of
September last, I published a challenge to the Yankees in the fol-
lowing words:—** Tg all the Yankees on the Face of the Earth.—
<* 1, William Cobbett, of Kensington, old England, hereby offer to
<* bet any Yankee 100/., the conditions of which btt are as follows.
*' First, that the said Yankee shall plant an acre of corn next spring
" in one piece, and that I will plant au acre of corn in England,
** that the said Yankee shall have his acre standing and growing in
*' some place within ten miles distance of the Court House of Nevr
** York. ; that when he shall declare it to be ripe. Dr. Mitchill of
** New -York, his countryman, or in case of inability in bim, Mr.
** John Tredwell of Long Island, shall go and ascertain from the
«' measuring of a square rod, impartially taken, how much corn he
** has standing upon his acre, and that the said Yankee shall appoint
** one of his countrymen residing in England to come in like man-
** ner, and take an account of the amount of my crop; that the
** parties shall communicate to us severally the amount of the crop
" in America, and the amount of the crop in England ; that if the
*' American judge's account of the Yankee's crop exceeds that of
" mine, Dr. Mitchill or the other juilge shall draw upon me for the
*< 100/. through Mr. John Harris of New-York, who will pay the
** bill; that if the contrary be tlie result, the said Dr. Mitchill, or
" Mr. John Tredwell shall see the 100/. paid to the said Mr. John
*• Harris on my account.
**That there may be no dispute about big corn or little,^ and the
** difference or amount of crop, or the difference there is in great
** corn or small corn in filliug the bushel, the question shall be
*' decided by weight of shelled coru,that is to say, a rod of ground
** shall have the ears taken off, husked and shelled upon the spot,
y and then weighed, and the question be decided by the weight.
1st Juke, 1832. 263
" Now I am perfectly serious in this challenge, and I do it to
** convince the people of the United States that we can grow as
*< good corn as they, and even greater crops. They have always
•' said to me that com was the only thing wanted to make Eng^
** and the finest country in the world, and this is to convince them
** that we have got it. I desire Mr. George Woodward of New
** York to put this into the American newspapers. Another con-
** dition is, that any one accepting the challenge must communicate
•* that fact, and declare the spot where the acre of land is, to Mr,
** Woodward, before the first day of May next ; and Mr. Woodward
*' must be satisfied that the party, if losing, will pay the 100/. at
•* once,
** The umpire appointed to judge of my crop, must be one that
•* Dr. Mitchill, Mr.Tredwell, or Mr. Woodward, will be answerable
*' for in point of integrity."
Bold fellow as JonathAxN is, he has never accepted my challenge.
But I find that my corn has been planted in America. So that
my eldest son, who is really the author of all this corn affair, ap-
pears destined to improve the agriculture of both his countries,
being a citizen of one by birth, and a natural-born subject of the
other by parentage. I take the following from the ** New York
Farmer and Horticultural Repository '* of the 17th of No-
vember last. The editor, having inserted the above challenge in
his paper, then makes the following remarks :
** We give the above a place in our columns, not to encourage
'* betting, but as an article of intelligence. Mr. C. could scarcely
*' have chosen, in this State, a circle of ten miles radius in which
•* theye is less corn grown than around this city. — A gentleman
** informs us that Mr. Woodward planted some of Mr* CobbettV
** corn in his garden in Jay-street, in Brooklyn, Long Island, and
'* found it to ripen much sooner than our common Indian corn,
*' Mr. Woodward is very positive that a crop of corn could be fully
*' ripened, planted oftei' the harvesting of oats,**
I am sure that Mr. Woodward is right : aye, and after a crop
of rye too; and after a crop of Timothy-grass. Here, then, is a
benefit conferred upon these Yankees ! I taught them the value
of Swedish turnips, mangel-wurzel, and cabbages, as cattle- food ;
1 took them out a breed of beautiful Sussex hogs ; and my son has
now given them this corn ; so tliat they are amply paid for having^
afforded me shelter from Sidmouth and Castlereagh's dungeons*
I and my son owe them nothing ; and, when our country shall
have got a good and cheap government, we can, with clear con-
sciences, recommend the paring of their nails, and the making of
them bow to that power which, freed from infernal boroughraon-
gering, will again claim and enforce her dominion of the seas. No
American that ever conversed with me upon this subject will deny,
that I always said, that I should never die in peace without making
them again bow to England ; and that bow to her again they
should, wheBfever we shook off tlie power of the hellish borough-
264 COBBETT-CORN.
mong-ers. They know this too; and hence those American pam-
phlets against our reform which the base vagabonds of the Quar*
terly Review have so liberally quoted, and which wise Boscawen
quoted in the House of Lords I Pretty stuff, then, is the talk about
the liberties of waAiAinrf/ Eiiglish kind is quite enough for me,
including Scotch and Irish in the word English, I like the Ameri^
cans exceedingly : between my friends here and my friends there,
it would be very painful for me to state a preference. But, Eng*
LAND is my country : I must share in all her glory and in all her
disgrace ; and when it is a question of her honour and well-being,
I must cast aside all private recollections and feelings. From this
sentiment it was that I always resolutely declined becoming a citi»
zen of the United States ; and that 1 also as resolutely declined
being introduced to any person belonging to the government o£
America, While love of my own country made me rejoice at their
triumphs over the boroughmongers, I always said, that if we were
delivered from them, I never would rest until I saw the Amei'i'
cans acknowledge explicitly our right to dominion on the seas. 1
wish thera all the happiness that men can enjoy in this world ; but
a nation may be very happy without being permitted to swagger
about and be saucy to England.
With regard to Corn, e'en est fait, as the French say. Never
will t/ona^Aaw bring a bushel of his corn to England after three
years from next November. The nine acres that I have spoken of
above will settle this matter.
N. B. The Yankees do not seem to be alarmed lest their ** pigs
should die ov the inurran, or their peepul ov y alter janders** They
seem to laugh at this fool-liar stuff, as the people of Long-
TAHISH did.
LECTURES.
At the request of the Union of the Working Classes, I gave a
Lecture at their place of meeting, in Theobald* s-road^ Rcd-Lion-
square, on Tuesday evening, the 29th instant; and I propose to do
the same on Tuesday Jiezt, the bth of June. On Monday, the 4th
of June, 1 am to be at Deptford, or Greenwich, for the same pur-
pose ; and I propose to be at Chichester in about ten days, in my
way to the Isle of Wight, at last ! We must all put our shouK
ders heartily to the wheel now, for fear (to use the words of the
LIAR) the factions should be " a deluden ov the peepul "
Printed bj WmX CobbeU,Johii3on'i-court, Fleet-street.
No. 12. Vol. 11.
COBBEirS
TWO-PENNY TRASH
For the Month of July, 1832.
Published monthly, sold at \2s. a hundred , and for 300, taken at
once, \\s.
TO THE
WORKING PEOPLE.
1. The Reform Festivalj to be held in Hampshire, on
'7th Jul]/, IS32.
2. The Billy authorizing the sale of dead people' s bodies^
and my petition to the Lords against it.
3. The pledges to be taken for Members to the Reformed
parliament.
Kensington, I4th June, 1832,
My Friends,
I have always been of opinion that we owe the Reform
Bill more to the COUNTRY LABOURERS than to all the
rest of the nation put together : because if they had remained
quiet under their sufferings ; if they had not resolved not to
be reduced to potatoes, and if they had not acted as they
did, in order to preserve themselves from this state of horri-
ble degradation, Wellington would not have been turned
out, Grey would not have come in, the Parliament would
have acted upon Wellington's insolent declaration, and
we should have had no Reform Bill at all ; though, in time,
we must have had a terrible and violent revolution. Every
man, therefore, who really wishes for the settlement of our
difficulties to terminate in peace, must feel gratitude towards
these country labourers. I feel this gratitude in a peculiar
London : Published by the Author, 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street,
and sold by all Booksellers.
If
266 Two-penny Trash ;
degree; because, taking England throughout, I know more
of their toils, their sufferings, and their virtues, than any
other man. I, therefore, shall spend my day of triumph
amongst them ; and for the reasons that I am about to give,
I shall do it in Hampshire, and in a hamlet called Sutton
ScoTNEY, which is in the parish of Wonston, and which
is situate at about seven miles from Winchester, seven
miles from Stockbridge, seven miles from Andover,
seven miles from WhitchurcH; twelve miles from Ba-
singstoke, fourteen miles from Odiham, twelve miles
£rom Alton, and seven miles from Arlesford. And
which little hamlet is on the road from London to
Salisbury, going through Basingstoke and Stockbridge,
At Sutton Scotney the labourers of ten parishes met,
•when they sallied forth in November 1830, to remonstrate
with the farmers, the parsons, and the land-owners, with re-
gard to the wages that had reduced them to a state of half-
starvation. But this spot is more dear to me, and it ought
to be dear to every Englishman, for a reason other than this.
It was at this spot that w^as signed, that petition for par-
liamentary reform, which the labourer, Joseph Mason,
carried to the King, at Brighton, in the month of October
1830, the interesting circumstances relating to which are as
follows :
The general notion in London has been, that the country
labourers are ignorant creatures ; that they have no senti-
ment at all relative to political rights and liberties ; that,»
like cattle, they know when they are hungry, and that their
risings and committing acts of violence resemble, in point
of motive, the feelings which animate cows or oxen,
when they break out of a barren field to get into a rich pas-
ture. Such, too, are the opinions which aur Ministers and
members of Parliament have entertained towards these pro-
ducers of the food and the wool and the wood of the
country. Proceeding upon these opinions, they have adopt-
1st July, 1832. ^267
ed schools without number, and the distribution of millions
of pamphlets, the main object of all which has been, to
persuade the labourers that God never intended anything
but potatoes for them to eat, and that it is grievously sin-
fdl in them not to be content with such diet, though they
see the fields and the meadows covered with corn and with
cattle, created by their own labour. It has also been
fashionable, amongst even the working classes, to look upon
the country labourers, particularly those here in the South,
as being totally ignorant with regard to public matters, and
as being utterly unable to be madfe to understand anything
about the political causes of their misery ; and of course
not knowing the least in the w^orld about Parliamentary
Reform.
Such opinions were never entertained by me for any one-
moment of my life. I from my childhood have known the
country labourers well ; and, in conversation as well as in
writing, I have always maintained, that they well under-
stood the nature of their wrongs and the causes of their
misery ; and that the day .would come when they w^ould
endure that misery no longer. Now, then, for the circum-
stances connected with this petition, which I have spoken
of above.
In the month of September, or early in October, 1830,
when scarcely a petition had recently been sent up/br par^
liameniary reform, the labourers of the parish of Won-
STQN, BuLLiNGTON, and Bartox Stacey (the whole
three containing a population less than one thousand five
hundred souls), met at the hamlet of Sutton Scotney,
where they agreed to a petition to the King, and subscribed
two or three pence a piece, to pay the expenses of a man
to carry it and present it to the King at Brighton, where
the King then w^as. The man chosen to go on foot this
distance of sixty miles, was Joseph Mason, of Bul-
LiNGTON, of whom I shall have to say. a good deal by^and-
N 2
268 Two-PENKY Trash ;
bj. The following, word for word and letter for letter, is
a copy of this memorable petition, with a copy of the names
of all these who signed it.
TO THE
KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
The humhle petition of the undersigned persons, belonging to
the working and labouring classes of the parishes of Wonston,
Barton Stacey, and Bullington, near Winchester, together as-
sembled within their respective parishes,
Showeth,
That, ready and proud to acknowledge your Majesty our lawful
Sovereign, we are willing to pay every respect and submission so
far as reason and justice diclate, flattering ourselves that this is
all your Majesty expects or demands.
That Kings and Government were instituted for the happiness,
■welfare, and for the better regulating, civil society ; to protect
the weak against the strong, the rich against the poor, the poor
against the unjust encroachments of the rich, in short, to watch
over and protect the welfare and happiness of the people, and this
•we doubt not will be your Majesty's endeavour, so long as your
Majesty sway the royal sceptre.
That, relying on this, and availing ourselves of the liberty the
laws of our country afford us, namely, that of *^ petitioning the
King,*' we humbly implore your Majesty to cast an eye of pity
to the misery and wretchedness that at this moment pervade
every part of this country, and of which your Majesty's peti-
tioners have their full share. That many of us have not food
sufficient to satisfy our hunger; our drink is chiefly the crystal
element ; we have not clothes to hide the nakedness of ourselves,
our wives, and our children, nor fuel wherewith to warm us;
while at the same time our barns are filled with corn, our garners
with wool, our pastures abound with cattle, and our land yields
us an abundance of wood and coal ; all of which display the wis-
dom, the kindness, and mercy of a great Creator on the one
hand, and the cruelty, the injustice, and the depravity of his crea-
tures on the other. Nearly to this state of misery have your Ma-
jesty's humble petitioners long lived, anxiously looking forward
for better days; but to our great sorrow and disappointment, we
find oppression daily press heavier and heavier on our shoulders,
till at length we are driven to the brink of despair. This misery
and wretchedness do not proceed from any fault on the part of
your Majesty's petitioners, as we use every exertion in our power
to subdue those bitter evils ; but experience tells us that ** all is
vain." Some of your Majesty's wealthy subjects impute this pre-
vailing depression to an ** over-population," which we positively
deny, seeing there is an abundance for the lowest of your Ma-
jesty's subjects, if possessed of the ability to purchase. But your
Majesty's petitioners more reasonably and justly impute it to a
misapplication of the produce of talent and industry ; and this
1
1st July, 1832. ' 269
proceeds from a misrepresentation in the Commons House of
Parliament.
That not one of your Majesty's petitioners has ever been al-
lowed to exercise his rig:ht of voting at an election ; that right, by
the present system, being confined to the rich ; in conseriuence
of which, men have been returned to serve in Parliament in whom
the people have no confidence ; who consult not the people's welfare
and happiness, but have entered into unnecessary and unjust wars,
to defray the expenses of such wars, and other useless purposes,
have laid and are still laying on us, without our consent, an im-
mense weight of taxes, directly contrary to the law of the land,
which says, " that money shall not be taken out of the pockets
of the people iu the shape of taxes without their consent, or the
consent of their representatives." Such is the language of the
supreme law of the land, and is as binding upon every branch of
the Governmenjt, as the common law is on the subject : and though
now we are at^the distance of sixteen years from war, the taxes
continue but little abated.
That, in consequence of this misrepresentation in the Commons
or People's House of Parliament, we have to complain that up-
wards of 50,000,000/. annually are extorted from that part of Great
Britain called England, and of which sum the middle and labour-
ing classes pay the greatest part; whilst the Government of the
United States of America cost the 12,000,000 of people they govern
not so many thousands, in consequence of which the people sa
governed, live in the greatest state of ease and happiness. We
complain that this tax lie most heavy on those articles which are
the necessaries of the poor man's life ; such as malt, hops, tea,
sugar, tobacco, soap, candles, &c. &c. : which cause the price of
those articles to be twice their real vaUie ; that our wages at this
time are not more than nine shillings a-week (at Barton Stacey but
eight shillings), out of which we have to pay, one shilling for the
rent of our house, and one for fuel, leaving but seven shillings
per week, or one shilling per day for the support. of a man, his
wife, and three children. That at this time the tax on a bushel of
malt, or a pound of tea, amount to as much as the labouring man's
wages do in two days and a half. We complain that part of the
money extorted iVora us go to pay the interest of a debt, part of
which was contracted by the unnecessary wars, and a part by our
fathers* fathers' great grandfathers. We complain that another
part of the fruit of our labours go to pay grants, pensions, sine-
cures, &c. &c., wantonly heaped on the heads of the aristocracy
and their relations, whose names are known only by the vast sums
they receive, and who has never rendered the country any service
whatever. We complain that (according to the statement of
Sir James Graham), 113 of his lat^ Majesty's Privy Councillors
receive amongst them 650,000/. per annum, some of whom
are members of the Commons House of Parliament, this being
contrary to Magna Charta, which says, " That no person
who has an office, or place of profit under the King, or who
receives a pension from the crown, shall be capable of serving
as a member of the House of Commons." We complain that
notwithstanding a peace of sixteen years, we have a standings
370 Two-penny Tra&ii ;
army of nearly 100,000 men, fed and clothed out of the fruit
of our labour; part of which force is kept to compel us to pay the*
dreadful burdens heaped on our shoulders ; we complain that,
amon§^ this force, is twice as many officers as is uecessary, such as-
g-euerais, admirals, colonels, captaius, &c., who receive immense
salaries, and what chitHy are in some way or other related to
the aristocracy ; we complain that we never had a voice in the legis-
lature, though, by the law, we are all liable to serve as soldiers,
and shed our blotd in the defence our country, in any war the
legislature please to engage in ; we complain, that that property^
commonly called church-properry, is applied to very bad and use-
less purposes, purposes which have no concern whatever with
religion; that whilst many poor clergy have scarce enough to
maintain the dignity of their calling, others have four, five, six,
and seven livings and places of profit; and whilst some of the
bishops have revenues amounting to from ten to thirty, thirty-
five, and 40,000/. annually ; that notwithstanding- Itliese immense
revenues, the bishops, and other rich men in the church, are often
calling on us to *» subscribe liberally" towards funds for erecting
and enlarging churches and chapels, and for propagating the
gospel in foreign parts. As to the uselessness of this church-pro-
perty, we would cite one instance ; that in this parish of Bartoa
Stacey, the great- tithes, which in most part are sold from the
church, are worth nearly 1,000/. per annum, the small tithes 450/.,
and which belong to the Dean of Winchester. A curate is hired
for about 100/. per annum, and who does duty twice on every Sab-
bath day; that the 1,350/. between the money collected antl the
curate's salary has no more concern with religion than the sturdy
ox has with the petty affairs of the bees ; nearly half as much as
all the labourers in the parish earn, and which is as much loss to
the parish as though taken and thrown into the sea ; we complaia
that trial by jury, so highly valued by our ancestors as to be
deemed almost sacred, has been, in many cases, abolished from
our courts of justice, placing it in the power of magistrates to im-
prison and otherwise punish us, and who are chiefly members of the
aristocracy, officers under the crown, or clergy of the establis'jed
church, who, notwithstanding, live on the fruit of our labour, often
insult and haughtily treat us ; so that Sir John Pollen, who is
the present member for Andover, in the vicinity of which town we
live, and a magistrate, did, at a meeting in that town, callus "poor
devils ;" and who, he said, ** had hardly a rag to cover them.**'
"VVe complain, that, notwithstanding the misery and half starvation
to which we are reduced, the law, under severe imprisonment and
heavy fine, forbids us to take for our own use the wild birds and
animals that inhabit the woods and fields, or the fish that swim in
the water ; those being kept not for the service, but for the sports
of the rich.
That this unnatural state of things, this misery, this wretchedness,
this woe, this degradation, this want, this half-starvation in a land of
plenty, proceed from a misrepresentation of that which ought to be the
Commons House of Parliament, the members of which are returned
by the rich, contrary to the will of the people. That at the election
for this county, held at Winchester in August last, «ne of tha
1st Juxt, 1832.
VX
members was returned against the will of nineteen-twentieths of
the county ; a person in whom we have no confidence ; who has,
in all cases of importance to the poor, voted on the side of oppres-
sion, and who was obliged to leave the place of election in dis-
guise for fear of the just-enraged people who had assembled.
Having now laid our sufferings before your Majesty, and the
fountain whence they spring, we humbly implore and earnestly
pray your Majesty to exercise your royal authority, so far aa to
causeia radical reform in the Commons House of Parliament. Many
projects have been made to this effect, even by some of its members^
but on a principle calculated to yield us but little or no redresi?,
showing partiality, and which has been proceeded on with such,
coldness as to denote insincerity on the part of its projector.
The mode of reform (sweet word) which your Majesty's humble
petitioners would recommend as highly beneficial to the country
at large, and to which no honest, fair, and upright man can object^ i$
that of annual Parliaments, universrd suffrage, and vole hy ballot^
but above all we prize the ballot. Till this takes place, we, youc
Majesty's humblest of petitioners, can never have the full enjoyment?
of our hard earned little ; not daring to look forward for better days,,
for the least alleviation of our miseries, or for the enjoyment of
those blessings which a merciful God has in profusion thrown round
about us.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
Enos Diddams
Andrew Diddams
William Snow
Jacob Bay
George Diddams
Henry Woodersoa
John Wheeler
John Mills
John Wi^more
Samuel Leach
John Hoar
George B'erriman
Thomas Taylor
Edward Wm. Hoar
William Taylor
Richard Pike
Charles Lester
Charles Leach
John Berriman
Joseph Groves
William Ramble
William Lewis,
William Ralph
William Norris
William Pearce
Robert Mason
Thomas Malt
WONSTON.
William Fisher
Thomas Newman
Joseph Newn^an
Thomas Wheeler
John Renolds
James VVhicher
George Gamester
Michael Chives
Richard Doll ery
Nathaniel Newman
Charges Collis
William Monday
Henry Pitter
John Lewis
Charles Goodfellow
Robert Groves
James Groves, jun.
Joseph Carter
James Leach
James Taylor
Charles Leach
John Romble
Charles Marks
William Rudun
BULLINGTON.
Jacob White
Riciiard Ventham
Charles Newman
Stephen Newman
John Pearce
James Wits
Thomas Butcher
Thomas Stock
John Newman
George Newman
George Judd
Richard Ventham
Edward Tarrant
Thomas Judd
Charles Diddamsr
Henry Taylor
Peter Mason
William Rye
George Ball
John Smith
John Hopgood
William Goodall
Thomas Self
Tht>mas Stub
William Jones
John Tomkins
Emanuel Baverstoc^
Ambrose Courtney
272
jTames Pierce
William Geroroe
James Tribbeck
James Ray
Stephen Grist
George Hatcher
William Perry
Thomas Dudman
James Clifford
Stephen Grist, jun,
William Scarlet
George Ford
Daniel Rudwic
George Clifford
William Brown
William Dudman
Two-penny Trash ;
Francis Ray
William Goodal
George Goodal
James Taylor
Charles Tavlor
Stephen Maton
John Silcock '
Joseph Silcock
Joseph Diddams
John Bastin
John Wheeler
George Wheeler
Peter Wheeler
Richard Withers
Thomas Baverstock
John Courtney
John Sackley
Joseph Mason
William Taylor
William Sackley
Edmund Sackley
Samuel Sackley
James Maton
Henry Benham
Henry Knoles
Philip Parsons
Charles Anhal
James Tarrant
James Allen
Charles Perry
James Diddams
Charles Blackman
Thomas Tatmage
Henry Hunt
Robert Anthony
Thomas Beryman
John Dore
Charles Stubs
James Ball
John Joyne
Joseph Beryman
William Renolds
William Mills
John Mackmaster
Kathaniel Panton
George Dazel
John Pane
BARTON STACEV.
W^illiam Pcopal
James Wield
George Cannon
Isaac Farmer
James Wheeler
William Garger
Thomas Pitters
Thomas Annal
George Guyatt
Robert Elliott
James Ball
James Antony
John Adams
James Panton .
Benjamin Caselman
William Lack
Thos. Becyman, jun.
May God speed your petition,
Mr. Thomas Alexander Mr. James Prictow.
Richard Mills
William Roe
Anthony Antony
Edward Antony
David Cosetmau
Robert Hays
Charles Hutchener
James Rolf
Charles Davis
Henry Bugis
Daniel Diddams
Charles Ball
William Pane
John Pane
George Pane
John Guyatt
John Carter
When Joseph Masqat arrived at Brighton, he went to-
the residence of the King, expecting, and justly expecting,
to exercise his right '^ to petition the King !'' In this only
he was in error ; that is, thinking th e right existed, and was
something real and not a sham. Instead of being permitted
to petition the King, he was told that which is contained
in the following copy of a note sent to him by Herbert
Taylor, to help pay whose enormous salaries he had been
working all his life-time.
Pavilion, Brighton, Octcher 2i, 1830.
Sir,— I have received your letter of yesterday, inclosing the pe-
tition which you have been deputed by certain persons belonging
'
1st July^ 1832. 273
to the working" and labouring classes of the parishes of Wonston,
Barton Stacey, and Bulington, near Winchester, to present to the
King, and J beg to acquaint you, for the information of those who
have signed this petition that the Secretary of State for the Home
Department is the proper and official channel of such communica-
tions to his Majesty. I therefore return the petition to you, and I
am. Sir,
Your obedient servant,
II. Taylor.
Mr. Joseph Mason, Bullington, Hants.
To come to London, and then to go home, was another
hundred and twenty miles, or thereabouts. He, therefore,
went to a gentleman at Brighton, whom he knew to have
been born and brought up at Winchester, gave him the
petition, and the insolent note of Herbert Taylor, ia
erder that the former might be sent to the Secretary o '
State. This gentleman sent the two papers to his brother,
who lives in London, and he brought the papers to me, to
know how he was to get them to Peel. After looking at
the papers, and hearing the whole story, I said, '^ Give me
'* the petition : let it not be disgraced by being hawked about
" in that manner : a time will yet come when Englishraaa
*' may petition something other than Herbert Taylor
^* and Peel.*' When Joseph Mason was drawing up this
sensible petition, and when he was tramping a hundred and
twenty miles on the business of presenting it, he little thought
of that condemnation to death, and that transportation, and
slavery for life, to which he was to be sentenced in about
two months from the day on which he presented himself at
the palace of "the King's /wos^ excellent Md^^e&iy"^ at
Brighton ! He little thought, that being one of a crowd who
extorted a few shillings from a farmer or a parson, and of
which he neither extorted nor took any part, would be to
commit an act of '^ highway robbery ,^^ for which he should
be dragged from his wife and child, condemned to death,"
and sent into slavery for life ! Such, however, was the re-
sult; and the Englishman who can hear the story without
feeling his heart swell, and feeling the blood boiling in his
n5
,274 Xft&-fE^J9YTTiX%ii;
veins, deserves to perish from hunger, and to be food for the
fowls of the air.
In about a month after Joseph Mason's failure to get
his petition to the hands of '* His most excellent Majesty,"
those risings for increase of wages, which had begun in
East-Kent, had extended themselves into Hampshire,
and they finally reached the parishes, in about the centre of
which lies the hamlet of Sutton Scotney. Of the part
which this petition-carrier took in these risings, I shall have
to speak by- and -by ; but first let us see who and what he
was. His parents had, for generations, been labourers; he
was born in one of these parishes. He had a brother whose
name is Robert, who was not married. Joseph was
married and had one child. They lived in the parish of
BuLLiNGTON wdth their mother, who had been a widow a
good many years, and who found, in the great ajid skilful
labour of her sons, in their rare sobriety, in their great in-
dustry and excellent moral character, safe protection from
want, from all need of parochial relief, and from all those
miseries which are the lot of mothers who have children of
a different description. Besides the work which these two
young men did for the farmers in the neighbourhood, they
rented a piece of ground, consisting of about three acres and
a half, which they cultivated mornings and evenings, and at
times when they had no other work. They kept a cow,
fatted a pig or two, and therefore as there was but one child
in the family they were a great deal better off than the la-
bourers in general. Therefore it was not mere hunger that
induced them to take ^ part in the risings. They were in-
duced, even if voluntary, to do it from a sense of duty towards
their poorer and more unfortunate neighbours. The object
of the risings was, not to commit acts of violence on anybody,
and no acts of violence were committed ; not for the purpose
of committing acts of plunder, for no act» of plunder took
place : but solely tor the purpose of obtaining a sufficiency
1st July, 1832. 875
«f food and of raiment, and of fuel to make life bearable to
those, whose labour produced all the food, all the raiment,
and all the fuel. Yet, for taking the mildest and most in-
offensive part in these risings, these two excellent young men
were, under the Special Commission which Grey advised
the King to give to Vaughan, Parke, Alderson, Wellington,
Denman, Sturges Bourne, and Serjeant Wilder condemned
to death, and transported for life.
In order to do justice, as far as I am at present able, to
all the parties concerned, I will here refer to an account of
the trials in Hampshire, as afterwards published by the Cu-
rate of the Parish of Stoke Charity. I will draw no
conclusions myself, and offer no opinions ; but will simply
state the facts as published in the account of the trials.
Joseph Mason, aged 31 ; Robert Mason, aged 22;
we first indicted for what they called robbing one Callender^
Sir Thomas Baring's bailiff. There we six others' indicted
along with them ; there were a thousand persons or more ii|.
this rising ; but, as far as one can judge from the report of
the trial, the whole burden of the inquiry was about the
two Masons, The jury, however^ acquitted them both. I4
their defence, both of them denied ever having touched any
money : and both said, that they were pressed by the rest of
the people, and compelled to go with them; and there w^as
no evidence brought to show that this was not true. Having
escaped here, they were almost instantly clapped into an-
other indictment; and the next day were put upon their
trial for robbing W. Dowden. Here Joseph was caught*
but Robert escaped. On the same day, however, he was
clapped into another indictment, when the Reverend S a.m,il^
J0LI.1FFE, curate of Barton Stagey, swore, that he w^ij
fobbed of Jive shillings^ and that Robert Mason wason^
of the robbers. This parson swore that he gave the fire
BhilUngs out of fear. Robert Mason said, in his defence,
that he had not taken the money, nor participated iu it,;
276 Two-penny Trash;
that he had been compelled to go along with the rest ; and
^' that if the lawyer who had said so much against him had
** been in the road, with a smock-frock on instead of that
" gown, and a straw hat instead of that wig, he would now
" be standing at the bar as he was; that an honest man he
** had always been ; an honest man he still was, and an
'* honest man he would ever remain." Mr. Wm. Wick-
ham and Mr. James Wick ham, the two principal land-
owners in the neighbourhood, gave him, as they before had
given his brother, the best of characters. Mr. Enos Did-
DAMS did the same; the jury most strongly recommended
him to mercy ; but, like his brother, he was condemned to
death, and transported for life. Always when these Masons
were tried, up came the story about the Brighton petition !
When Mr. Enos Did dams was examined, they asked
him about the meetings at Sutton Scotney ; and Wilde
asked whether they did not meet once a w^eek to read a
certain weekly publication. The infamous Times news-
paper, which from first to last sought the blood of these
people, represented Mr. Diddams as having said that the
sovereign people sent a petition to the King, and that sove-
reign people subscribed seventeen shillings to carry the man
to Brighton. The same bloody newspaper endeavoured to
make the public believe that the riots in Hampshire had
been instigated by me. It constantly connected my name
with these transactions : and when men were going to be
hanged, it was observed, that they '^ did not confess their
connexion with Cobbett and Carlile.** Mr. Diddams
and others were very closely questioned about the certain
•weekly publication read by the Masons to a company of
labourers at Sutton Scotney. I know that there was a
regular canvass amongst the prisoners in the jail at Win-
chester, to find out whether any one would acknowledge
that he was acquainted with me, or had been influenced or
instigated by me. I know that this canvass was carried ou
1st JULY, 1832. ^ 277
by a church-parson : and I know that that parson has since
got a good fat church -living, with regard to which, God
willing, as well as with regard to other church-livings, I
shall have, not to say something, but to do something, one
of these days. Just at the same time the curate of CroW'
hurst was at work, upon the soul of a poor fellow^ who had
set five fires with his own hand, and who, by confessing
against me, saved his life; though Henry Cooke, of
MiCHELDEVER, was hanged for striking BiNGHAar
Baring without doing him any harm ai all. The con-
spiracy was at thaf time going on against me ; from the
effects of which conspiracy I was in a great measure pre*
served by the excellent conduct of the people of Battle
and the neighbourhood, whose goodness T never shall forget,
and amongst whom I should have spent the day devoted to
the reform festival, had not the labourers of Hampshire
suflferedso much more, and had not the remains of Henry
Cooke lain buried near to the spot whereon we shall keep
the festival.
The profligate and bloody people who conduct The
Times newspaper, were at the time I am speaking of ever-
lastingly engaged in efforts to prepare the public mind for
my destruction. I had no means of counteracting their
eflforts 'y and innumerable persons really believed that I was
at the bottom of all those aiBFairs which were called " riots /^
but which I have never called riots, and ^ never will. The
truth is, however, that I was an utter stranger to the neigh-
bourhood of Sutton Scotney, which I had never even
passed through but twice in my life. And as to the
Masons, or any other person living in any of those parishes,
I had never known and never heard of any one of them in
my life. Judge of the imbecility as well as the malignity of
the beasts, who could expect to find letters from me in the
cottage of the Masons I Here then I leave this matter
for the present ; but it is only for the present ; for if it
"278 Two-penny Trash;
shall please God to spare my life, and voucJi&afe to me the
use of my senses; and if the people at Manchester, or
any other place, shall think fit to put me into Parliament, I
pledge myself that this is not the last that shall be heard of
Joseph and Robert Mason, and of Henry Cooke.
^ Such is the history of the bearer of the petition to
Brighton. I have heard a great deal about the conduct of
several parties, who had a hand in this transaction, and who
have hugged themselves in the thought of never hearing of it
again. I am not in a situation at present to bring this
matter forward, with proper effect ; but^ unless some very
large improvement upon Baring's Bill should shut me out
of a situation in which I should be able to do it, tlxese par-
ties, who now hug themselves in the thought of their security^
shall find that the sending of the Biighton petitioner across
ihe seas does not preclude an inquiry into the cause of that,
sending.
For the present, however, this is what I shall do with
regard to the Reform-festival. I shall give a dinner at
Sutton Scotney, to all the hundred and seventy-se\^n
men who have not been transported, and who signed the
above petition* When I was at Nottingham, I purchased a
ham that weighed seventy-two pounds, which I have had
properly cured. This ham with two or three fat sheep,
which I will have kille4> shall be the meat for our dinner.
I will have bread baked for the occasion ; and I will have
half a gallon of good strong beer for each man ; Mr. Enos
DiDDAMS, whose name stands at the head of the peti-.
tioners, shall be our chairman ; and we will drink to the
health and speedy return of Joseph and Robert Masox ^
and we will say and do all those other things which, on
such an occasion, will be most meet.
My Reform-festival I will hold on Saturday, the 1th of
July, that being the anniversary of the day in which I de-
feated the liberal prosecution of the Whigs » and on account
. 1st July^ 1832. 279
of which defeat the people of these villages expressed so
much jay. I invite all my personal friends, who live
within a reasonable distance of the spot, to meet m€, and
dine with me at Sutton Scotney on that day, and parti-
cularly friends from Winchester. I invite, also, all the
farmers in the neighbourhood, whether I personally know
them or not ; and I will take that opportunity of giving them
my opinion about the ensuing elections. I shall provide for m]i
guests, the petitioners for parliamentary reform, whose
petition Joseph Mason took to the ** YJ^n^^ most excellent
Majesty*' at Brighton. But as the labourers assembled
will be more numerous than my company, perhaps the
farmers in the neighbourhood may send a sheep or two,
and a bushel or two of flour to bs baked into bread. We
must have tents, or sometliing of that sort. I shall send,
or go down, beforehand, to cause due preparations to be
made. If any one in the county wish to contribute any-
thing towards the entertainment of the labourers on that day,
Be can communicate with Mr. Enos Diddams, of Sutton:
Scotney, who is a very intelligent and trustworthy man.
I intend to send this notification into every part of the
county ; and all my friends in the county, who can afford
to travel to a distance, will confer a personal favour upon me,
by meeting me at the place, and on the day appointed, I
shall be very happy to see all the farmers of the neighbour-
hood present: I am very desirous to lay before them my
view with regard to the tithes ; and I am still more desirous
pf seeing fanners and labourers meet together in harmony,
and to testify towards each other feelings of hearty good-
will. I advise the people of Hampshire not to listen a mo-
ment to any man who will not pledge himself to these;
nor to any man who is, in any way whatever, a receiver of
taxes, or the father or the son of a receiver of taxes. I
told the people in Hampshire, at the county meeting, in
October lafet,that Sir James Macdonald was ^^ pleading
280 ' Two-PEKNY Trash;
for a thumping place i'*^ and he has got the thumping
place ! But he was a greedy eater of the taxes before ; and,
therefore, none but fools have been deceived by him. I
trust, that the people of Portsea, the people of Win-
chester, the people of the whole county, will take care
what they are at with LOAN-MONGERS. Let them
take care of these, above all things ; for these are the most
dangerous of all possible creatures: they have jaws more
grinding than those of death, and a maw more devouring
than hell itself. Wm. COBBETT.
CHOPSTICK FESTIVAL.
2ZdJune, 1832.
As I mentioned in my last, I shall, for reasons there
Stated, hold a festival at Sutton Scotney, seven miles
from Winchester (on the road to Whitchurch), on
the 7th of July. I invite, as my guests, all those who
signed the petition for reform which was carried by Joseph
Mason to be presented to the King at Brighton. I request
Mr. Diddams, of Sutton Scotney, to make this known to
them all, and the list of them all he will find in the pre-
ceding pages ; and most of them must have masters of some
sort or other ; I beg those masters to have the goodness to
give them the day for themselves, which I shall deem an
obligation conferred upon myself. It is not my object, and
it never has been, to set men against their masters ; I have
been a master ever since I was a man ; I was first a master
over soldiers ; and since that I have been a master over
servants; and I have always exacted strict obedience,
while at the same time I have always taken care that the
person to obey obeyed with a full belly. I have long been
warning farmers of their danger. The danger at last came,
and then I was reproached and prosecuted as the cause of
the danger. Why, my father was a farmer, though a small
one 3 I was born and bred up amongst farmers ; I have
I
1st July, 1832. . 281
always delighted in their pursuits ; and how can my feelings
towards them be other than those of good will ? but I can-
not, without abandoning my nature, without forgetting all
that I was taught in my childhood, without setting at nought
every precept and line of the word of God, hold my peace,
while those who create all the food and drink and fuel and
raiment and lodging, are upon the verge of perishing with
hunger and with cold.
I request Mr. Deller, of An cover, to have about a
hundred gallons of good beer at Sutton Scotney, on or
before the 6th of July, and to place it where Mr. Enos
DiDDAMS shall appoint. I will take down, as I said be-
fore, my Nottingham Ham, which weighs seventy
.pounds, and I am sure that there will not want a butcher in
London to give us a couple of fat sheep weighing a hundred
pounds a piece. Half a hundred of flour will make us a
score of plum puddings, and the devil is in it if there is not
a grocer in London who will giye us twenty pounds of plumi?.
There is surely a miller in Hampshire who will send to Mr»
DiDDAMsa couple of bushels of flour, on or before the 3rd of
July, in order that he may get it made into bread. Please God
we will have some corn-puddings, even at the risk of having*
the '^ murraUj or the yellurjanders.'' AVhen I was in the
North, I did not forget the Chopsticks of the hard parishes.
One Yorkshire clothier gave me a pair of blankets for Mrs.
Mason ; another gave me a pair of blanketsfor poor Cooke,
the father of the youth who was hanged for hitting Bing-
ham Baring, and doing him no bodily harm. One ma-
nufacturer of Lancashire gave me cotton to make gowns
for twenty women, and frocks for ten girls, and another
manufacturer of Lancashire printed the cotton. One of
these gowns I shall give to Mrs. Mason of Bulungton,
one to Mrs. Cooke, the mother of poor Henry Cooke of
Micheldever, one to Mrs. Carter of Sutton Scotney,
with two or three frocks for her girls 5 two I shall send>
382* Two-penny TratSUi;
with two pair of cotton stockings, which I got at Notting^^*
ham, and with two bonnet ribands that I got at Coventr^f
to the young women who had their hair cliopped off by the
hired overseer of Ninfield in Sussex, lamenting that I
cannot split myself in two, and do the same thing, in the
neighbourhood of Battle as I am about to do at SuTTaW
ScoTNEY, feeling myself to be under everlasting obligations
to the kind and virtuous people in that neighbourhood, who
I hope wuU be satisfied with the reasons which I have given
for holding my festival at Sutton Scotney. The other
gowns and frocks T shall give to the wives, daughters, or
mothers, of any of the petitioners, who were transported or
any way punished; and I hsreby request Mr. Enos Did-
DAMS to make a list of all these, and to be prepared to
give me his advice as to the distribution.
Besides the above business, and the eating and drinking j
besides the advice which I shall have to give to the farmer*
wpon the subject of the approaching elections, and the ex^
planations that T shall have to give to the labourers, on the
subject of Parliamentar}^ Reform, and as to the manner la
which they will be benefited by it ; besides these, there i&
an important matter for us to settle upon ; namely, the
putting of a tomb -stone over the grave of Henuy Cooke,'
having engraven on it the history of his death, and naming
all the parties, having, in any way whatever, a hand in the
transaction* Simply stating the undeniable facts, leaving
all commentary to the hearts of the beholders.
. I hereby request Mr. Enos Diddams to be thinking
about the practicability of providing tents or covering of
«ome sort. Perhaps it might be best to divide the party^
placing five or six in a house, during the time of dinner,
and drinking after dinner. A considerable party, of course,
could be entertained in the public- houses, if an arrange^
xnent could be made with the innkepers for tlie purpose*
f here naay be many friends come from a distance. I
1st July, 1832. 283
should hope that the farmers hard by would give us stable
room for a short space of time. But I request Mr. Dld-
DAMS to write to me on Sunday aext at the latest, giving:
his opinion as to all these matters. I have received the foU
lowing letter in consequence of my article on the subject
last week : —
Landguard, Isle of IVight^ ISth June^ 1832.
Silt,
In reading your Register to-day, I find it is your inten-
tion to dine with the labourers of Sutton* Scotney, oq
the 7th July, health permitting. I shall do myself the plea-
sure of joining your company. Your ideas with respect to
showing our demonstrations of joy at the defeat of the
borough mongers coincides with ours — the farmers and
tradesmen of the parish of Brading. We have miade a
very liberal subscription for a dinner to be given to all tha
labourers of the parish, to take place on Brading down^
next Wednesday. Of course we^ the farmers, will dine
with them, and will take the opportunity of explaining to
them the nature of this great measure,
I remain, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Richard Smith.
This is what the farmers are doing in a great many places,
and it is what they will do everywhere, where wisdom and
and justice prevail in their breasts. At Battle and the
neighbourhood they have raised a hundred pounds for the
purpose ! And am I at last destined to behold that which I
have been as anxious for almost as for the preservation of
wy life ; namely, to see the employers and the employed
cordially reconciled to one another, all being convinced that
their interests are mutual and inseparable ? We shall have
a goodly company, I dare say, at Sutton Scotney;
and I trust that we shall so act our part as to put our inso-
284 Two-penny Trash ;
lent enemies to the blush. I beseech the electors of Hamp-
shire, and particularly of Winchester, not to promise
their votes to anybody till after the Sutton Scotney
festival. Wm. COBBETT.
BILL
TO AUTHORIZE THE
SALE OF DEAD BODIES.
Kensington, 25th June, 1832.
My Friends, — This horrid Bill is again before the
House of Lords. To day my jaetition (inserted below)
against it will, I hope, be presented to the Lords ; for
I sent it for that purpose to the Bishop of London,
yesterda)^, at his palace at Fulham, where he was when
the petition was delivered. I beg you to read this
petition with attention. Mind, this is a thing in which
you are all most deeply interested ; and the House of
Lords will now soon decide, whether you and your
parents and wives and children, be, after death, to
sleep quietly in your graves, or whether you be to be
sold and cut up, like dogs and horses.
^ . TO THE
RT. HON. THE LORDS SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL IN
PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED.
The petition of William CobbetTj of Kensington, in the
county of Middlesex,
Most humbly shows,
That your petitioner perceives, thatthereis again abill before your
Right Honourable House, which niU make it legal to be possessed
of dead human bodies, to cut them up, without the sanction of any
court of justice, and even to seU aud traffic in them, as in the car-
casses of the beasts that perish.
That your humble petitioner has too high an opinion of the un-
derstanding and of the sincerity of your lordships to believe, that
you will not at once perceive aud to avow that this horrid traffic
must necessarily be confined to the bodies of the poor, seeing
that those of the rich will never be exposed to any of the causes
from which that traffic must arise ; and, being of that opinion, he
hopes that your lordships will not agree to a bill, which, if it
1st July, 1832. 285
were, unliappily, to become a lavr, would fill the minds^of the poorer
part of the people with inextinguishable resentment ao^ainst those,
to respect and reverence whom they have hitherto been cordially
disposed.
That it is with inexpressible disgust that your petitioner has
beard this horrible bill justified on the score of wiiat its defenders
have dared to call humanity y pretending that, without allowing a
free trade in human bodies, the Legis'ature has no means of pre-
venting such bodies from being killed for sale ; that, in answer
to this hypocritical pretence, the poorer part of the people observe,
that the law has always found the effectual means of protecting the
dead bodies of cattle, sheep, swine, and poultry, of punishing with
death the purloiners of those bodies ; and that your lordships have,
alas ! passed laws (which are still in force) for transporting beyond
the seas, men having, in the night-time, and in or near a cover,
the dead body of a hare, pheasant, or partridge, in their possession.
That the poorer part of the people thus see, that even whea
these wild and insignificant animals, these mere objects of the
sports of the rich, are to be guarded ; when new poor-laws,
new trespasses, new misdemeanours, new felonies, new treasons,
new and more severe modes of imprisonment and punishment, are
to be enacted ; that, w^hen to tax, to restrain, or to punish them,
is the object, there is no want of power in the Legislature ; and that
it becomes important only when called upon to yield thenvprotec-
tion ; and your humble petitioner begs to be permitted to assure
your lordships, that the people clearly perceive all this, and that
the ultimate conse«|uences of that perception, especially if this
act, authorizing an open trailic in their bodies, were to become a
law, must of necessity be such as your lordships, above all
men, would have reason most bitterly to deplore.
That, with regard to the assertion, that this horrible profanation
of the tomb is necessary to the perfection of surgical and medical
science, while your humble petitioner firmly believes the contrary
to be the fact, and is fully warranted in that belief, not only by
the experience of all former ages, but by the declarations of the
most eminent surgeons and physicians of our own day ; while he is
convinced that ignorance, and not science, is promoted and kept
in countenance by this cutting up of human bodies ; while it is
his firm conviction, that this butcher-like practice does not at all
tend to the preservation of human life, he hopes that your lord-
ships, and more especially the lords spiritual, will see, eveu in
the affirmative of that proposition, no justification of the proposed
measure, and he confidently trusts that the Most Reverend and
Right Reverend members of your Right Honourable House will
never give their assent to a bill, which has a direct and manifest
tendency to root from the minds of men those religious opinions,
which make a distinction between the future state of human
beings and that of brutes, and which opinions can never long
continue to exist after the sanction of your lordships shall have
been given to this brutalizing bill.
That all nations, even the most barbarous, have shown respect
for the remains of the dead ; that the Holy Scriptures invariably
speak of the rites of burial as being honourable, and of the refusal
t
286 Two-PENifY Trash ;
of those rites as on infamous punishment and si g-nal disgrace ; that
in the 15tli chap, of Genesis, ISth verse, it is recorded, that amongst
the gracious promises that God made to Abraham, on account of
his faith, one was that he should he buHed in a good old age : that
Davjd (2 Samuel, chap. ii.), when the men of Jabesh-Gilead had
burijed Saul, blessed them for their kindness, and said the Lord
would reward them ; that the Psalmist, iu describing the desolation
of Jerusalem by the hands of the heathen, says that these latter
had given the dead bodies of the Israelites to be meat unto the fowls
of the heavens, that they shed their blood like v«ater, and that there
was none to bury them, which, he adds, has made the Israelites a
reproach to the other nations; that in Ecclesiastes, chap vi.,
verse 3, it is said, that if a man have ever so prosperous and long a
life, il' he have no burial he had better never have been born ; that
we find by Ezekiel, chap, xxxix., that even enemies were to be
buried, and that if a human bone was found above ground, it was
to be deemed a duty to inter it; that the prophet Isaiah, chap.xiv.,
says that the King of Babylon shall be kept out of the grave, like
an abominable branch, and shall not be buried, because he has been
a tyrant; that the prophet Jeri:mi ah, chap. vii. and viii., at the
conclusion of a long and terrible denunciation against the Jews,
tells them that they shall not be gathered nor be buried, and that
they shall be as dung upon the face of the earth ; that the same
prophet, chap, xiv., says, that the people who listen to false prophets
shall die of famine and the sword, and shall have none to bury them ;
that the same prophet, chap, xvi., foretelling the ruin of the
Jews, says that they shall die of grief, that they shall not
be lamented, neither shall they be buried, but shall be as
dung upon the face of the earth ; that the same prophet,
chap, xxii., pronounces judgment on Jehoiakim, kiijg of
Judah, for covetousness,for shedding innocent blood, for oppression
and violence, that he shall be buried with the burial of an asSy
drawn and cast before the gates of Jerusalem ; that in the New
Testament, we find that devout men carried Stephen to his burial ;
and finally, that by our own burial-service and canons we are
taught, that to be buried in consecrated ground is a right belong-
ing to every person who has been baptized, who is not, at the hour
of death, excommunicated, and who has not killed him or herself.
That seeing that such is the language of Holy Writ, your hum-
ble petitioner has waited until now, hoping that the bill in question
would be zealously and effectually. oppi)sed by the clergy of the
Established Church ; that if human bodies can be legally sold and
cut up into pieces, without any detriment to our faith, our hope,
our religious feeling ; if no burial-service is at all necessary in
these cases ; if this be told to the people by this bill, it is manifest,
that that same people will not long think that the burial-service
can in any case be necessary, and that they will, in a short time, look
upon all other parts of the church-service as equally useless ; be-
cause as your petitioner presumes, there is no j^round whatever for
believing in the sacredness of one rite or ceremony any more than
in that of another, and that, of course, if the Burial of the Dead
can be dispensed with, so may Haptism, Confirmation, Marriage,
and the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
Ut July, 1832. 287
That, if this sacrilegious bill were to become a law, your bumble
petitioDer would beg leave to ask, what the people must, in future,
think of the ceremony of the consecrating of ground ; what of any
part of the things ordered and enjoined in the Book of Commou
Prayer ; and especially, what of the fees, which have for ages beeti^
and which are still, paid for saying prayers over the bodies of the
dead? That, in England and VVales, there are more than tea
thousand church benefices with care of souls; that those, who are
charged with this care, have hitherto taught us, that that care requires
the due performance of the burial service, and justifies the demand
of fees for that performance; that it is as well for morals and reli-
gion that our bodies be sold and cut up, as that they be buried in
consecrated ground with the usual eolemities, or it is not as well ;
that, if the latter, the intended law is injurious to morals and reli-
gion ; that, if the former, well may we ask, to what end, for what
purpose, we have been enjoined to perform the burial service, and
have been compelled to pay burial fees, for so many ages ?
That the horror of the poorer sort of people at the practices
which are authorized by this bill, and their conviction that they
themselves are principally the/>bjects of it, are clearly and strongly
evinced in the fact, that they have all over England formed them-
selves into clubs for the purpose of providing the means of watching
the graves of each otlier and those of their near and dear relations,
a factto their everlasting honour, and showing that amongst them,
at any rate, human feelings have not yet been banished from the
breast; that, however, your humble petitioner hopes, that your
Right Honourable House, who are their natural guardians, and who
have in so many cases been their defence against sordid and un-
feeling measure^, will now come to their relief and protection ; and
that, to this end, you will not only reject the brutal bill aforesaid,
but that you will be pleased to pass a bill, making it felony in any
person whatever to have a dead body in his or her possession, ex-
cept for the usual purpose of Christian burial, or except the posses-
sion be founded on a sentence agreeably to law, passed in a court
of justice.
And your petitioner will ever pray,
^ Kensington, 23 June, lfe32. Wm. COBBETT.
"^ PLEDGES
TO BE GIV^K BY MEMBERS CHOSEN TOR THE
REFORMED PARLIAMENT.
The citizens of London have, upon this important sub-
ject, adopted the following resolutions, of which they
recommend the adoption by all the counties and all the
BOROUGHS, and which recommendation will, I hope, be
strictly attended to :^—
Resolved, 1st. That for one man to represent another,
288 Two-penny Trash.
means that he is to act for that other, and in a manner
agreeably to his wishes and instructions.
2nd. That members chosen to be representatives in
Parliament ought to do such things as their constituents
>vish and direct them to do,
3rd. That, therefore, it appears to this meeting, that
those to whom the law now commits the sacred trust of
the power of choosing members, who are to represent their
non-voting neighbours as well as themselves, ought to be
scrupulously careful to choose no man on whom firm re-
liance cannot be placed, that he will obey the wishes and
directions of his constituents.
4th. That, in order to obtain the best possible ground
of such reliance, every candidate ought to give the pledges
following ; to wit,
That I will neglect nothing in my power to cause, in
the very first session, a total abolition of the tithes, a re-
peal of the assessed taxes, the taxes on malt, hops, and
soap ; and these having been repealed, I pledge myself to
the immediate consideration of a revision of the Corn Bill 5
and I ifurther pledge myself to do everything within my
power to cause the abolition of all sinecures and un-
merited pensions, and a repeal of that daring act of usur-
pation called the Septennial Act : and I will, at all times
and in all things, act conformably to the wishes of a ma-
jority of my constituents, deliberately expressed 5 or I will,
at their request, resign to them the trust with which they
have honoured me.
5. That we, the electors of the City of London, pledge
ourselves to each other and to our country, that we will
give our votes to no man who will not give the above
pledges, and that we earnestly recommend to our fellow-
electors, in every part of the kingdom, to make, and
strictly to adhere to, the same determination.
Printed by Wm. Cobbett, Jobnson's-court, Fleet-street.
.;5
■.^.m
^U'"':..^.^'-^.^^
7^'
yt^'
/
I